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I. The avapfjioi oy/coi of Heraclides and Asclepiades ... 5 


II. The Etymology of Sanskrit Puny a- 23 


III. On Certain Euphonic Embellishments in the Verse of 

Propertius 31 


IV. Race Mixture in Early Rome 63 


V. The Major Restrictions on Access to Greek Temples . . 83 


VI. An Interpretation of Ranae, 788-790 93 


VII. Some Questions of Plautine Pronunciation 99 


VIII. Scaenica 109 


IX. Lucilius and Persius 121 


X. On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 151 


XI. <J>v<ris, /ueAeVfy eTriar?///,^ 185 



I. Programme of the Baltimore Meeting v 

II. Minutes ix 

III. Abstracts 

1 . The Use of wore in Biblical Greek compared with the 

Hebrew xvi 


2. The Theological Utility of the Caesar Cult xvii 


3. Two Notes on the Latin Present Participle .... xviii 



4. Quintilian on the Status of the Later Comic Stage . . xxi 


5. The Local Allusion in Euripides . xxii 


6. Some New Material dealing with the Classical Influence 

on Tennyson . xxii 


7. The Latest Dated Inscription from the Site of Lavinium xxv 


8. The Treatment of Time in the Aeneid ... . xxvi 


9. The First Steps in the Deification of Julius Caesar . . xxvii 


10. Phases of the Diminutiv Suffix -ka in the Veda . . . xxviii 


11. The Evolution of the Saturnian Verse xxix 


12. The Range and Character of the Philological Activity 

of America xxxviii 


13. The Theory of the Worship of the Roman Emperors . xxxix 


14. Conflicting Terminology for Identical Conceptions in 

the Grammars of Indo-European Languages ... xl 


15. The Final Monosyllable in Latin Prose and Poetry . . xliii 


1 6. The Classical Element in XVIth Century Latin Lyrics . xliv 

17. Catullus, 66, 77-78 xlviii 


1 8. Emendations, with a New Interpretation of Aeschylus, 

Prometheus, 791-792 xlviii 


19. A Poetical Source of Tacitus, Agricola, 12, 4 . . . . xlix 


20. Pompeian Illustrations to Lucretius li 


21. Cicero ak Officiis, n, 10 li 

22. The Dramatic Satura among the Romans lii 


23. Aristophanes in the XVth Century Ivi 


Contents 3 

24. Three-eight and Other Analyses of Logaoedic Forms . Ivii 

25. Aryan Root Vowels, A Query Ix 


26. On the Eight-book Tradition of Pliny's Letters in Verona Ixii 


27. The Article in the Predicate in Greek Ixiii 


28. Note on Tacitus, Histories, n, 40 . Ixiv 


29. The House-door in Greek and Roman Religion and Lore Ixvi 


30. The Story of a Grease Spot Ixviii 


31. Notes on the Pompeian Election-Notices Ixx 


32. Early Mediaeval Commentaries on Terence, Addendum Ixxii 


33. On the Use of the Sign of Interrogation in Certain 

Greek Mss Ixxiii 


34. The Distribution of the Roles in the New Menander . Ixxv 


35. Sicca Mors, Juvenal, 10, 113 Ixxvi 


36. The Pronunciation of <;, g, and v in Latin Ixxviii 


37. Certain Linguistic Tests for the Relative Antiquity of 

the Iliad and the Odyssey Ixxxiii 


38. The Effect of Enclitics on Latin Word Accent in the 

Light of Republican Prose Usage Ixxxiii 


39. Macrobius and the Dusk of the Gods Ixxxv 


40. The Genitive in Livy Ixxxvii 


41. The Etruscan aisar, ais, alo-oi Ixxxviii 


I. Programme of the Philological Association of the Pacific Coast xc 

II. Minutes . xcii 

4 Contents 

III. Abstracts 

1. Notes on the History of the Doctrine of Poetic Justice . xcv 


2. Graphical Analysis of the Siamese " Tones " .... xcv 


3. The Identity of the Child in Virgil's Pollio : an After- 

word xcvii 


4. Notes on Elision in Greek xcvii 


5. The Expression of Certain Categories of Abstract 

Thought in Villehardouin, Commines, and Michelet xcviii 

6. Some Forms of Interrogative Thought in Plato . . . xcix 


7. Specimen Venetic and Etruscan Inscriptions .... c 


8. Sources of the Legend of Floire and Blanchefloir . . c 


9. On a Use of So/co> ci 


10. The Evidence of the Monuments for the Dress of Roman 

Women ci 


1 1 . Chapelain's Manuscript of the Sentiments of the French 

Academy on the Cid . . . cii 


12. The Use of the Word IXao-Trjpiov in Rom. iii, 25 and 

Heb. ix, 5 cii 


13. Venice Preserved ciii 


Index (a select index to articles and abstracts in this volume) . .- cv 

Bibliographical Record cix 

Officers of the Association, 1909-1910 cxxii 

Members, List of cxxiii 

Libraries, Institutions, and Journals, List of cxl 

Constitution cxliii 

Administrative Resolutions exlv 

Officers of the Association, 1869-1910 cxlvi 

Publications cxlviii 

Appendix Indices to Volumes XXXI-XL 1-44 





I.-- The avapfJLoi oytcoi of Heraclides and Asclepiades 


HERACLIDES of Heracleia in Pontus, a disciple of Plato, 
and Asclepiades of Prusa, a physician of the Ciceronian age, 
proposed a form of corpuscular theory of matter, which, after 
much discussion, 1 is still a subject of many doubts. Some of 
these I hope to clear up in the course of this paper. 

The first question relates to our sources of information - 
the doxographic tradition. Two points appear to be above 
suspicion ; namely, that these thinkers propounded essentially 
identical theories of the constitution of matter, Asclepiades 
appropriating the doctrine of his predecessor ; and that they 
were agreed in calling the molecules avap^oi oy/coi. Beyond 
this, almost everything may be said to be doubtful, since 
conflicting testimony may be cited on almost every point. 
We cannot hope to make any progress, therefore, without 
first determining the relative value and credibility of our 

To begin with Heraclides, the testimony to his philosophi- 
cal doctrine is rather meagre ; but in recent years there has 
been put forward a theory which, if verified, would consider- 

1 On Heraclides there is an excellent work : Otto Voss, de Heradidis Pontici 
Vita et Scriptis (Rostock Diss. ), Rostochii, 1896. 1 have failed to procure Chr. 
W. Gumpert, Asclepiadis Bitkyni Fragmenta, Vinariae, 1794. The work of Hans 
v. Vilas, Der Arzt und Philosoph Asklepiades von Bithynien, Wien und Leipzig, 
1903, is wholly unsatisfactory. Zeller's account of these philosophers is peculiarly 
unfortunate. The treatment of Asclepiades in Susemihl, Gesch. der gr, l.itt. in 
der Alexandrinerzeit, n, 428 fif., is in its way admirable. 


6, W. A. Heidel [1909 

ably extend our knowledge of it. This theory, most fully 
elaborated by Paul Tannery, 1 is that the Pythagorean Ecphan- 
tus of Syracuse, represented in the doxographic tradition as 
the propounder of an atomic theory, was only a dialogi per- 
sona in the Ile/ot </>ucreo)? of Heraclides. 

I do not propose to repeat the argument of Tannery, which 
seems to me in itself conclusive, 2 but rather to supplement it 
with another which is equally if not more convincing. If we 
piece together the statements attributed to Ecphantus and 
Heraclides touching their molecular theory, we discover that 
they present a doctrine which is in almost every essential 
particular the counterpart of the views attributed to Asclepia- 
des. Thus Ecphantus is described as in pyschology a sensa- 
tionalist ; 3 and the same view is ascribed to Asclepiades. 4 
The teaching of Heraclides on this head is not reported, nor 
is his view concerning the existence of empty space ; but in 

1 See Paul Tannery, " Ecphante de Syracuse," Archiv fur Gesch. der Philoso- 
phic, XI (1898), 263-269. M. Tannery was apparently not aware that the same 
conjecture had been made two years earlier by Otto Voss, de Heradidis Pontici 
Vita et Scriptis, Rostock, 1896, p. 64. According to Voss, Hicetas also is to be 

regarded in the same light as Ecphantus ; but by parity of reasoning Philolaus 
might be claimed as belonging to the same class, since the two points of doctrine 
attributed to Hicetas are also ascribed to Philolaus. It is best to dissociate the 
personalities. So far as concerns Hicetas, he should be considered rather with 
reference to the great interest in jp^/j,ara in Alexandrine times. On this see 
Brusskern, de Kerum Inventarum Scriptoribus Graecis, Bonn, 1864. 

2 The forged writings of Ocellus and Timaeus are a part of the same campaign 
to claim everything for the Pythagoreans. Probably neither was a real character; 
the latter, however, was helped to a seemingly historical existence by Aristotle's 
occasional method of quoting the Timaeus of Plato ; e.g. de Anima 4o6 b 26 6 Tt- 
fjiaios (pva-ioXoye? TTJV ^VXTJV Kiveiv rb ffw/j.a (cp. Plato, Tim. 34 A, 36 C), and 
de Sensu 437 b 15 &<rirep 6 Tfy-icuos A^yet (cp. Tim. 45 D). This suggests how 
Ecphantus and possibly Hicetas might come, in the course of uncritical excerpt- 
ing, to be regarded as historical persons. 

3 Hippol. Refut. I, 15 (Diels, Dox., 566, ll) 07; /JLTJ eivai dXydivijv TU>V 8vTwv 
Xa/3e?j/ yv&ffiv, oplfav de ws vo^L^eLv (giving the text of Diels, Vorsokr?, 265, 29 ff.). 

* Sextus Empir., adv. Math. VII, 201 8rt yap eyevovrb rives rb TOLOVTO d&ovvres, 
TTpoviTTOv ireTTotrjKev Avrloxos 6 dirb TTJS 'A/caS^^as, tv devrtpy rdov KavoviK&v pyT&s 
ypd-fias ravra " &\\os 8t rts, v laTpiKrj /jv ovSevbs 5evTpos, aTrrd/Mevos 5t Kal 
<pi\o(TO(t>Las, eireidero ras fj^v al<r6T?i<reis dvrw Kal a\-r)6us avTiX^ets eivai, \6ytf) de 
Xws i)/j.ds KaTa\afj.f3dveiv." I'ot/ce yap 8id TOIJTWV 6 'Avrloxos . . = 'A<TK\riTrtd- 
rbv larpbv aivlTTe<rdat, avaipovvra fj.ev rb i)ye/j.oviK6v, Kara de rbv avrbv 

Vol. xl] The avappoi oytcoi of Heraclides and Asclepiadcs 7 

regard to this later point Ecphantus and Asclepiades are once 
more in agreement. 1 

We cannot now complete this comparison of the two groups 
of opinions, the relation of which will become clear as we 
study the doxographic tradition. To this we must now turn 
and begin with Asclepiades. Our earliest authorities for his 
teachings date from the end of the second century A.D. They 
are Galen and Sextus Empiricus, each of whom claims to 
have written at considerable length on Asclepiades. 2 As nei- 
ther treatise has been preserved, we are here dependent on 
other works of these authors ; yet in view of the presumptive 
familiarity of these writers with the thought of Asclepiades, 
we are naturally predisposed to accept their testimony. From 
Galen, if we except works certainly or presumably spurious, 3 
we learn little of the corpuscular theory of Asclepiades. It 
amounts practically to this : that he posited molecules and 
void 4 as the foundation of existence ; that he called the mole- 
cules avap/Jioi oyicoi 5 and gave the name of Trdpoi 6 to the void 
intervals between them ; that the theory of Asclepiades, 

1 For Ecphantus, see Aetius, I, 3, 19 {Dox. 286 b 7). For Asclepiades, see 
Sextus Empir., adv. Math. VIII, 22O A.<rK\T)irid5ri 5 ws evcrrdveus vor}T&v ftyKuv ev 
voyrois dpaui)fjLa<riv and ib. Ill, 5 vorjrot rives ev TJ/MV irbpoi. The irbpoi are defi- 
nitely stated to be void by Galen, de Usu Partium VI, 13 (ill, 470 K.) &v ovdev 
otfr' eylyvuffKev 'Ao-TcXT/TriaS^s otir , etirep Hyvw, Svvarbv ^v avrip ras air fas e^evpeiv 
ets 6yKovs Kal Kevbv dvdyovn r&v yi.yvoiJ.evwv airavruv rds dpxds ; de Simplic. 
Medic. A. 14 (XI, 405 K.) eTTiaKeTrreffdai oV, ws etprjrat, /XT/ fj.6vov el iraxvfJi.epri<s 

XeTrr OfMepys rf rdv ^era^o^vwv (papfj.aKuv ovcria, d\X* ei Kal apaia Kal 
\ey(i) drj apaiav 3js ra /u6/)ta diaXa^dverai %c6pats Kevais, eTn.ffrafj.evuv 
dov 8-rj\ov6ri Kal /j.e/j.viifj.e'vuv TTJV ovvlav, 8n ^TJ Kadairep 'Eirt/coi^/XfJ Kal 'A<TK\17- 
doKel, dXX evriv dtpos 7rX?^pr;s ev airaai rots dpaiois (r<*}/j.a<riv TJ Kevr] %wpa. 

2 Cp. Sextus Empir., adv. Math. VII, 202. Is the treatise there mentioned the 
'E/xTreipi/cci (or 'larpi/cd, cp. I, 202) VTro/uvri/j.ara referred to adv. Math. I, 6 1 ? Cp. 
Galen, de Usu Partium, v, 5. His treatise, like that of Sextus, is no longer 

3 Like the Introductio and the Historia Philosophica. 

4 See above, n. I, and below, p. 8, n. 2. 

5 They are called &vap/j,a <r6/j,ara, de Usu Partium, xvn, I (iv, 350 K.) ; cp. 
de Differ. Morbor. (vi, 839 K.) oik o$v ev eari rb r&v fwojj/ crw/xa, KaOdirep $ 
dro/xos TJ 'ETTiKOvpeios ^ r&v dvdpfj.wv ri r&v ' A.(TK\r)7Tiddov. In de Usu Partium, 
XI, 8 (ill, 873 K.) we meet TCUS r 'ETTt/coupe^ots dr6/xoi5 Kal rots 'A<rK\ijTna5elois 

See below, p. 8, n. 2. 
6 Ib. 

8 W. A. Heidel [1909 

equally with that of Epicurus, ruled out the purposive order- 
ing of things by Nature operating to beneficent ends ; 1 and 
that the two views might be practically identified also in 
another regard, inasmuch as both equally excluded the pos- 
sibility of aXXotoxm (qualitative change in the Aristotelian 
sense) in drugs, the drugs being incapable of alienating their 
qualities. 2 

This last statement is especially interesting, since it is ac- 
companied with the remark that Asclepiades merely changed 
the terminology of Epicurus and Democritus, substituting 
OJKOL for arofjioi, and Tropoi for TO icevov ; but in the particular 
application of the passage the fundamental doctrine of the 
Atomists is misrepresented, since, as everybody knows, the 
atoms of Democritus and Epicurus possessed no qualities to 
alienate. We shall presently see that in this case the doc- 
trine of the Atomists is assimilated to that of Asclepiades, 
with which Galen was best acquainted. When assimilation 
occurs in later sources, it is always in the opposite direction, 
assimilation of the doctrine of Asclepiades to that of the 
Atomists. But it is most important to note the fact that 
contamination has already begun, and that Asclepiades is 
supposed merely to have changed terms while holding fast 
to the same opinions. That Galen spoke advisedly of the in- 
defeasible qualities of the molecules of Asclepiades is shown 
by his statement of his doctrine of nutrition, 3 in which, con- 

1 This is the chief ground of Galen's loud complaints, de Usu Partium, V, 5; 
VI, 12, 13 ; xvn, I. Asclepiades, like Epicurus, merely insisted on the natural- 
istic, mechanical interpretation of nature inherited from the pre-Socratics. Galen's 
attempt in this treatise to show that Hippocrates was a teleologist is instructive by 
its very failure. He, if anybody, could make out a case for Hippocrates, assuming 
that there were grounds for taking that view. 

2 Theriac. ad Pison. (XIV, 250 K.) et yJkv yap % drofiov Kara rbv 'ETTIKO^OU 


rbv iarpbv ' A<TK\-r]irid5r)i>. Kal yap euros ctXXdfcts TO, 6v6/j.ara fj.6vov Kal dvrl ^v 
T-Ctv arb^wv TOI)S dty/covs, dvrl d TOV Kevov roi)s Tr6povs \ywv rrjv avrrjv ticetvois TU>P 
6vr<av oftptav eivai f3ov\6/j,vos ' el/cirrus civ (>ej> dyaXXoicora ra <fidpfj.aKa, KarA. 
-rrecrdai. ^776' 6'Xajs f^l<rra<rdai rrjs avr&v Troi6Tir)Tos SvvdfMeva. 

3 Definit. Medic. XCIX (xix, 373 K.) ol d <? w^Qiv e(f>a<rav ras dvad6<rei$ yt- 

, wairep Kal ' AcrKXyTridSys 6 T$i6vv6s. This same doctrine is ascribed to 
Asclepiades by Galen, ib. p. 379 and XV, 247 ; by Caelius Aurelianus, A.M. I, 14, 
pp. 42 and 44, and by Celsus, I, praef. p. 4 Acceduntque Asclepiadis aemuli, qui 

Vol. xl] The avapfjioi oy/coi of Heraclides and Asclepiades 9 

trary to the Aristotelian doctrine of the assimilation of foods, 
involving aXXotWt? or the alienation of qualities, 1 Asclepiades 
maintained the undigested (raw) distribution of the finely 
divided particles of food to the several parts of the organism. 
Sextus Empiricus was, like Galen, a physician, and doubt- 
less wrote somewhat later. He shows an acquaintance with 
the writings of Asclepiades, but his hold on the distinctive 
doctrines of the physician was less firm. In his extant works 
he regards him chiefly as a philosopher, and where he mis- 
represents his doctrine it is in the direction of assimilating it 
to that of the Atomists. Sextus presents three tables of the 
doctrines of philosophers, which constitute one of the most 
perplexing problems in the doxographic literature. 2 The first 

omnia ista vana et supervacua esse proponunt : nihil enim concoqui, sed crudam 
materiam, sicut assumpta est, in corpus omne diduci. In this Asclepiades fol- 
lowed the lead of Erasistratus (cp. Susemihl, Gesch. der gr. Lilt, in der Alexan- 
drinerzeit, I, 806, nn. 151, 152), who in turn reproduced the doctrine of 
Anaxagoras. See Diels, Vorsokr.? 303, 45, and Zeller, I, 987, n. I. 

1 Perhaps the most succinct definition of digestion from the Aristotelian point 
of view, which is shared by Galen, is in [Arist.J Probl. xn, 7, goj & 18 TJ yap irtyis 
dXXolucris ten TOV TTCTTO^VOV. There is a subtle alchemism at work in the body 
which ' assimilates ' foods, of whatever quality, to the several parts of the body, 
which are thereby nurtured and augmented. The Aristotelian doctrine of d\\ot- 
uxris in this, as in other points, appealed strongly to Galen and others who were 
under the influence of Aristotle and the Stoics. The doctrine of Asclepiades, 
Erasistratus, and Anaxagoras was also the doctrine of Hippocrates, according to 
whom the elemental substances preserved in the body the selfsame 86i>afj.LS (qual- 
ity) which they possessed before entering into its composition. See Hippocrates, 
IT. 0tf(nos avOpdirov, 3 (vi, 38 Littre). That Empedocles held the same opinion 
is a reasonable inference from what we learn of the blood in his system (Theo- 
phrastus, de Sensu, 10) as the vehicle of rpoQ-f) in the body, and of the function 
of water (not the elemental water, but water considered as a mixture of the 
elements) in the nutrition of plants. It is interesting to note how purely me- 
chanical explanations, even of vital processes, appear so soon as any definite view 
is proposed. The 'subtle alchemy of life ' is not a primitive conception, as some 
have fancied, who have attributed it to the early lonians under the specious but 
(to them) unmeaning names of 'dynamism' or 'vitalism.' These conceptions 
are rightly associated with alchemy, which drew its inspiration from the mysteri- 
ous and indefinable dXXo/oxm of Aristotle. 

' 2 Diels has touched upon it lightly in his Doxographi Graeci, 248 ff. He 
there points out the relation existing between Sextus Empir. Hypot. m, 30-32 
and adv. Math. IX, 359 ff., and between these on the one hand and the tables 
preserved by [Galen] Histor. Philos. c. 18 and [Clement] Recogn. VIII, 15 on the 
other. He does not discuss the third table of Sextus Empir., adv. Math, x, 

io W. A. Heidel [1909 

table 1 divides philosophers into two groups, the first positing 
corporeal, the second incorporeal elements. The second 
group comprises the Pythagoreans, with their numbers (apid- 
/W), the mathematicians, with their limits of bodies (TO, 
Trepara TWV aw/jLarcov), and the Platonists, with their Ideas 
(ISeai). The second table 2 contains in general the same list 
of names, with certain omissions and additions, 3 arranged 
in approximately the same order ; but there is no distinction 
made between those who posited corporeal, and those who 
posited incorporeal elements. Indeed, the omission of the 
Platonists and the substitution of Strato, with his qualities 
(TroLOTrjres), at the end of the table, gives to it an entirely 
different character from that of the first table, and probably, 
as we shall see, led to the supposition that the numbers of the 
Pythagoreans, like the ' qualities ' of Strato, were corporeal.* 

310 ff., though it greatly complicates the problem. I am inclined, with Diels, to 
regard many of the differences between Hypot. ill, 30-32 and adv. Math. IX, 359 
as due to the additions of Sextus ; but the division of the latter table into two 
groups and the omission of Strato (or rather, perhaps, the addition of Strato to 
the former table) are intimately connected. But, if that be so, can we attribute 
this change to Sextus ? See below, n. 4. The analytical table, adv. Math, x, 
310 ff., is probably the work of Sextus. The error in regard to Heraclides and 
Asclepiades, noted below, can hardly be supposed to date from an earlier period. 

1 Adv. Math. IX, 359 ff. 

2 Hypot. in, 30-32. Diels has well shown how closely parallel this table runs 
to [Galen] Histor. Philos. c. 18 and [Clement] Recogn. vm, 15, and has traced 
it to a Stoic source, which he dates between Seneca and the Antonines. Perhaps 
the way in which Sextus alludes to the &TTOIOS \)\-t\ of the Stoics {Hypot. in, 31 ; 
cp. adv. Math, x, 312) tends to confirm his conclusion. I may add here that the 
failure to distinguish in this table (as in the first) between corporeal and incor- 
poreal elements may have been in part responsible for the attribution of ' ideas ' 
to Democritus in Pseudo-Clement (see Diels, Dox., 251); for in our first table 
Plato's id tat are mentioned (though omitted in the second), and in Pseudo- 
Clement Plato appears only as postulating the four elements : " ignem, aquam, 
aerem, terrain." 

3 On these see Diels, DOJC., 249 ff. 

4 See above, n. 2, for Democritus and his "ideas." Here we may note 
that the "limits of bodies," regarded as the elements of the /j.adr)/j.aTiKoi they 
are omitted by Pseudo-Clement naturally suggested something corporeal. The 
numbers of the Pythagoreans were, I think, unquestionably corporeal, and so 
Aristotle regarded them. See my article " Utpas and "Aireipov in the Pythagorean 
Philosophy," Archiv fur Gesch. der Philos., XIV (1901), 384-399, and Burnet, 
Early Greek Philosophy? 337 ff. Burnet, whose latest statement is much in- 

Vol. xl] The avapfjiot, ay/coi of Heraclides and Asclepiades 1 1 

The third table 1 is of an entirely different character, 
classifying minutely the elements posited by the several 
philosophers. In the first table Asclepiades is mentioned 
among those whose elements are corporeal as positing avap- 
fjLou oy/coi ; in the second, Heraclides and Asclepiades occur 
with their avappoi oy/cot, and the statement is added that their 
elements are frangible and qualitatively determined, in evi- 
dent agreement with the view of Anaxagoras, who ' attributed 
every sensible quality to his 6/jLoio/jLepeiai ' ; 2 in the third, 
Anaxagoras, Democritus, Epicurus, Heraclides, and Ascle- 
piades are classed among those who posited elements infinite 
in number ; but a sharp distinction is drawn between their 
respective views, Anaxagoras being contrasted with the others 
on the ground that his elements were qualitatively like the 
things begotten of them, whereas the other group of philoso- 

debted to my article, makes it seem probable that the Pythagoreans called their 
solid units 6yicoi. But this fact had quite dropped out of the consciousness of 
these late epitomists. If, therefore, as seems probable, they invented the doc- 
trine of Ecphantus, it was due to some such cause as the uncritical grouping of 
distantly related doctrines. It was a case of the night in which all objects look 
black. In Pseudo-Clement, Strato (for so we should doubtless read, with Diels, 
for C alii stratus}, with his " qualitates," follows immediately after Pythagoras, as 
Strato supplanted Plato in the second table of Sextus. Plato's Ideas were felt to 
be sadly out of place in this company. That this change was due to Sextus, is 
not altogether probable ; as we have seen, Plato is in the list of Pseudo-Clement, 
though there is no mention of his Ideas, unless we look for them in the ' Ideas ' 
attributed to Democritus. 

1 Adv. Math. X, 310 ff. Probably, though not certainly, this table owes its 
origin to Sextus himself, who elsewhere also shows acquaintance with less familiar 
accounts of philosophical doctrines, such as occur repeatedly in tables 3 and I. 
In general the agreement is most palpable between tables 3 and 2. This makes 
all the more striking the contradiction in regard to Asclepiades. 

2 Hypot. Ill, 33 ov 701/3 8r)irov 8vi>r)a6/m.eda Kal rots irepl ' A(TK\r)Tud8T)v <rvyKara- 
rldeffdai, dpavffra elvai. ra <rroixe?a Xtyovvi. Kal iroid, Kal rots wepl Ar)/j.6KpiTov, 
&rofj.a ravra eivai (pd<TKov<ri Kal atroia, Kal rots trepl ', iratrav alff0T)TT]v 
iroidTTfjra irepl rats oyuoto/xepetcus d7ro\eLirov(nv. For Anaxagoras, see above, p. 8, 
n. 3 and p. 9, n. I. While Sextus is clearly somewhat uncertain in his mind as to 
the relation of Asclepiades and Anaxagoras, if he had been sure of his facts he 
would hardly have treated the doctrines of the four men as quite distinct, he 
makes it evident enough that Heraclides and Asclepiades, like Anaxagoras, 
regarded the 67 /cot as qualitatively determined. That the qualities, or Swdnets, 
were indefeasible was shown above, p. 8, n. 3 and p. 9, n. i. We shall presently 
find this same doctrine attributed to Ecphantus. 

12 W. A. Heidel [1909 

phers regarded the elements as qualitatively unlike the things 
begotten of them, though they differed among themselves in 
that Democritus and Epicurus considered their aro/jboi as indi- 
visible (ajraOfj), while Heraclides and Asclepiades considered 
their avap^oi oj/cot as divisible (TraOrjrd). 1 

Here then we find a flat contradiction ; in the second table 
the oyicot are described as qualitatively determined and as 
congeners to the o/Aoio/jLepeiai of Anaxagoras, while in the 
third they are grouped with the qualitatively indeterminate 
atoms of Democritus and Epicurus and contrasted with the 
ofjiOLo/jiepeiai of Anaxagoras. Whatever may have been the 
source of the third table, it is evident that on this point we 
may without hesitation accept the authority of the second, 
backed as it is by the testimony of Galen. There is, there- 
fore, a clear case of contamination in the direction of assimila- 
tion to the doctrine of the Atomists. 2 But Sextus emphasizes 
in both tables the distinction between the indivisible a 

1 Adv. Math. X, 318 j- airelpuv 5' 56j-a<rav T^V T&V irpayfjAruv ytveviv ol 
irepl ' Ava^ay6pav rbv KXafou.^toj' Kal ^.tj^KpLTov Kal 'EirtKovpov Kal &\\oi Tra/x- 
TrXrjflets, dXX' 6 /JLV ' Ava%ay6pas $ ofj-oLuv rots yevvtan-tvois, ol 5 irepl rbv Ar)/j.6Kpi- 
TOV Kal 'TZ-jrltcovpov t dvouoiwv re Kal atrad&v, TOVT^CTTI rdv drb^wv, ol o irepl TOV 

paKXeidrjv Kal ' A.(TK\-qiri.a.OT)v $ avonoiuv fj.v Tra0r)Twv 8t, Kaddirep TWV 
oyuwv. One might be tempted to suspect an error in the text ; but the 
carefully wrought analysis quite excludes that possibility. If, as I believe is 
manifest, there is an error here, it must be charged to Sextus and not to a copy- 
ist. I shall try presently to explain his error. 

2 Comparison with the case of Galen (see above, p. 8, n. 2) suggests that Sextus 
was troubled by the knotty problem of dXXo/wcris. He was clear that the Monists, 
who postulated a single, qualitatively determinate substance, e.g. water, implied 
ctXXo/wo-ts in the development of other things out of their apxtf (cp. adv. Math. 
x, 328). Aristotle had insisted on this. But the means of effecting ciXXotacris 
(according to Aristotle) used by the Atomists were not so clear : indeed, was the 
birth of quality out of the &TTOLOV a clear case of dXXo/uxris at all ? In regard to 
Anaxagoras (and Heraclides and Asclepiades also, apparently) the case was 
further complicated by the conception of tTriKpdreia, according to which certain 
qualities predominating in the fjuypa 'overpowered' others. Was there, or was 
there not, dXXo/oxris here ? Aristotle did not know, though he was fain to think 
there was: was not the irdvra 6/xoO of Anaxagoras a ev ? The elusive concept of 
dXXotaxris, utterly foreign to the pre-Socratics, and disallowed by many in later 
times, wrought sad havoc in the history of Greek thought as recounted by the 
doxographers. On all this see my " Qualitative Change in Pre-Socratic Philoso- 
phy," in Archiv fur Gesch. der Philos. xix (1906), 333-379. 

Vol. xl] The avapfjioi oy/coi of Heraclides and Asclepiades \ 3 

and the frangible or divisible oy/cot, and in other connections 
he refers to the theory of pores, which are, like the OJKOL, too 
small to be seen. The- molecules are eternally in motion, 
and are apparently the basis of a far-reaching system of 
effluences. 1 

By combining the data furnished by Galen and Sextus we 
obtain a tolerably clear view of the corpuscular theory of 
Asclepiades ; but the uncritical contamination of his doctrines 
by assimilation to the Atomic theory, the beginning of which 
we have seen in Sextus, was destined to go much farther. 
By the end of the second or the beginning of the third cen- 
tury the suggestion of Galen that the difference between 
Heraclides and Asclepiades on the one hand and the Atomists 
on the other, is merely one of names, had come to be the 
accepted view. This is stated by Dionysius, 2 Bishop of Alex- 
andria, and the cloak of charity which envelops Democritus, 
Epicurus, Heraclides, and Asclepiades, is sufficiently ample 
to take in also Diodorus Cronus, who posited a/jLeprj o-w/jbara. 
All alike are said to advance a doctrine of strict atomism. 
Only the singular expression avappos 3 remains to distinguish 
the molecule from the atom. Here and there it is still re- 
membered that the molecules are frangible or divisible ; 4 but 

1 Adv. Math. Ill, 5 OUTOJ yovv rpicrlv VTrodfoecri KexpTJffdal (fia/jiev rbv ' A.ffK\-q- 

els KaracTKevrjv TTJS rbv irvperbv ^UTTOIOI/CTTJJ evcrrdtrews, fj.tq, /j.ev 6n vorjrot 
rivts elffiv ev rjfuv trbpoi, [JieyeOei dia<ppovres aXX^Xcoj', Sevrepa de tin irdvrodev 
vypov} Kal irve^^aros CK \6y(p dewpyr&v dyKwv (TWtjpdvicrTai 5t ai&vos avrjpe- 
/j-tfTuv, Tpirr] 5^ STL aScdXenrrol rives e/s r6 forks t i]/j.u>v dirotpopal yivovrat, irore 
/jv irXetovs iror 5^ t\drrovs irpbs rijv ti>e<Trr)Kviav ireplffraffiv. Cp. adv. Math. 
VIII, 220, and Susemihl, op. cit. II, 433, n. 84, and 436, n. 101. 

2 Apud Euseb. P.E. XIV, 23 drb^wvs d elvaL <f>a<riv d/j-^brfpoi. (Epicurus and 
Democritus) Kal \tyecrdai did rrjv &\vrov ffreppbrrfra. oi 5 ray dr6/j.ovs (j<erovo- 
fj.dffa.vres d/j.eprj <pa<riv eivai <r(*)/j.a.ra. rov iravrbs /J.prj e% &v ddiatp^ruv Svrwv ffvvrl- 
deraL rd Trdvra Kal ets A diaXtierai. Kal rotirwv tpavl r&v d(J.ep&v 6vo/j.aroTrotbv 
A,i65(i>poi> (i.e. D. Cronus) yeyovtvat. 8vo/j.a 5^, (f)a<riv, avrols &\\o 'HpaK\eidr)s 
6^/j.evos Kd\e<rev 8yKov$, Trap' o5 Kal 'A<rK\r}Trid5r}S 6 larpbs eK\r]pov6fj.^cre rb 6vop.a. 
Dionysius is engaged in an attack on Epicurus for religious reasons ; Asclepia- 
des and Diodorus Cronus fall equally under the ban, more or les^s on general 

8 This name recurs in the table of [Galen] Histor. Philos. 1 8. 
4 The list of Pseudo-Clement preserves the name dywi, but not the qualifying 
adjective. [Galen] Introd. XIV. 250 K. Kara 5 'A<TK\r]iriddTjv ffroi-^elo. dvdpuirov 

14 W. A. Heidel [1909 

in general this seems to have been ignored. Our fullest 
account of the doctrine of Asclepiades dates probably from 
the turn of the second and third centuries ; and to it we must 
now give our attention. 

It is contained in a medical treatise of Caelius Aurelianus, 1 

67/coi 8pav<TTol KCU Trbpoi. Aetius I, 13, 4 (Diels, Dox. 3i2b 10) 'H/oa/cXe^s 6pat- 
<rfj.ara. The expression Bpaija/j-ara is used also of Empedocles, Aet. I, 13. 1 (J)ox. 
312,3); that these fragments are called b^o(.o^pri (ib. ) is essentially true (see 
above, p. 9, n. I ), though the expression is transferred from the Aristotelian termi- 
nology applied to Anaxagoras. There can be no doubt that in the expression irpb 
T&V aroiyjeluv there is a suggestion of the view that the 6paixr^a.Ta of Empedo- 
cles were analogous to the &TTOIOS v\r) of the Stoics, out of which the <rroixa 
grew by taking on qualities (d\Xota<m ?). I have elsewhere shown that Aristotle 
was tempted to impute this doctrine to Empedocles and Anaxagoras, because he 
rashly assumed the 'v of the ff<pa.1pos and the TTOLVTO. o^ou to be also 8/j,oiov. See 
next note, where a sort of &TTOIOS V\T) is imputed to Asclepiades. The \f/'/jy/j,aTa 
or ^777/idrta attributed (ib.) to Heraclitus are of the same character ; they refer 
to the influents and effluents of the Heraclitic po-fj, typified by avadv/jiiaffis. All 
these 6-yKoi were of course 6pav<rTot, whether the philosophers felt called upon to 
state the fact or not. It was the Eleatic dialectic which made it necessary to affirm 
expressly or to deny the possibility of a TO/J.TJ els A-jreipov. 

1 De Morb. Acut. I, 14 Primordia namque corporis primo constituerat (sc. 
Asclepiades) atomos, corpuscula intellectu sensa, sine ulla qualitate solita atque 
ex initio comitata, aeternum se moventia, quae suo incursu offensa, mutuis ictibus 
in infinita partium fragmenta solvantur magnitudine atque schemate differentia, 
quae rursum eundo sibi adiecta vel coniuncta omnia faciunt sensibilia, vim in 
semet imitationis habentia aut per magnitudinem aut per multitudinem aut per 
schema aut per ordineni. Nee, inquit, ratione carere videtur, qttod nullius fad- 
ant qualitatis corpora. Aliud enim paries, aliud universitatem sequitur ; 
argentum deniqiie album est, sed eius affricatio nigra : caprinum cornu nigrum, 
sed eius alba serrago. . . . Fieri autem vias complexione corpusculorum intel- 
lectu sensas, magnitudine et schemate differentes, per quas succorum ductus solito 
meatu percurrens, si nullo fuerit impedimento retentus, sanitas maneat, impeditus 
vero statione corpusculorum morbos efficiat. The parts italicized deserve a word. 
The clauses ' quae . . . sensibilia ' and ' quod . . . corpora ' imply that when the 
67*01 are shivered they lose all qualitative determination, which they acquire in 
turn by a sort of (rvvepavi(Tfj.6s ; but we know that such was not the belief of 
Asclepiades, whose crw/j-ara were dpavarb KO.I iroid (Sextus Empir. Hypot. Ill, 33). 
This applies not merely to the larger 67*01, but also to the 6pati<rfj.aTa. Indeed 
this is stated in the clause ' Aliud enim partes, aliud universitatem sequitur,' 
and is implied in the illustrations of silver and horn. Similar cases were dis- 
cussed by Anaxagoras (see Zeller, I, 987, n. i), and doubtless the same explana- 
tion was given ; to wit, that every larger 67*0? or mass is a /juyfj,a and has its 
quality determined by the predominant ingredient, and that in certain cases 
(compare the blackness of water and the whiteness of snow in Anaxagoras' 
illustration) the large mass showed a marked difference in (apparent) quality 

Vol. xl] The avappoi OJKOI of Heraclides and Asclepiades \ 5 

who belongs to the fifth century, but translates a treatise of 
Soranus. Its chief characteristic is the extremely uncritical 
way in which contradictory statements are set down side by 
side without any apparent consciousness of their incongruity. 
The elements of Asclepiades are called atoms, corpuscles of 
a size to be apprehended only by the reason, devoid of per- 
manent character, eternally in motion; and are said to meet 
in their career and to be shattered into infinitesimal fragments 
differing in size and shape, which in turn as they proceed to 
reunite, take on all sensible qualities adventitious or perma- 
nent, and possess in themselves the power to change in qual- 
ity according to size, number, shape, and arrangement. 1 
There are, furthermore, said to be formed by the combination 
of these corpuscles paths (pores) of a size to be apprehended 
only by the reason, differing in size and shape. 

Here, then, we have atoms of the orthodox Atomistic sort, 
which possess only the one characteristic property of the OJKOL 
of Asclepiades, that they may be shivered into infinitesimal 
fragments. Every other feature of the description is bor- 
rowed from the familiar theories of Democritus and Epicu- 
rus. 2 It is evident that the deadly parallel had done its 

from the chief constituent. The indefeasible Si/pa/us remained, though the 
apparent property changed. 

1 This mode of explaining change of quality is throughout Epicurean. Cp. 
Lucretius, n, 730 ff. 

2 There is an interesting passage in Epicurus' Epist. ad Herod. 68 ff., which 
affords a striking parallel ; but it has, I think, been expanded by scholia present- 
ing the view of Asclepiades. In order to give my interpretation of the text I 
will translate it with a few notes. " Yea, shapes, colors, sizes, and weights, and 
whatever other things are predicated of body (matter) as predicates of all bodies 
[including the ' corpuscula intellectu sensa '] or of bodies visible or, in general, 
sensible [perhaps we should read KO.\ KO.T at<rdt)<ri.v AXXws yvuxTrois^, we are 
not to think of them either (i) as self-existent entities, for that is inconceivable, 
nor (2) as something incorporeal appertaining to matter (body), nor (3) as 
parts of body ; but (4) we are to hold that the entire body, collectively, possesses 
a specific character of its own [reading Idiav for &idiov~\ derived from them, but 
not as though it were a farrago [Here a scholion, giving a view of Asclepiades: 
4 as when a larger congeries arises from the 6yKoi themselves, either from the pri- 
mary 67*01 (cp. the ' primordia corpuscula ' of Caelius) or from 67*04 which are 
smaller than any particular one of the parts of the whole (cp. Caelius : ' in infinita 
partium fragmenta solvantur')], but merely deriving from them collectively its 
own peculiar [reading 18 lav for dlStov] character. [Another scholion, giving the 

1 6 W. A. Heidel [1909 

work. The later writers, depending more and more on 
emasculated excerpts for their knowledge of philosophical 
opinions, and finding only the barest outline of doctrines 
grouped in a way to suggest the points of resemblance with- 
out the distinctive differences which marked the individual 
systems, fell naturally into the pitfall of assuming that all 
taught the same doctrines. If for any reason it was thought 
desirable to amplify the traditional account, they did so by 
adding details from the system best known to them in this 
case, the Epicurean. The case of Asclepiades is not without 
parallel ; even Heraclitus 1 was converted to Atomism. 

But the most striking paralleHs that of Ecphantus, or as I 
think we may now safely say, Heraclides. Our main source 
is Hippolytus, 2 Bishop of Pontus, at the beginning of the 

doctrine of Asclepiades : ' And all these (referring to the a^^ara or 67x01) are 
things possessed of specific (t'5/a?. Should we perhaps here have the misplaced 
didtovs ?) qualities (the text has ^7ri/3oX<is, ' perceptions,' the subjective correlate 
of qualities : cp. the ' sensibilia ' of Caelius) and differences (again the subjective 
correlate, 'distinctions,' StaX^eis), the congeries following (i.e. being qualita- 
tively like the specific differences and qualities of the 67x01) and not divorcing 
itself from them (it may be fanciful, but I am reminded of Anaxagoras, fr. 8 
airoK^KOTTTai TreX^/cet) but taking its predicate in accordance with the total com- 
plexion (again the subjective correlate, ' conception,' evvoiav) of the body."] 
The last, sentence reminds one of Anaxagoras, who held 6You 5 Tr\et<rToi> ^Kacrrov 
exei, TOUTO doKeiv eZrai TTJV (frvviv TOU irpdy/j-aTos. Cp. Arist. Phys. A. 4, l87 b 2-7. 

1 Ae'tius J, 13, 2 (Diels, Dox. 312). Stobaeus here has 'HpcUXen-os irpb TOV 
evbs doKel THTI ^^yfiara KaraXeiireiv ; Ps. Plutarch has 'H. \f/r)y/j,dTid nva. 
eXcixtcTTa Kal dfjLepT) el<rdyei. Diels, ad loc., suggests that A(xrra Kal dftepfj was 
added here by mistake, transferred from the next section devoted to Xenocrates 
and Diodorus Cronus; but this is specious rather than probable. The doctrine 
there attributed to Xenocrates is probably false, and a somewhat similar case 
occurs in I, 14, 3 and 4, where (even if, with Diels, we interchange the names 
'Leucippus' and 'Anaxagoras') the assimilation of the 6/M>io/j.epr) to the &rofj.a, 
both being pronounced iro\v<rx'ni JLOva i is evident and misleading, to say the least. 
To Leucippus, differences of ^x^^a were ultimate; to Anaxagoras, they must 
have been almost unmeaning. Other cases occur, which I forbear to mention. 
For the \f/^y/j,ara irpb TOV ev6s (an airoios uXij ?), see p. 13, n. 4. 

2 Philosoph. A, 15 (Diels, Dox. $66*),"Ei((pavT6s rts Supa/cotfc-ios efprj ^ elvai 
dXrjdtvrjv T&V ftvTiav Xa/3eZV yvuviv, opifreiv 5 cbs vo/j.leiv. TCI, fdv irpu>Ta ddiaipeTa 
elvai <rc6^ara Kal TrapaXXcryds O.VT&V rpe?s virdp-^eiv, ptyedos (rx^M a Stivafuv, ^ &v 
TO, aiffdyTb ylvecrOai. eirai 5^ TO TrX^^os aurtDi' wpuTntvov /cat TOUTO &Treipov (prob. 
ably, with Duncker, we should read upia-^vuv KOLTO. TOUTO, aireipov^). KiveT<r6ai 5 
TO, v&iMaTa /j.r/T vtrb fidpovs /j.7)Te Tr\i}yi)s, dXX* virb Oetas dvvdfteus, ^v vovv Kal 

Vol. xl] The avapfjioi OJKOL of Heraclides and Asclepiades 17 

third century. His statement is in part unintelligible, because 
of corruptions in the text, but we can make out the main 
points. Ecphantus of Syracuse said that the elements were 
indivisible corpuscles, and differed among themselves in three 
respects, in size, in shape, and in quality. Then follows an 
unintelligible sentence, which has been plausibly emended to 
read : ' though determinate in this respect, their number is 
infinite.' The account continues : The corpuscles are moved 
neither by gravity nor by impact, but by divine power, which 
he calls reason or soul. The cosmos is the express image 
(ISea) of this, wherefore also it was made spherical by the 
divine power. The earth as the center of the cosmos turns 
from west to east about its own axis. 

If now, as I suggested above, we combine this statement 
with what we have learned about Heraclides, we obtain a 
view similar in its main outlines to that of Asclepiades. The 
corpuscles are qualitatively determined, and they are now 
characterized as atomic, now as divisible. The doctrine of 
Heraclides differs radically from that of Asclepiades in one 
important particular ; the former, as a true disciple of Plato, 1 
recognizes the hand of God in the operations of nature, 
whereas the latter insists on a purely naturalistic and mechan- 
ical interpretation. But even in his doctrine touching the 
nature of God, Heraclides was subjected to a process of 
assimilation to the views of the Atomists. 2 

TOIJTOV /jv oftv rbv /c6<r/u,oj> eli/ai iStav, 81 8 KO.1 <T(paipoeidf} 
birb dela.3 dvvd/Mus yeyovtvai. TTJV 5 yrjv /j.t(rov /c6<r,aoii Kivel&Oai irepi rb avTrjs 
ntvrpov cbs trpbs ava.To\-f]v. Cp. Aetius, in, 12, 3 (Diels, Dox. 378). This con- 
stitutes the sum of our record regarding Ecphantus excepting the report of his 
atomic monads to be considered later. In the passage quoted above note that 
the ddialpera. ffta^ara possess Stfra/zis or quality. This use of 56va/jus is probably 
derived from medicine (cp. Hippocrates, above, p. 8, n. 2), where properties appear 
definitely as functional. That the (rd/Mra are said to differ in size and shape, 
need not detain us; the statement is doubtless true, but (as in the case of 
Anaxagoras, see preceding note) lacks significance, except as an indication of the 
assimilation of corpuscular doctrines to Atomism, where these distinctions were 
fundamental because they served to explain the resultant differences in quality. 

1 Zeller, op. cit. I, 495, called attention to the fact that this doctrine was a 
reminiscence of the Platonic. 

2 Cicero, N. D. I, 13, 34, Ex eadem Platonis schola Ponticus Heraclides puerili- 
bus fabulis refersit libros et modo mundum, turn mentem divinam (sc. deum) esse 

1 8 W. A. Heidel [1909 

If we accept the identification of Ecpbantus and Heracli- 
des, we are enabled to explain another striking point in the 
doxographic tradition regarding the former. Attention was 
above directed to the second table of philosophers given by 
Sextus and its congeners, and it was noted that the omission 
of the distinction between the two groups, containing the 
thinkers who posited respectively corporeal and incorporeal 
elements, combined with the addition of Strato's corporeal 
* qualities ' at the end of the list, might have led naturally to 
the supposition that the elements of the Pythagoreans and 
the ' mathematicians ' likewise were corporeal. Here, then, 
was the natural place to class Ecphantus, known to be inti- 
mately associated with Heraclides, and hence assumed to be 
an Atomist 1 As a Pythagorean, he was peculiarly fitted for 
his function. Hence, we are prepared to read in Stobaeus : 2 
' Ecphantus of Syracuse, one of the Pythagoreans, said that 
the elements of all things were atomic corpuscles and the 
void ; for he first 3 represented the Pythagorean monads as 

putat, errantibus etiam stellis divinitatem tribuit sensuque deum privat et eius 
for mam mutabilem esse vult eodemque in libro rursus terram et caelum refert in 
deos. Krische, Forschungen, p. 335 ff., regarded the words in italics as a mere 
inference of the Epicurean quoted by Cicero, and Zeller, op. cit. II, a iO34, 4, 
agrees with him. Diels, Dox. t 124, says ' nescio qua vel oblivione vel levitate 
ipsum Heraclidem Ponticum talia prodentem fecit.' It seems more probable to 
me that the words, which fit ill into the sentence, are a gloss added by a later 
hand, when the assimilation of all corpuscular theories to the Epicurean was in 
vogue, than that the confusion existed in the days of Cicero. 

1 Mention was make above (p. 16, n. i) of the ct/xep?) Ka.1 Adxi0"Ta attributed 
to Xenocrates, he being classed with Diodorus Cronus. Zeller, II, a ioi8, n. I, 
discusses this point. It seems to me a clear case of confusion, closely parallel to 
that of Ecphantus, and adds another argument in favor of the identification of 
Ecphantus and Heraclides. 

2 Aetius, I, 3, 19 (Diels, Dox. 286) "EK^CUTOS Zu/oa/cotf<rios efs ru>v Hvdayopetuv 
irivrdiv T& ddialpera (T^ara /cat r6 ncvbv. raj yap Hv6ayopiKci.s fwvddas O&TOS 
TrptSros aire(j>-f)vaTO (rw/xari/cds. 

3 Mention was made above (p. 6, n. i) of the interest in evp-^/jLara in Alexan- 
drine times. Heraclides himself appears to have been a leader in this department. 
Who it was who discovered this ' discovery ' of Ecphantus we do not know ; but 
we do know that there were many untenable hypotheses put forward. The cases 
of Hicetas and Ecphantus probably belong to this class and their ' discoveries ' 
were published at a time when real criticism was at an end. That Cicero quotes 
Theophrastus for Hicetas is probably due to the confusion noted above, p. 6, n. 2 

Vol. xlj The avapfjiot, OJKOI of Heraclides and Asclepiades 19 

We have seen that in the strange farrago, presented by 
Caelius Aurelianus as a statement of the philosophical opin- 
ions of Asclepiades, nothing remained of the true account to 
be culled from Galen and Sextus but the fact that the cor- 
puscles, though called atoms, were held to be subject to 
breaking into infinitesimal fragments. This may have been 
due to such names as Opavo-^ara used to characterize them in 
the doxographic literature, but it may have been nothing 
more than a recognition of the meaning of the distinctive 
name, avappoi, oy/cot,, which Heraclides and Asclepiades gave 
to their corpuscles. The adjective avapnos has received a 
surprising variety of interpretations ; x but no one, so far as I 
am aware, has been able to do more than guess at its mean- 
ing. Those who have discussed the subject have apparently 
assumed that the word occurs only in connection with oy/coi, ; 
but in this they are mistaken, probably misled by the lexica. 2 
The word does occur elsewhere, and in connections which 
enable us to determine its meaning with certainty. 

In Philostratus, Ile/al Tv/jLvaa-Tifcfjs, 29, we read, 3 'The off- 
spring of parents of advanced years are to be detected as 
follows : their skin is tender ; the [flesh about the] collar- 
bones is sunken ; the veins protrude, like those of men who 
have endured hardships ; the hip is avappov ; and the muscles 
weak.' Ib. 48:* 'A variety of signs will serve to detect 

1 It is not necessary to catalogue them here, since nobody has presented any 
arguments but those which were suggested by the systems of Heraclides and 
Asclepiades. Some were of course correct, but they were mere guesses. 

2 Except Herwerden, to whom I owe the references. He says, Lexicon Graec. 
Suppl. : "avapjios : Philostrat. De Gymn. XXIX, 5 et XLVIII, 13 Volckmar lax^v 
avap/j.ov, coxendicem laxam, tribuit viris provectioribus aut rei venereae indul- 

8 P. 156, I f., ed. Jiithner : ij 8t K Trpo^KbvTtav (sc. airopa} w5e AryKT&i 
\firrbv fM^v TOI/TOIS rb dp/j.a, Kua0t6eis 8 al K\et5es, viraveffTrjKviai 8 al 
Ka.6d.irep TOIJ irTrovT]K6<ri, Kal i<rxlov TOI/TOIS &vap/j.ov Kal rot, /jLVtaSr) dffdevfj. 

4 P. 174, 28 f., ed. Juthner : TOI)S 5* # aQpoSurluv iJKOvras^o/j.^vovs 
ir\el(i) Ayei rr)v l<rx^> v Te T&/ 3 brodeduKfoe* Kal o-revol T& irvevfjia Kal ras 
&TO\IJ.OI Kal airavOovvres r&v irbvuv Kal ra roiaura a\l<rKe<T0ai' dirodtivras 8t 
re av airodei^airo Koi\rj Kal Iff^lov &vap/j.ov Kal ir\evpa viro-)(_apaTTOv(ra Kal \f/vxpb- 
Ttjs at/xaros. Juthner rightly directs attention to the similarity of the two pas- 
sages. It is evident that they aim to represent a frame loosely put together and 
broken in strength. A good firm hip is a prime requisite for an athlete. In 

2O W. A. Heidel [1909 

those who come to gymnastic training from sexual debauch. 
Their strength is toned down ; they are short of breath ; they 
lack spirit in undertakings ; they are pale after strenuous 
exercise, and may be discovered accordingly. When they 
strip, the hollow collar-bone, 1 the dvapfjiov hip, the plainly 
marked ribs, and the chill 2 of the blood, would betray them.' 
It is at once clear that the avapiiov la^iov is adduced as a 
mark and proof of weakness, 3 and a great number of related 
passages, dating from Hippocrates to Oribasius, establishes 

c. 34 the requirements for a boxer are set forth : ^pet5ro> S atirbv Kal 
cvTrayts (well-knit, the opposite of Avappov !) TJ yap TrpofioXj) rdv xeiptDv O.TTO- 
Kpe/j.dwv(rt r[d 0-]tD[/>ia, e/] pi) tirl fiefialov dxoiro rou tVxtou. Juthner renders 
Avappov iffxiov "ungefuge Hiifte." 

1 Such persons are often described as emaciate, more especially about the eyes 
(Arist. de Generat. Animal. 747* 13-17; Galen, vi, 443 K.; Oribasius, v, 587, 
B. and D.); cp. [Arist.] Physiogn. 8o8 a 12; [Arist.] Probl. 876* 36; 876 b 5; 
879 b 8-1 1, 30; 88o b 8) and the hips ([Arist.] Probl. 876* 36 ff. and 879 b 8- 

ii, 30)- 

2 Cp. Galen, vi, 401 ff. (i/'uxpotfs), and Arist. de Generat. Animal, 747* 3 
(\f/vxpb")' This marks them as QyXvKoi effeminate; for women are colder 
than men. 

3 Strength resides chiefly in the Apdpa and in the vevpa, which are intimately 
associated. Arist. de Generat. Animal. 787** IO e<m /jv ofiv irdffiv ij ur^us tv 
TOIS vetipou, Sib Kal TO, aK/j-d^ovra icrx^i- fJ.d\\ov. Avapdpa yap ra va /j.d\\ov Kal 
avevpa. [Arist.] ProbL 862 a 30 ij dtiva/jus rj/Jiuv tv rots apdpois larlv. Arist. 
Hist. Animal. 538 b 7 avevpdrepov Kal avapdpbrepov rb Brj\v /j.a\\ov. Contrast 
Physiogn. 8o9 b 8 ff., and ib. 29 ff. As women are yovtiicpoToi (ib. 8(X) b 8), so 
also the tclvatSoi (ib. 8o8 a 13, 8io a 34). Contrast ib. 8io a 15 ff. Ib. 8io b 36 
8<rois 5 oi cS/xot dvOevels, AvapBpoi, /j.a\aKol ras \[>vx<is- It is thus clear that avap- 
fj.os = avapOpos and, like Avevpos, denotes weakness. We might render it 'hip- 
shot.' Its meaning is made more definite by such words as \tieiv, K\ijetv. [Arist.] 
ProbL 879* 4 o! d<t>po5i<ndoi>Tes tK\tiovTai Kal acrdevtffTepoi ylvovrai. This is the 
opposite of tiTLTeiveiv ; cp. ib. 873 a 30-36, and 953 b 4 ff. (of wine). Relaxation 
succeeds tension (cp. ib. 879 a II ff.). So, too, of other emotions ; thus Eurip. 
Here. Fur. 1395 ApBpa yap Tr^irrjy^ /JLOV, and Hippol. 199 \t\vfjuii /j,e\b)v (r6vde<r/j.a 
apply to different phases of the same experience. So e/ows (like sleep, death, fear, 
wine, sickness) is \vfft/ji,e\^s ; contrariwise Hippocrates, II. r&v tvrbs irad(av, 13 
(VII, 2OO L.) Kal dirb Xayvelrjs' r65e oftv irdffx^' odtivr) 6^tj tyiriirTei ajJry . . . Kal 
^s rd Apdpa T&V (TKeXtuv, &<Tre tviort oti Stivarai. %vyKd/j.irTeiv. Cp. also AvapOpoi, 
Littre, Hippocrates, IT, 90, and diypdpufjitvovs Kal {vrbvovs, ib. II, 92, and IX, 16, 
etc. ; and Galen, vi, 443 K , and Oribasius, v, 587, B. and D. In Plato, Phaedr. 
253 E the lascivious stud is eiK-g a-v/ji.Tre^op^fji^vos. Psalm 22, 14 ' I am poured 
out like water, and all my bones are out of joint.' In Latin, compare the uses of 
fluere, laxus (metaphorical and late), dissolutus, enervis, enervus, enervatus, 
elumbis, and fractus. 

Vol. xl] The dvap/jLot, ay/cot of Heraclides and Asclepiades 21 

beyond the possibility of doubt that avapnos is the equivalent 
of avapOpos, and means 'hip-shot,' 'loosely knit,' 'frail.' 1 
Hence we may conclude that the epithet Opava-roi, as applied 
to the oy/coi, is only an interpretation of the less familiar 

1 The molecules which compose the soul are called admodum delicatae by 
Chalcidius in Plat. Tim., c. 215, Wrobel. There is a bare possibility that in a 
secondary application Avapfws meant 'not-fitting,' either (i) in the sense that the 
molecules did not combine into solid masses (excluding a void), or (2) in the 
sense that the molecules did not fit the pores. As to (i), Diels holds that Strato 
and Heraclides were nearly agreed in their physical principles ; hence it is of 
interest to note the following words of Strato (p. 6, 23 ff. Diels), rd 5 TOV dtpos 
(Tvvcpetdei \jJkv irpbs AXXTjXa, oil /card irav 5 fttpos t<papiJi6ei, dXX' %* 
a /uera> Kevd. As to (2), Aetius, IV, 9, 6 (Diels, Dox., 397), classes 
Heraclides among those who held the doctrine of the symmetry of pores. On the 
other hand, it is contended that Asclepiades discarded this doctrine, at least in 
the explanation of the phenomena of magnetism. See Fritzsche, " Der Magnet 
und die Athmung in antiken Theorien," Rh. M. t LVII (1902), 363-391. 

Vol. xl] The Etymology of Sanskrit Puiiya- 23 

II. The Etymology of Sanskrit Punya- 


THE accepted etymology of Sanskrit punya- is that it is a 
Middle-Indie loan-word, and stands for * prnya- (cf. Wacker- 
nagel, AiGr. i, pp. 21, 192),* and so is to be connected with 
the root pr ('nil'). This derivation meets an obstacle in the 
dialect of the inscriptions of Asoka, as Girnar flumnam can- 
not phonetically come from such a prototype. 2 For ny be- 

1 This explanation has been accepted by Charpentier (ZvergSp. XL, 439), Bar- 
tholomae (ib. XLI, 329), and Meillet {Album-Kern, 122). Uhlenbeck remarks 
in his Etymological Dictionary "nicht geniigend erklart," but says nothing to 
justify his scepticism, and it has been hitherto disregarded. 

2 The correspondents in the other versions of the Fourteen-Edicts are practi- 
cally of no value in this connection. For in the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and 
Mansehra versions ny and ny fall together in nn (written run and ?) ; and in 
the dialects of the ' Magadhan ' versions nn (written fun) corresponds to San- 
skrit ny and ny alike. Cf. Shb. amnatra, Shb., Mans, aiiatra (Skt. anyatra~) ; 
Shb. \Ji\i\_ra\na- ; Mans, hina- (read hirana-) (Skt. hiranya-}; Kalsl amna- 
(Skt. anya-} ; hilamna- (Skt. hiranya-'). The vocalism of the Girnar and ' Ma- 
gadhan ' versions has no bearing whatsoever on the point at issue ; nor is that 
of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra correspondent (punaiti) in any sense decisive. 
On the history of Indie r in the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra recen- 
sions of the Fourteen-Edicts of Asoka, see AJP. xxx, 420 f. and xxxi, 55 f. 
There I have shown that the correspondent to Indie r after labials is ur, other- 
wise ir ; and that where we have plain u this either does not wholly represent 
the native product (vaputa for *vaputra, i e. vapurta*) or else is an ordinary 
'Magadhism' {-paripucha} . If the Indie prototype was *prnyam, it would be 
possible to assume that this became *purnyam, then *punyam, and finally puii- 
nam (Shb., Mans, punani). That is, r was assimilated to the following n because 
it also was a lingual consonant, just as I have shown (see AJP. xxx, 289, and 
JAOS. XXX, 89) that, contrary to the opinion of Johansson, it is likely that r was 
assimilated to s (a lingual consonant!) in the combinations ars and arsy. As a 
further support for the view that r is assimilated to an immediately following n in 
the dialect of Shb. and Mans., we have Mans, .bapani; this stands for Tabapani, 
i.e. Tambapamni or Tambapani, for anusvaras are frequently graphically omitted 
and , as well as inn, can stand for nn on inscriptions. The Sanskrit equivalent 
is Tdmraparnt. If Mans. Tambapamniya of the German edition be right (there 
is no devanagari transcript to confirm it), and Tambapamniya of the ed. in Epi- 
graphia Indica a misprint, it can also be used for this purpose. But it should be 
frankly admitted that these forms leave much to be desired in the way of cer- 


24 Truman Michelson D99 

comes nn (written mn) 1 in this dialect; e.g. dnamnam (Skt. 
dnrnyam), hiramna- (Skt. hiranya-\ 

One is apt, on the strength of this, to rashly jump to the 
conclusion that the accepted etymology of Sanskrit punya- 
must be a mistaken one. It will at once be said that Girnar 
pumnam points unmistakably to an Indie prototype, *punyam, 
as ny becomes Tin (written mn and n) in our dialect ; cf. amna-, 
anatra (Skt. anya-, anyatrd). Accordingly it will be urged 
that Skt. punyam must also come from this, 2 and ninya- may 

tainty. I have recently shown (IF. xxiv, 55) that the mn of Shb. Tambapamni 
and Tambapamniya is a ' Magadhism,' as is admittedly the mb of all the cited 
forms. So that the Mansehra forms might be also due to such influence, espe- 
cially if Mans. Tambapamniya be the true reading. In that case the lingual n 
of .bapani (i.e. Tabapani) would be the sole trace of the true native word. And 
it should be noticed that ' Magadhisms ' are especially frequent in the names of 
peoples and countries. Examples are Shb., Mans. Pitenika- and Mans. Amdha- ; 
see Michelson, IF. xxiv, 54 f. Shb. and Mans, ananiyam is a partial ' Maga- 
dhism of the same type as Mans, kayana- (for kalana-, which is found in both 
Mans, and Shb., influenced by 'Magadhan' kayana-} and so cannot be used as 
evidence one way or the other. The same applies to Shb., Mans, ganana- ; see 
AJP. xxx, 423. In this connection I may say that I still hold that r is not 
assimilated to immediately following original dental stops, nor are such stops 
thereby converted into linguals in the true native words of Shb. and Mans. This 
applies not only to r when the correspondent to Indie r, but also to r in the 
combinations ir and tir when these come from Indie vocalic r. Neither Pali 
nor the various Prakrit dialects have any bearing whatsoever on the point at 
issue. For ny and ny fall together in them, yielding Pali nn, ordinary Pkt. nn 
(nn also in AMg., JM., JS'.), Mg., P., CP. nn ; compare Pischel, Grammatik, 
282 ; and Indie r after a labial falls together with Indie u (giving #) in all of 
them. [This last is a trifle too sweeping, as the two are kept apart even after 
labials under special circumstances, but the above rule is the one ordinarily given, 
and applies in the vast majority of cases.] For this reason Pali punham, etc., 
must be left out of the present discussion. For the cases in which nn (written ) 
is found in the Mansehra version for earlier ny and ny alike in place of ordinary 
(and Shb.) nn see my 'Interrelation of the Dialects of the Fourteen-Edicts of 
Asoka,' to appear in JAOS. xxx, 87. Franke, in his Pali und Sanskrit, does 
not explain the doublets. In view of what has been said about Prakrit, one is 
tempted to regard the forms with nn as due to dialect mixture. But the matter 
is wholly uncertain. 

1 It should be remembered that m is used very slovenly for any nasal before 
consonants, exactly as in modern Indian editions of Sanskrit texts ; and on 
inscriptions n can stand for nn, n for nn, m for mm, exactly as s for ss, etc.; see 
Biihler, Epigraphia Indica, II, 91, and Michelson, IF. XXIII, 252. 

2 For the phonetic reasons stated above, the correspondents to Girnar pumnam 
in the dialects of the other versions of the Fourteen-Edicts can be disregarded. 

Vol. xl] The Etymology of Sanskrit Puny a- 25 

be offered as a parallel phonetic development. But the ordi- 
nary view (see Uhlenbeck, s. v.) that ninya- is connected with 
ni is wholly erroneous. As Meillet has shown {Album-Kern, 
121 ff . ; see also Bartholomae, ZvergSp. XLI, 329), ninya- is 
for *nrnya- and is a Middle- Indie loan-word. Thus, so far 
from being evidence of the derivation of putty a- from *prnya-, 
it has become one of the most cogent proofs in favor of this 
very derivation. 

Admitting, then, that the accepted etymology of Sanskrit 
punya- is correct, a way must be found to harmonize the 
phonetic difficulty of Girriar pumnam with it. 

The first solution that one might be tempted to offer would 
be as follows : In the ' Magadhan ' dialects we have dental n 
as the correspondent to Sanskrit lingual // ; and nn (written 
mil) corresponds to Sanskrit ny and ny alike, e.g. Kalsl amna-, 
hilamna- (Skt. anya-, hiranya-). So Kalsl pumnam could 
correspond exactly to a Sanskrit *prnyam (punyam). The 
immediate precursor of Kalsl pumnam necessarily would be 
* punyam. Now Girnar pumnam (and similarly Shb. and 
Mans, punam) might be a ' Magadhan ' loan-word borrowed 
in this stage of development; and hence we have the regular 
conversion of ny to nn (written mn) in the Girnar word. Pho- 
netically this hypothesis is not impeachable, but an incontro- 
vertible argument still remains to show the utter falsity of 
this view, namely, there are no other * Magadhan ' loan-words 
in the dialect of the Girnar redaction nor in the dialect (for 
their speech is essentially one) of the Shahbazgarhi and 
Mansehra versions. It will be understood that I do not 
refer to such ' Magadhisms ' as are only traces of the dialect 
of the * Magadhan ' original, of which the Girnar, Shahbaz- 
garhi, and Mansehra recensions are translations. For these 
have no place in the spoken language of the local vernaculars, 
and are only literary fictions. 1 

Of course n for n is common enough in Sanskrit words borrowed from the Middle- 
Indie vernaculars ; but there are no other cases where ny is found for ny ; if 
there were, we should certainly derive Skt. punya- from Indie * punya- , thereby 
doing away with the complicated and problematic solution offered here. If a 
prototype *punya- were accepted, we should connect it with the root pu. 

1 In my ' Interrelation of the Dialects of the Fourteen-Edicts of Asoka,' 

26 Truman Michelson \_ 1 99 

I know but one hypothesis that in some measure will meet 
the requirements. That it is venturesome, I readily admit, 
but it at least is possible and has a certain amount of proba- 
bility. In Sanskrit there are a number of cases in which n 
has been analogically extended at the expense of n. Contrast 
Vedic trpnoti with Sanskrit trpnoti, Skt. prdpnoti with Pali 
papunoti, papundti, Girnar prdpunati, Shahbazgarhi prapti- 
nati ; observe also Skt. ksubhnoti for *ksubhnoti ; and further, 
Skt. ksepnu- beside ksepnd-. See Wackernagel, AiGr. i, 168, 
Thumb, Handbuch, 83, Michelson, IF. xxiv, 54. The same 
thing is to be observed in the dialects of the Asokan inscrip- 
tions. In the dialects of the Girnar, Shahbazgarhi, and 
Mansehra recensions of the Fourteen- Edicts n is everywhere 
used where we phonetically should expect n in case-endings ; 
see Johansson, Shb. i, 166 (52 of the reprint), Michelson, 
AJP. xxx, 422, 423, JAOS. xxx, 8/. 1 Examples are: G., 

JAOS. xxx, 77-93, I was not prepared to substantiate this sweeping assertion 
if need be ; so I have there expressed myself more cautiously, but the further I 
have investigated this matter, the more convinced I am of the position taken in 
the present paper. It may be suggested that Girnar pumiiam is a loan-word 
from some Indie dialect other than '- Magadhan.' But up to the present time no 
such loan-words have been pointed out in this dialect. In fact, there is only one 
word which at all need be taken into consideration, to wit, kaldna-. But as 
correspondents we have Sanskrit kalydna-, Pali kalldna-, kalydna- (dialectic 
doublets), Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra kalana-. So any explanation of the 
Girnar word must satisfy the requirements of the other languages, as I have said 
before {IF. XXI v, 54). Thus far nothing has been suggested that will meet all 
the requirements ; and so G. kaldna- is altogether too doubtful a quantity to be 
used in explaining pumnam. 

1 The same thing has happened in Pali, but the phonetics of that language do 
not permit us to bring it into correlation with the phenomenon in G., Shb., and 
Mans, with absolute certainty in the majority of cases. For example, Pa\\piyena 
and puttena correspond to G., Shb., Mans, priyena and putrena respectively. 
But it is impossible to determine whether Indie *priyena and *putrena (Skt. 
priyena and putrena) were replaced by *priyena and *putrena, and then these 
phonetically became piyena and puttena; or whether Indie *priyena and 
*putrena phonetically became *piyena and *puttena, and only subsequently 
*piyena and * puttena were replaced by piyena and puttena respectively. The 
process in either case is the same ; the chronology of the phenomenon is alone 
debatable. Owing to the phonetics of the various Prakrit languages we can get no 
evidence from them to bear on this point. [On revision I note that Pali piyena 
and puttena do not chance to be given by Childers in his Dictionary ; yet such 

Vol. xl] The Etymology of Sanskrit Ptmya- 27 

Shb., Mans, priyena, putrena, G. pardkramena, Shb. and 
Mans, parakramena ; G. prdnasatasahasrdni, Shb. pra\jia- 
3atasa~\ has [r~\ aui, M ans. pranafa [fas'] ahasrani ; G. Gamdhd- 
rdnam, Shb. Gamd/iaranam, Mans. Ga\_iii\dharanam ; G. 
pasumanusdnam, Shb. pas'iimanusanam. Mans. pasum[a~\nu- 
Jana ; Shb. mahamatranam (per contra note Sanskrit priyena, 
putrena, pardkrarnena, prdnafatasaJiasrani, Gdndhdrdndm, 
pasumanusydndm, maJidmdtrdndm all with lingual ;/). And 
in the Shb. dialect we have n for n a couple of times in suf- 
fixes, namely, chamanaye (Skt. *ksamanaye) and aviprahino 
(Skt. aviprahlnas)}- Mans, has aviprahi\_ne~\ (with ' Maga- 

forms must have existed, as is shown by rtlpena (Skt. rupena), sakkena (Skt. 
sakrena), ariyena (Skt. aryena), mattena (Skt. matrena), dhammena (Skt. 
dharmena), katnmand (Skt. karrnand),sahassdni (Skt. sahasrdni}. Note espe- 
cially analogical n in the suffixes of oropana- (Skt. avaropana-*), rosana- (Skt. 
rosana-), savana- (Skt. sravana-}, kubbdna- (Skt. kurvdna-}, nibbdna- (Skt. 
nirvana-').'] (Note deva-puttena> D. xxi, I, n ed. PTS.) According to Wack- 
ernagel, the dental n of ksepnu- is not analogical but phonetic. But I ask how 
then does he explain the lingual n of ksepnd- ? For if ksepnu- were phonetic, 
then we should expect * ksepnd- and not ksepnd-. And it is not possible to explain 
the lingual ;/ by analogy ; but nothing is easier than to explain the dental n of 
ksepnu- by analogy. And it should be observed that Vedic trpnoti, Pali pdpunoti, 
Girnar prdpunati, Shahbazgarhi prapunati show that the conversion of n to n by 
ordinary rules is not prevented in the combination -pn-. 

1 Shb. aviprahino is not to be judged wholly in the same way as chamanaye ; 
they both have analogical n in the suffix, but aviprahino derives its n from the 
uncompounded *hino. Cf. Skt. paripdna- beside phonetic suprapdna-, paryuhya- 
mdna- beside prohyamdna- (both from the 'root' vah), pardhna- beside pur- 
vdhna-, apardhna- (Wackernagel's alternative explanation of this last does not 
convince me). On the other hand chamanaye is due to ' external grammatical 
analogy.' But the underlying principle, namely, the spread of n at the expense 
of n, is the same in both cases. On the w-cases of w-stems to which original 
^-sterns have been transformed in the dialect of Shb. and Mans, (likewise Pali), 
see Michelson, AJP. xxxi, 61. Shb. Tambapamni, Tainbapamniya, and Shb., 
Mans. Pitenika- have 'Magadhan' n for native n: see Michelson, IF. XXIV, 55; 
and it is far more probable that Shb. pranatika also is to be judged the same 
way from the evidence of Mansehra panatika, rather than to be explained by 
analogy; see Michelson, AJP. I.e. (Mans. Tambapamniya is not certain as the 
text in ZDMG. XLIV, has a lingual n : hence the form with dental n in El. II, 
may be a mere misprint). Shb. ka\Janani\ with dental n disappears in Buhler's 
ed. in EL II, and is replaced by ka\_lanain~\. The form ka\lanani\ in the Ger- 
man ed. is only a misprint, as is shown by the devanagarl transcript; the same 
error occurs a couple of times in B's comments in the German ed. I follow 
Biihler in considering Shb. -garana to be a mere blunder for *-garaha. But it 

28 Truman Michelson [*99 


dhan ' -e for -o) corresponding to Shb. aviprahino ; but has 
a lacuna in the passage corresponding to chamanaye. The 
Girnar text differs slightly in the wording of the correspond- 
ing passage, and has a lacuna where we would otherwise find 
a correspondent to aviprahino. We may therefore infer that 
the dialect of Mans, agreed with that of Shb. in this par- 
ticular, as it is agreed that the speech of both is essentially 
the same ; there is also a considerable amount of probability 
that the dialect of the Girnar redaction agreed with them, as 
it agrees with them in replacing n by n in case-endings ; 
moreover, these dialects show a considerable number of 
special points of contact; see AJP. xxx, 291, JAOS. xxx, 
87-89.* The bearing the above has in solving our problem 

might be one for *-garahana, in which case we should assume an analogical ex- 
tension of dental n. 

1 Another argument to show the plausibility of assuming analogical n for 
phonetic n in suffixes in the dialect of Girnar in the absence of any direct evi- 
dence, is the fact that this is found in Pali (though not invariably). And there 
are some very striking agreements between the two as contrasted with the other 
dialects of the Fourteen-Edicts of Asoka. 

For example, dh is retained in idha ; km becomes mh ; -smi becomes -mhi ; 
kata- corresponds to Skt. krta- ; -dya as the dat. sing, of 0-stems and as the 
'oblique' cases of tf-stems; -ay am as the loc. sing, of 0-stems; r-endings in 
verbs; the words /drisa-, etdrisa-, ydrisa- ; etc. And there are some special 
agreements between the dialects of the Girnar, Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra redac- 
tions of Asoka's Fourteen-Edicts and Pali as opposed to the ' Magadhan ' dialects 
of the Asokan inscriptions. For example, the sounds r, H, n, II (written /on in- 
scriptions) as the equivalent of ly in Skt. kalydna- (G. kaldtia-, Shb., Mans. 
kalana-, Pali kalldna-, ' Magadhan ' kaydna-} ; the pronoun attain (' Magadhan ' 
hakant); etc. On the other hand, there are some special points of contact be- 
tween the ' Magadhan ' dialect of the Asokan inscriptions and Pali. Especially 
noteworthy is the agreement in the treatment of r in conjoint consonants, and 
the word hevam (G., Shb., Mans, evarii} : on this last see Michelson, IF. xxui, 
128. But Pali has also one special agreement with the dialect of the Shahbaz- 
garhi and Mansehra redactions of the Fourteen-Edicts and the dialect of the 
Siddapura-Edicts of Asoka as compared with other dialects of the Asokan in- 
scriptions, namely, the transfer of original r-stems to ^-sterns. Two things are 
certain, namely, that Pali is a literary language only and does not represent any 
one spoken vernacular, and that whatever dialect forms the basis of the written 
language, that dialect does not coincide exactly with any one of the dialects of 
the inscriptions of Asoka : compare Windisch in his essay on Pali in the Tran- 
sactions of the International Congress of Orientalists held at Algiers, and Michel- 
son, AJP. xxx, 287, 297. 

Vol. xl] The Etymology of Sanskrit Punya- 29 

is this : punya- goes back to *prnya-; *prnya- is derived from 
*prna- by means of the suffix ya-. 1 Now *prna- might have 
a young analogical doublet *prna- with dental n. From 
*prna- *prnya- would be derived exactly as *pi'nya- from 
*prna-. From *prnya-> Girnar pumnam comes without diffi- 
culty ; for ny becomes nn (written mil) in this dialect; see 

1 On the suffix nya-, assumed by Meillet and Brugmann, see Bartholomae, I.e. 
Even if nya- (which phonetically would become nya- in the present instance) 
were correct, that would only necessitate shifting our ground in small degree: 
for nya- could be replaced by nya- as easily as na- by na-. 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic Embellishments 31 

III. On Certain Euphonic Embellishments in the Verse of 




THE metrical art of a classical poet may be analyzed with 
considerably more precision than the art he has bestowed 
upon the selection and combination of pleasing sounds. The 
reason for this is apparent : words must be chosen and ar- 
ranged primarily with a view to meaning and to metre, and 
only when these fundamental considerations do not stand in 
the way may rimes, assonances, and the like be introduced 
into the verse. We cannot, therefore, be sure, in a given 
case, that the poet has produced just that effect which he 
would have liked to produce had his medium allowed him. 
Ut quimus, quando ut volumus non licet was often, no doubt, 
the reason for this or that sequence of sounds. Hence ex- 
treme caution in the admission of evidence is a matter of 
prime importance for the student of this phase of the poetic 
art. One must constantly guard against mistaking for inten- 
tional what may be accidental or inevitable, and one must be 
willing to forego the satisfaction which comes from the dis- 
covery of definite rules, and content one's self with making 
out, more or less dimly, certain of the more persistent traits 
of the author's composition. 

The subject I have set myself in the following paper is a 
very modest one. I have not attempted a critical analysis of 
the euphonic art of Propertius, but have merely sought to 
assemble, with such classification as promised to be conven- 
ient (though far enough from exact), adequate illustrations 
of certain tendencies in his work which have impressed me 
as significant. Considered together, in the light which they 
shed upon one another, these tendencies will, I believe, be 
felt to constitute a not unimportant element in a style which 
has hitherto been studied mainly from other points of view. 

32 B. O. Foster L 1 99 

I. RlME 1 

In a Gnesen programme of i8/5, 2 E. Eichner developed in 
some detail the thesis that the elegiac distich falls naturally 
into a fourfold division ; that these four members (Reihen), 
while closely knit into a strophe, have, each of them, a cer- 
tain metrical completeness and a definite rhythmical character ; 
and, finally, that homoeoteleuton in the case of any two, three, 
or all four members, may be used to emphasize the structure 
of the strophe, in a way roughly analogous to that of modern 
rime. 3 Scholars had, of course, always been aware that the 
halves of the pentameter often end in like syllables, and that 
the same phenomenon is found in the hexameter, to a less 
extent. The following citations illustrate the type in the long 
and in the short verse : 

Cynthia prima suis raiserum me cepit ocellis, I, i, i. 4 
improbus, et nullo vivere consilio. i, i, 6. 

But Eichner contended that a rime-like effect was intended, 
not only in such lines as the above, but also in distichs like 
this one, 

seu tristis veniam seu contra laetus amicis, 

quidquid ero, dicam 'Cynthia causa fuit.' i, n, 25 f. 

where we have a rime-scheme which might be indicated by 
the formula a-a-. Similarly, the next example would come 
under the formula abba : 

Herculis ite boves, nostrae labor ultime clavae, 

bis mihi quaesitae, bis mea praeda, boves, iv, 9, 1 7 f. 

1 On the general subject of rime in Greek and Latin, see Norden, Kunstprosa, 
n, Anh. i, Uber die Geschichte des Reims. 

2 Bemerkungen uber den metrischen und rythmischen au, sowie Uber den 
Gebrauch der Homoeoteleuta in den Distichen des Cat nil, Tibull, Properz, und Ovid. 

3 Eichner (42) was quite aware of the differences between this ancient rime 
and that which we understand to-day by the term, and he prefers to use the name 
homoeoteleuton for the former. I have ventured, myself, throughout this paper, 
to employ the shorter word, for convenience, without by any means intending to 
imply that my views on the subject are an advance upon those of Eichner. 

4 All the citations from Propertius, unless the contrary is expressly stated, are 
taken from the Oxford text, edited by J. S. Phillimore. I have selected my own 
illustrations, as Eichner's are often taken from one of the other poets. 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic Embellishments 


In short, he found in these poets all the rime-schemes pos- 
sible in a modern four-line stanza. Nor did he stop here. 
Sometimes, he thought, two, or even more, distichs were pur- 
posely united in a larger strophe, by the riming of successive 
hexameters or successive pentameters. 

In Latin elegy the words are very often so arranged that 
an adjective ending the first hemistich agrees with a substan- 
tive at the close of the second. To this, in the majority of 
cases, is due that responsion in sound which w.e are consid- 
ering, and some scholars deny the phenomenon any other 
significance than as an accidental result of this grammatical, 
or rhetorical, balance. 1 Indeed, between their position and 
Eichner's there is no tenable ground. Either Propertius (to 
limit the problem to the subject of this paper) regarded these 
rimes as an embellishment, in that they accentuated agreeably 
the balance between hemistich and hemistich (or distich and 
distich), or he was flatly indifferent to their presence in his 

A strong presumption against the latter alternative is 
created by the mere frequency of these rimes, which may 
be seen in the following table : 






Distichs . . . 






Rimed hexameters 

9 1 




529 2 

Per cent . . . 






Rimed pentameters 





6oi 8 

Per cent . . 






Total rimed vss. 






Per cent . . . 






1 Rasi, de Elegiae Latinae Compositions, Patavii, 1894, 145, says of Eichner's 
theories, " hae sunt merae nugae." 

2 I have counted only lines where the rime comes at the penthemimeral cae- 
sura. The numbers would be considerably swelled by including rimes at the 
hephthemimeral caesura and verse-end. Of these there are 19 in I, 39 in u, 21 
in ill, and 30 in IV = 109. 

3 Hertzberg, Quaestiones, 171, finds a total of 726 rimed pentameters as against 
the 601 of my table. The discrepancy is partly due, no doubt, to differences in 
spellings, but chiefly to the fact that I have admitted only perfect rimes, while 
Hertzberg includes such imperfect ones as is and ts, es and es, etc. 

34 B. O. Foster 

But there are several other indications that Propertius 
liked these rimes, and willingly gave them a place in his 
verse. Thus, there are many lines where the rime is not 
due to identity of ending in noun and epithet, as in these 
hexameters : 

ilia mihi totis argutat noctibus ignis, i, 6, 7. 

olim gratus eram : non illo tempore cuiquam I, 12, 7. 

quin etiam absenti prosunt tibi, Cynthia, venti : i, 17, 5. 

and in pentameters like the following : 

molliter irasci non solet ilia tibi. i, 5, 8. 
discere et exclusum quid sit abire do mum ; i, 5, 20. 
et breve in exiguo marmore nomen ero, n, i, 72. 
ambos unayfokr auferet, una dies. n, 20, 18. 

This last line is especially significant. Propertius is fore- 
telling the constancy of his love and Cynthia's; "One 
loyalty," he says, " one day shall carry us both off." The 
verb auferet is ill-suited to fides, but is appropriate to the 
other subject, dies. The reason for such a forced expression 
is apparently the symmetry in sound, the species of rime, 
given by una fides and una dies. I have noted some 67 lines 
in Propertius where the rime is not due to agreement of noun 
and adjective. Of these, 45 are hexameters, 22 pentameters. 
They are not a large proportion of the whole number, but 
are enough to show that rime was not merely tolerated for 
the sake of the rhetorical balance in question. 

Again, we find, in addition to the perfect rimes, many 
verses where substantially the same effect is produced by 
assonance. From the nature of his material it was seldom 
possible for the poet to obtain genuine rime in any other way 
than by means of noun and epithet. But, assuming that he 
liked the effect, it would often be in his power to approximate 
it by the proper placing of words having somewhat similar 
endings. This Propertius did in a number of cases. Compare : 

nedum \\\.possts t spiritus iste levis. i, 9, 32. 

et totam ex Helena non probat Iliada. n, i, 50. 

mors inhonesta quidem, tu moriere tamen. n, 8, 28. 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic Embellishments 35 

restat et immerita justinet aure minas. n, 25, 18. 

Paetum sponte tua, vilis arena, tegas ; in, 7, 26. 

tecta superciliis si quando verba remittis, in, 8, 25. 

exactis Calamis se mihi iactat equis ; in, 9, 10. 

est tibi forma potens, sunt castae Palladis artes, in, 20, 7. 

haec tibi, Tulle, parens, haec est pulcherrima sedes, in, 22, 39. 

ipse dedit, sed non sanguine sicca suo. iv, 10, 12. 

A third argument, adduced by Hertzberg, 1 is based on the 
use of the dative nnllae in the distich 

quam supra nullae pendebant debita curae 

roscida desertis poma sub arboribus, I, 20, 35 f. 

That nullae was preferred to the normal nulli, that it might 
rime with curae, will be clear, I think, when we come to 
examine the four lines of which the above are the first two. 2 

Another indication that rimes were not accidental is sug- 
gested by Eichner. 3 This is the frequent use of alliteration, 
to somewhat the same end, the setting off against each other 
of the two hemistichs. Comprare 

sive illam Cots fulgentem incedere cogis, n, i, 5. 
et mala desertos occupat herba decs. n, 6, 36. 

The fondness, too, for other sorts of repetitions and jingling 
combinations, which I shall show was characteristic of Pro- 
pertius, increases the probability that he liked the sound of 
the rimes, as well. 

Finally, the evidence of deliberate purpose revealed in a 
number of more or less elaborate rime-patterns, extending 
through groups of two distichs each, is so convincing as to 
leave no room to question his perception of the possibilities 

1 Quaestiones, 175. 

2 See p. 37, below. In another place the form uno is apparently a dative, 

laus in amore mori : laus altera, si datur uno 

posse frui : fruar o solus amore meo ! n, I, 47 f. 

and here the unusual form prevents rime ! But this only shows that Propertius 
did not invariably rime where it was open to him so to do a fact sufficiently 
evident from several lines where a transposition of two words would have pro- 
duced rime. Nor is it certain that he did not here prefer uno for the sake of the 
triple rime uno, o, meo. 
8 Op. cit. 37. 

B. O. Foster 


of rime. That he deliberately sought the rime, in every 
instance where it appears in his verse, does not, of course, 
necessarily follow. 

Before leaving the subject of single lines exhibiting rime, 
to consider the more elaborate varieties, there is a type of 
bracketed rimes which is so much affected by Propertius as 
to be worth noting. The demand for short syllables in the 
second half of the pentameter made it convenient to begin 
this hemistich with a noun and epithet ending in a short 
vowel. In the vast majority of cases the vowel was short #, 
and Propertius did not object to this arrangement, even when 
it resulted in a succession of three words having the same 
ending, as in the lines 

et prosint illi cognita nostra mala. i, 7, 14. 
matris et ante deos lib era sumpta toga, iv, i, 132.. 

But the device becomes especially noteworthy when the noun 
and epithet are bracketed by words which themselves rime, 
as in this line : 

quas dedit Argivis Dardana praeda viris ; i, 19, 14. 

Occasionally the combination is effected by bracketing two 
infinitives, or other words in short e. 

tantum operis, nervis hiscere posse meis ; in, 3, 4. 
eventumfvrmae disce timere tuae ! in, 25, 18. 
' Nube ' ait ' et regni scande cubile mei ! ' iv, 4, 90. 

The following table shows a growing inclination on the 
part of Propertius to cast his pentameters in this mould : 






3 entameters . . 






Bracketed rimes . 






3 er cent .... 






Of these 178 verses, 154 show a bracketed rime in a, while 
24 have e. 

The same thing is found, though far less often, in the 
hexameters. I have counted 31 cases, i of the rime in e, 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic Embellishments 37 

the rest in a. The following line shows a rimed pair in the 
first half, as well as the second : 

munera quanta dedi vel qualia carmina feci ! n, 8, n. 

Eichner saw, as I have said, that successive distichs might 
be connected by the use of rimed syllables, at corresponding 
points, but he cites no very remarkable proofs of this. 1 Yet 
there are in Propertius many quatrains (if we may so term 
them for brevity), where the four lines form one sentence (or, 
in a few instances, two closely connected sentences), and 
where rimes (sometimes with the help of anaphora) are so 
employed as to emphasize the unity of the group. 

The most admirable example of this quatrain is the fol- 
lowing : 

quam supra nullae pendebant debita curae 

roscida desertis poma sub arboribus, 
et circum irriguo surgebant lilia prato 

Candida purpureis mixta papaveribus. i, 20, 35 ff. 

Here we have, in the hexameters, the ordinary rimes nullae 
curae ', irriguo prato. In the pentameters desertis of one 
line rimes with purpureis of the other, and arboribus with 
papaveribus. Note how this arrangement prevents the rimes 
from cloying by their monotony, as is the case in the scheme 
aabbccdd. But this is not all; pendebant (i) is answered by 
surgebant (3), debita (i) by lilia (3), roscida (2) by Candida (4), 
and poma (2) by mixta (4). Observe also another artifice in 
the criss-cross of debita roscida poma y and lilia Can- 
dida mixta. It would be hard to match this quatrain in 
any poetry, for intricate yet unobtrusive elaboration of form, 
combined with simplicity and beauty of thought. The most 
sceptical can hardly deny that we have here, at least, con- 
vincing proof that Propertius could deliberately avail himself 
of the opportunities for embellishment afforded by rime. In- 
deed the whole poem shows a keen sensitiveness to sound, 
and in this regard, as in some others, is one of the most 
beautiful of the elegies. 

1 Op. cit. 41. 

38 B. O. Foster [1909 

In no other instance is the pattern so elaborately wrought 
out, but in several places the poet's intention is scarcely less 
evident. In the opening lines of the Monobiblos we find the 
pentameters corresponding, in the same way, in their main 
rimes, while the fact that the same rime (imperfect in verse 
three) occurs at the end of every first hemistich serves fur- 
ther to give an air of solidarity to the quatrain. 

Cynthia prima suis miserum me cepit ocellis, 

contactum nullis ante cupidinibus. 
turn mihi constantls deiecit lumina fastus 

et caput impositis pressit Amor/fdftfau; i, i, i ff. 

In the perfectness of the responsions in the short lines the 
following example is more like the first one quoted, though 
the long lines are left without connecting rimes. Here, as in 
the first example, we have to do with a single sentence. 

interea nostri quaerunt sibi vulnus ocelli, 

Candida non tecto pectore si qua sedet, 
sive vagi crines puris in frontibus errant, 

Indie a quos medio vertice gemma tenet. n, 22, 7 ff. 

Here we find every word in the one pentameter riming with 
its fellow in the other, save in the case of non and quos, 
where there is assonance. 

The next two citations are successive parts of a long 

et mode solvebam nostra de fronte corollas 

ponebamque tuis, Cynthia, temporibus ; 
et modo gaudebam lapses formare capillos ; 

nunc furtiva cam's poma dabam manibus ; i, 3, 21 ff. 

Here the pentameters correspond in their principal rimes, 
and there is considerable symmetry in the case of the hex- 
ameters, where, beside the rime solvebam gaudebam, and 
the assonance corollas capillos, there is a double-shotted 
anaphora et modo et modo. 

omniaque ingrato largibar munera somno, 

munera de prono saepe voluta sinu ; 
et quotiens raro duxit suspiria motu, 

obstupui vano credulus auspicio, i, 3, 25 ff. 

Vol. xl] On Certain Etiphonic Embellishments 39 

Here the main rime is everywhere <?, save at the ends of 
the middle lines, where it is u. It is not only in the rime 
places, however, that these sounds recur. Indeed they quite 
dominate the quatrain. Note, finally, the responsion in 
munera suspiria. 

In the next passage I have not hesitated (in view of the 
resulting symmetry) to restore F.'s et creber platanis, for N.'s 
et platanis creber (printed by Phillimore). 

et creber platanis pariter surgentibus ordo, 

flumina sopito quaeque Marone cadunt, 
etleviter nymphis tota crepitantibus urbe 

cum subi/0 Triton ore recondit aquam. n, 32, 13 ff. 

Here, again, the likeness is heightened by anaphora, et et ; 
and crepitantibus corresponds to surgentibus, though end- 
rime is wanting. In the pentameters sopito is echoed by -to 

The monotonous regularity of the scheme aabbccdd is heard 
in the following quatrain : 

quamvis te longae remorentur fata senectae, 

cara tarn en lacrimis, ossa futura meis. 
quae tu viva mea possis sentire favilla ! 

turn mihi non ullo mors sit amara loco. i, 19, 17 ff. 

The next one, occurring earlier in the same poem, is an 
almost perfect instance of the pattern aabbbbaa : 

Non ego nunc tristis vereor, mea Cynthia, Manis, 

nee moror extremo debita fata rogo ; 
sed ne forte tuo careat mihi funus amore, 1 

hie timor est ipsis durior exsequiis. i, 19, i ff. 

The unusual anaphora in the next strophe is its chief 
euphonic feature. But the hexameters correspond also in 
having rime at hepthemimeral caesura and verse-end, and 
plena 2Ch&fusco correspond. 

vidistis pleno teneram candore pueUam, 

vidistis fusco. ducit uterque color ; 
vidistis quandam Argiva prodire figura, 

vidistis nostras, utraque forma rapit ; n, 25, 41 ff. 
1 Rime is lacking in amore, but is suggested by the assonance. 

4O B. O. Foster [1909 

If we read fuscas in the second line, with Markland, we 
should have a close symmetry in verses two and four. 

In the next quatrain the anaphora is reenforced, and made 
more effective, structurally, by the tune tune of the hexame- 
ters, and the sit sit of the pentameters. 

nee mea tune longa spatietur imagine pompa, 

nee tuba sit fa ti vana querela mei ; 
nee mihi tunc/&/m? sternatur lectus eburno, 

nee sit in Attalico mors mea nixa toro. n, 13, 19 ff. 

One more very curious and characteristic instance of ana- 
phora in the quatrain may be quoted in this connection : 

desine et Aeschyleo componere verba coturno, 
desine, et ad mollis membra resolve chores. 

incipe iam angusto versus includere torno, 

inque tuos ignis, dure poeta, veni. n, 34, 41 ff. 

In view of the parallelism in the thought and the rimes, it is 
impossible to doubt that incipe and inque are meant as a sort 
of pseudo-anaphora. 

I could cite many more of these quatrains, 1 but those I 
have given are, perhaps, enough for my purpose, including, 
as they do, the most interesting and convincing examples. 
Here and there we come upon even larger rime-groups. 
These latter are lacking, however, in the symmetry of the 
passages just considered, and consist of long sentences where 
a succession of irregular rimes gives a heightened richness 
to the sound, which sometimes matches very appropriately 
the embroidery of the thought. 2 The following lines will 
give a good idea of this type of embellishment. The rimes 
are echoed and varied in many ways, yet they impart a cer- 
tain homogeneity to the passage, when it is read in its almost 
rimeless context. 

1 I have noted some seventy, in all. Probably no two readers would agree as 
to the number. In many cases one must hesitate to pronounce whether or no the 
poet felt the quatrain structure. 

2 Eichner, 39, justly observes that homoeoteleuta are found " am haufigsten 
da, wo die Darstellung, dem Character der Strophe entsprechend, mehr schildernd 
als erzahlend ist." 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic Embellishments 41 

nee me tarn facies, quamvis sit Candida, cepit 

(lilia non domina sunt magis alba mea ; 
ut Maeotica nix minio si certet Hibero, 

utque rosae/z/;v lacte natant/<?//0), 
nee de more comae per levia cQ\\&flttentes, 

non oculi, geminae, sidera nostra,y"tf^<?,f, 
nee si qua Arabio lucet bombyce puella 

(non sum de nihilo bland us amator ego) : 
quantum quod posito formose saltat laccho, 

egit ut euhantis dux Ariadna chores, 
et quantum, Aeolio cum temptat carmina plectro, 

par Aganippeae ludere docta lyrae ; 
et sua cum antiquae committit scripta Corinnae, 

carmina quae quivis, non putat aequa suis. n, 3, 9 ff. 

EXCURSUS ON RIME IN THE Panegyricus Messallae 

In an edition of Lygdarnus, including the Panegyricus 
Messallae (Budapest, 1906), G. Nemethy gives a number of 
reasons for believing that the Panegyricus was a youthful 
composition of Propertius. 1 This thesis, though I find noth- 
ing inherently absurd in the ascription to a great poet of a 
juvenile performance giving little or no promise of the gifts 
revealed in the later work bearing his name, I am not at 
present prepared to accept. But I will suggest to Mr. Ne- 
methy an additional argument, which, I believe, his critics 
must take account of, in judging of the probability of his 

In the elegiac verse of Catullus the per cent of rimed 
hexameters is 10; in Tibullus 10; in Ovid 10 (the last esti- 
mate is based on an examination of 1500 distichs); in Pro- 
pertius 26. Now in the Panegyricus there are 56 rimed lines 
out of a total number of 202, or 26 per cent. This ratio is 
even more striking than at first appears, because rimes are 
less frequent in hexameters used Kara vrfyov, as in the Pane- 
gyricus, than in the hexameters of elegiac verse. Thus (the 
figures are based on 1000 verses in each author) Lucretius 

1 With Nemethy's discussion should be read a notice by S. Allen, in the Clas- 
sical Review, 1906, 450. 

42 B. O. Foster [!99 

has 3.7 per cent of rimed lines; Horace 5.8 per cent; Vergil 
6.2 per cent. Statius has more than any other of the poets 
examined, 10 per cent in the Tkebais, 16 per cent in the 


Sellar, Horace and the Elegiac Poets, p. 309, calls attention 
(in what, curiously enough, is his only specific comment on 
the subject discussed in this paper) to the fondness of Pro- 
pertius for " the long vowel sound of o and u " in his pen- 
tameters, and associates this tendency with his propensity to 
spondaic beginnings, as making for weighty lines. His 
illustration was the following : 

quam cito de tanto nomine rumor eris ! i, 5, 26. 

There are a number of lines which show this predominance 
of the o and u sounds, from which I select the following : 

hoc magis assueto ducere servitio? i, 4, 4. 
inferior duro iudice turpis eat. i, 4, 10. 
posse frui : fruar o solus amore meo ! n, i, 48. 
pocula privigno non nocitura suo, n, i, 52. 
differtur, numquam tollitur ullus amor. u, 3, 8. 
provisum est Lycio vota probante deo. in, i, 38. 
nutrit in hospitio non, Polydore, pio. in, 13, 56. 
Horon, et a proavo ducta Conone domus. iv, i, 78. 

But the accumulation of these sounds is found in the longer 
lines quite as often. 

non tamen ilia suos poterit conpescere ocellos, i, 16, 31. 
quandocumque igitur nostros mors claudet ocellos n, 13, 17. 
at tu mine nostro, Venus, o succurre dolori, 11, 16, 13. 
rursus et obiectum flemus caput esse tumultu u, 27, 7. 
sed Chio thalamo aut Oricia terebintho in, 7, 49. 
Clausus ab umbroso qua ludit pontus Averno, m, 18, i. 
plumbea cum tortae sparguntur pondera fundae, iv, 3, 65. 

Sometimes the effect is carried through several verses : 

hie Anio Tiburne fluis, Clitumnus ab Vmbro 

tramite, et aeternum Marcius umor opus, 
Albanus lacus et| socii Nemorensis ab unda,f 

potaque Pollucis lympha salubris equo. m, 22, 23 ff. 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic Embellishments 43 

Other vowels, too, are similarly 'run ' to use the word of 
Stevenson 1 for a line or more. Here are some instances 
of a : 

aut cum Dulichias Pallas spatiatur ad aras, n, 2, 7. 
quam multa adposita narramus verba lucerna, n, 15, 3. 
Calve, tua venia, pace, Catulle, tua. n, 25, 4. 
alternante vorans vasta Charybdis aqua; n, 26, 54. 
saxa Cithaeronis Thebas agitata per artem in, 2, 5. 
et miser invisam traxit hiatus aquam ; in, 7, 52. 
capripedes calamo Panes hiante canent, HI, 17, 34. 
ite, rates curvas 2 et leti texite causas : 

ista per humanas mors venit acta manus. 
terra parum fuerat, fatis adiecimus undas : 

fortunae miseras auximus arte vias. in, 7, 29 ff. 

The letter e is seldom so prominent, owing, doubtless, 
rather to the paucity of long e sounds than to a dislike to the 
vowel, for z, which is even less musical, in the opinion of the 
ancients, 3 as in our own, was frequently ' run/ One or two 
examples of e lines I have, however, noted : 

interdum leviter mecum deserta querebar i, 3, 43. 

me mediae noctes, me sidera plena iacentem, i, 16, 23. 4 

turn me vel tragicae vexetis Erinyes, et me n, 20, 29. 

Of lines strongly colored by the / sound the following are 
but a sample : 

Eueni patriis filia litoribus ; i, 2, 18. 

supplicis a longis tristior excubiis. i, 16, 14. 

parce tuis animis, vita, nocere tibi. n, 5, 18. 

nunc quoque eris, quamvis sic inimica mihi. n, 9, 44. 

Scribant de te alii vel sis ignota licebit : n, n, i. 

misit matronis Inachis Ausoniis ! n, 33, 4. 

nunc mihi, si qua tenes, ab origine dicere prima in, 6, 7. 

1 In a whimsical but suggestive paper on Some Technical Elements of Style in 
Literature, Scribner edition, XXII, 243 ff. 

2 Passerat's conjecture for Mss curvae, retained by Phillimore. 

3 Dion. Hal., Comp. 14, thus ranks the vowels : a 77 w u t. 

4 In both these verses there is perhaps an attempt to imitate the querulous 
tones of the speaker. Cf. section vn, below. 

44 B. O. Foster L 1 99 

extiterit, per me, Lygdame, liber eris. in, 6, 42. 
quinque tibi potui servire fideliter annos : in, 25, 3. 
tibia Mygdoniis libet eburna cadis. iv, 6, 8. 1 
sensi ego, cum insidiis pallida vina bibi. iv, 7, 36. 
illas direptisque comis tunicisque solutis iv, 8, 61. 
et quibus inposuit, solvit mox vincla libido : 

contineant nobis omina prima fidem. in, 20, 23 f. 
quid tibi vis, insane? meos sentire furores? 

infelix, properas ultima nosse mala, 
et miser ignotos vestigia ferre per ignis, 

et bibere e tota toxica Thessalia. 
non est ilia vagis similis collata puellis : 

molliter irasci non solet ilia tibi. 
quod si forte tuis non est contraria votis, 

at tibi curarum milia quanta dabit ! I, 5, 3 ff. 

The diphthong ae is found frequently in the riming posi- 
tion. In the following distich an additional instance gives it 
a quite noticeable preponderance : 

his tu semper eris nostrae gratissima vitae, 

taedia dum miserae sint tibi luxuriae. I, 2, 31 f, 2 


Propertius used alliteration to an extent which might easily 
escape the casual reader, for he will find no exaggerated in- 
stances of it. Yet it is a form of adornment which he is never 
long without. We may classify the examples roughly in two 
groups. In the first, alliteration serves, in one way or another, 
to emphasize the structure of the verse or distich. 3 In the 
second it is a means of linking together words belonging to 
the same phrase sometimes a proverb or other such stereo- 
typed expression. 4 

1 Here the z's are perhaps mimetic. Cf. vii, below. 

2 Cf. Catullus, 46, n, diversae variae viae reportant. 

3 Eichner, op. cit. 37 f. 

4 See O. Keller, " Allitteration " (in Grammatische Aufsatze, 1-72), with a 
large collection of phrases, and Wolfflin, " Zur Allitteration," in Archiv IX, 567- 
573, being comment on Keller's article. 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic Embellishments 45 

In the former group we may recognize several varieties. 
Alliteration may serve to accentuate the unity of a single 
hemistich, as in these lines : 

fortiter ztferrum saevos patiemur et ignis, i, i, 27. 
donee diversas praecurrens luna fenestras, i, 3, 31. 
infelix, hodie vir mihi rure venit. n, 23, 20. 
terque meum tetigit sulpuris igne caput. iv, 8, 86. 

Or the two hemistichs may each be given an alliteration of 
its own : 

0#/regum auratis circumdata colla catenis, n, i, 33. 
quippe coronatos alienum #</limen amantis m, 3, 47.* 

Sometimes the repeated sound is the same for both hemi- 
stichs. Thus the end of the first half may alliterate with the 
end of the second, 

sive illam Cois fulgentem incedere cogis, n, i, 5. 
astrictus ploret saepe dedisse pater, n, 23, 18. 

Or the beginning and ending of one half may correspond to 
the beginning or ending of the other, 

crede mihi, quamvis contemnas murmura famae, n, 5, 29. 
Postume, plorantem potuisti linquere Gallam, m, 12, i. 
luce iubent leges Lethaea ad stagna reverti : iv, 7, 91. 

Or the beginning of one half may correspond to the beginning 
of the other, 

Scyttaop& et alternas scissa Charybdis aquas, m, 12, 28. 2 

The type of structural alliteration most commonly used is 
that where the word ending the first hemistich and the word 

1 Qu and c alliterate, as often; cf. n, 3, 21 f. et sua cum antiquae committit 
scripta Corinnae, | carmina quae quivis, non putat aequa suis. 

2 Keller, op. cit. 42, says that alliteration with double consonants was usually 
avoided. The truth of the matter probably is that opportunities for double- 
consonant alliteration are rare. Nor can I find in Propertius any support for 
another remark of Keller's (ib.), that alliteration with qu is avoided. (I should 
add that Keller expressly excepts the archaic writers from this rule.) Cf. II, 21, 
17 huic quoque qui restat iam pridem quaeritur alter; II, 22, 14 quod quaeris, 
'quare ' ; II, 33, n a quotiens quernis; II, 33, 42 est quiddam quod vos quaerere 
cogat Amor. Wolfflin, op. cit. 571, accepts " im grossen Ganzen," Keller's dictum. 

46 B. O. Foster 

beginning the second have the same initial sound. I have 
counted 166 such lines in Propertius. Cf. 

sed tu non debes inimicae credere linguae : 

semper formosis fabula poena fuit. 
non tua deprenso damnata est fama veneno : 

testis erispuras, Phoebe, videre manus. n, 32, 25 ff. 

Often the verse-end is marked by the alliteration in the last 
two words. There are 145 cases of this sort. Cf. 

magna, viri, merces : parat ultima terra triumphos ; in, 4, 3. 
purpureus pluvias cur bibit arcus aquas, m, 5, 32. 

If the hexameter and the pentameter begin with the same 
sound, we get an impression of structural balance similar to 
that given by anaphora : 

quare, quid possit mea Cynthia, desine, Galle, 

quaerere : non impune ilia rogata venit. i, 5, 31 f. 

venturam melius praesagit navita mortem, 

vulneribus didicit miles habere metum. m, n, 5 f. 

Or the unity of the distich may be intimated by other or 
additional alliterative correspondences : 

terra pa.rum/uerat,/atis adiecimus undas : 

fortunae miseras auximus arte vias. m, 7, 31 f. 
te duce vel lovis arma canam caeloquz minantem 

Coeum et Phlegraeis Eurymedonta iugis; in, 9, 47 f. 
criminaque ignavi capitis mihi turpia fingis, 

47#<?*/ nequeam fracto rumpere vincla iugo? in, u, 3 f. 
Scis here mi multas pariter placuisse puellas ; 

sets mihi, Demophoon, multa venire mala. n, 22, i f. 

The second group of alliterations (in proverbial or other 
phrases, old or new) is fairly large, and could probably be 
extended by further scrutiny. I give first those whose cur- 
rency seems vouched for by their appearance elsewhere, in 
the same or similar forms. 

o quotiens votis ilia vocanda meis, i, 10, 4. 1 

non, si Cambysae redeant et flumina Croesi, n, 26, 23. 2 

1 Cf. Verg. G. I, 157 votisque vocaveris imbrem ; A en. v, 234 divosque in vota 
vocasset = vii, 471. 

2 Lactant. vi, 13, II Croesum aut Crassum ; Serv. Aen. i, 119 Gaza Persicus 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic Embellishments 47 

senes et pater ipse chori; n, 32, 38. 1 
z&ficta in miseras descend \\.fabula gentis, in, 5, 45. 2 
sic, ut earn vbcomptis vidisti flere capillis, in, 6, g. 3 
ventorum est, quodcumque paras : baud ulla carina 

consenuit,fallit portus et ipsefidem. in, 7, 35 f. 4 
annua solvamus thalamo sollemnia nostro, in, 10, 31.* 
coniugis obsceni pretium Romana popo scit in, n, 3i. 6 
at tu, sive petes portus seu, navita, linques, in, n, yi. 7 
Falsa est ista tuae, mulier, _/&/'# formae, in, 24, i. 8 
pellitos habuit, rustica corda, Patres. iv, i, i2. 9 
flore sacella tego, verbenis compita veto, iv, 3, 57. 10 
ingenium/0/r irritet Musa/^/zj 1 / iv, 6, 75." 

dumfretium vitae grata izpendit humus. iv, n, ioo. 12 

sermo est et significat divitias, unde Gaza urbs in Palaestina dicitur, quod in ea 
Cambyses rex Persarum . . . divitias suas condidit. So Mela I, 1 1, 3. 

1 Cf. Ov. A. A. i, 543 f. senex Silenus ; so Fast, i, 399; vi, 339. 

2 Lygdamus, 4, 68 fabula ficta ; Cic. Mil. 42 rumorem, fabulam fictam, levem 
perhorrescimus ; Verr. in, 182 fictis fabulis. 

8 Hor. C. I, 12, 41 incomptis Curium capillis ; Ov. M. iv, 261 nuda, nudis 
incompta capillis ; Suet. Aug. 69 incomptiore capillo. 

4 ' Proverbialiter fere' notes the Thesaurus on hand ulla carina consenuit, 
and fallere fidem must have been a common phrase (cf. Curt. VII, 10, 9 fidem 
hosti datam fallere). Here again we have a proverb ; cf. Otto, Sprichworter, 
s.v. portiis i. 

5 Alliteration in similar ritualistic phrases is common. Cf. Manil. I, 427 sacra 
solvere ; Plorus I, 13, 1 6 sollemne sacrum. 

6 Pretium poscere, pacisci, etc., were familiar phrases. Cf. Cic. Verr. n, I, 7 
(pretium poscere); Varro (Lactant. I, 6, 10) pro reliquis libris idem pretium 
poposcit ; Cic. Off. in, 107 (pretium pacisci). 

7 Cic. Plane. 94 (portum petere) ; Verg. Aen. I, 194 portum petit. 

8 Ov. A. A. I, 707 A ! nimia est iuveni propriae fiducia formae. Same ending 
at M. Ill, 270, and IV, 687. Cf. A. A. II, 143 fallaci timide confide figurae. 

9 Claudian. Bell. Get. v, 481 f. crinigeri sedere patres pellita Getarum curia. 
Did Propertius originate the phrase ? 

10 Verg. Aen. Xii, 120 velati limo et verbena tempora vincti ; Hor. C. iv, u, 
6 f. ara castis | vincta verbenis ; Ov. M. VII, 429 bourn vinctorum cornua vittis. 

11 Hor. Epist. i, 19, 7 f. Ennius ipse pater numquam nisi potus ad arma | prosi- 
luit dicenda (Ennius, Sat. 8 numquam poetor nisi si podager). Volpi cites Mart. 
Xl, 6, 12 f. possum nil ego sobrius ; bibenti succurrunt mihi quindecim poetae, 
and Kiessling-Heinze, Sammonicus de A/edicina, 713 Ennius ipse pater dum 
pocula siccat iniqua | hoc vitio tales fertur meruisse dolores. On our verse Seal. 
notes : " lege potis irritat. est yvdw" 

12 Keller, op. cit. 19, cites a number of similar phrases : pecuniam parare, 
pendere, etc. 

48 B. O. Foster [1909 

Some of the following have also the look of familiar 
phrases, while of others Propertius is perhaps himself the 
originator. It is of no great consequence where the combi- 
nation came from, for the point of interest to us is his 
employment of such alliterative expressions as an ornament. 

nunc mihi summa licet contingere sidera plantis : I, 8, 43. 1 

qua pote quisque, in ea conterat arte diem. n, i, 46. 2 

ntc forma aeternum aut cuiquam est for -tuna perennis : n, 28, 57. 

hie equidem Phoebo visus mihi pulchrior ipso n, 31, 5. 3 

quamvis Ida Parim pastorem dicat amasse n, 32, 35.* 

nee minor his animi est ; aut, si minor ore, canorus 

anseris indocto carmine cessit olor. n, 34, 83 f. 5 
et Veneris dominae volucres, mea turba, columbae m, 3, 31. 
ilium turgentis ranae portenta rubetae. m, 6, 27. 6 
naturae sequitur semina quisque suae. in, 9, 2O. r 
fiuminaQUQ %.&fontis sint reditura caput, in, 19, 6. 8 
ecce coronatae portum tetigere carinae, m, 24, 15? 
accersis lacrimas cantans, aversus Apollo ; iv, i, 73. 
hue melius profugos misisti, Troia, Penatis. iv, i, 39. 
hactenus historiae : nunc ad tua devehar astra ; iv, i, 119. 
transeat ante meos turba togata pedes. iv, 2, 56. 
surdus in obductam somniet usque seram. iv, 5, 48. 
nee tu sperne/w venientia somnia/^r//>: iv, 7, 87. 
venit ad invictos pecorosa Palatia montis, iv, 9, 3. 
Cossus at insequitur Veientis caede Tolumni, 

vincere cum Veios posse laboris erat, 
necdum ultra Tiberim belli sonus, ultima praeda 

Nomentum et captae iugera terna Corae. 
Heu Vei veteres ! et vos turn regna fuistis, 

et vestro posita est aurea sella foro : iv, 10, 23 ff. 
caelibis ad curas nee vacet ulla via. iv, n, 94. 

1 Otto, c a el um 10. 2 Otto, ars I. 

8 Petron. 109 Phoebo pulchrior et sorore Phoebi. Is Phoebo pulchrior pro- 
verbial? Cf. Verg. Aen. m, 119 pulcher Apollo, and the discussion of that phrase 
in Marx, Lucilius, u, pp. 12 f. (on verse 23). 

4 Hor. C. I, 15, i Pastor cum traheret. 5 Otto, cycnus 2. 

6 Plin. N. H. viu, no ranae quoque rubetae ; xxxn, 50 sunt quae in vepribus 
tantum vivunt, ob id rubetarum nomine. The adj. was perhaps chosen by reason 
of the alliteration. 7 Otto, studium. 

8 Otto, flumen 5. Cf. Prop, n, 15, 33 fluminaque ad caput incipient revocare 
liquores. g Val. Flac. I, 301 visa coronatae fulgens tutela carinae. 

Vol. xl] On Certain EupJionic Embellishments 49 


The rule of Isocrates (TC^. fr. 4), ftT/Se reXevrav ical ap%e- 
cr6ai euro rrjs avTjjs (rv\\aj3ri<i olov elTrovaa cra^r), rj\{/ca /ea\a, 
evQa 0a\r)s, was not strictly observed by the Roman poets. 1 
Plautus has a line where the syllable re is used thrice in suc- 
cession (twice short, once long) and thrice in other parts of 
the same line : 

recipe te et recurre peters (re} recenti, etc. Trin. 1015. 

Even Vergil 2 and Horace 3 occasionally admit such repeti- 
tions, and it is not surprising to find that Propertius has 24 
instances of them. Obviously it did not seem to him a thing 
to be avoided. That, on the contrary, the effect seemed dis- 
tinctly ornamental to him, I should not be disposed to assert 
with any confidence. In some cases the repetition is incon- 
spicuous, and here at least it seems wisest to refrain from 
classifying it among the poet's conscious embellishments. 
Compare the following lines : 

et possum alterius curas r<?centis, i, 10, 17. 
nee non Ismario tu, Polyphe#z<?, mero. n, 33, 32. 
errat et abiecta Cerberus ipse sera.. iv, 7, 90. 

At other times the repetition is more striking and may well 
have been deliberately sought. So in these verses : 

solus amor mor\)\ non amat artificem. n, i, 58. 
nutritus dur<?, ^mule, lacte lupae : n, 6, 2O. 4 
et quaecumque erat in numer*? ^mana puella, n, 28, 55. 
et Danaum decimo vere raiisse ratis, in, 9, 40. 

In the last example the additional alliteration makes the 
syllable-repetition more prominent. 

1 Vollmer, on Statius, Silv. in, 3, 12. 

2 Aeneid, n, 27 Dorir <r#stra ; on which Servius notes : mala est compositio 
ab ea syllaba incipere qua superius finitus est sermo. 

3 Epistles i, i, 95 occurs', rides. Other examples in Kiessling-Heinze (ad 
loc.), who say: " Dass occurri rides ein Missklang sei, beruht auf reiner 

4 That duro O, not durae ?, is right, is a conclusion which derives some sup- 
port from the same sequence in the next example. 

5<D B. O. Foster [ r 99 

Whatever our impression regarding the significance of this 
class of repetitions, there can be no question of the delight 
Propertius took in those next to be considered. The species 
of jingle which they produce is too striking to have been due 
to indifference, and is admitted too freely to be explained as 
carelessness. The effect I mean is that given by the repeti- 
tion, more or less exact, of a sound after the interval of one 
or two syllables, and is most effective when both cases fall 
under the ictus. 

externo longas saepe in amore moms : i, 3, 44. 

Colchis lolciacis urat aena focis, n, i, 54. 

in nostrum iacies verba superba caput? n, 8, I6. 1 

lectule deliciis /#<:/<? beate meis ! n, 15, 2. 

ilia sepulturae/tf/Vz beata tuae. 11, 28, 26. 

et pecoris duro perdere verba sono. n, 33, 10. 

et lecta exsectis anguibus ossa trahunt, HI, 6, 28. 

obruis insano terque quaterque mari. in, 7, 6. 

sedarit placida vela phaselus aqua, in, 21, 20. 

mecum eris, et mixtis ossibus ossa teram, iv, 7, 94. 

territa vicinas Teia clamat aquas. iv, 8, 58. 

furis et implacidas diruit ira fores. iv, 9, 14. 

infelix umeros urgeat urna meos. iv, n, 28. . 

The jingle is equally common in the hexameters. Compare : 

ilia meam mihi iam se denegat, ilia minatur, i, 6, 9. 
ac veluti primo taurus detractat aratra, n, 3, 47. 
inferior multo cum sim vel marte vel armis, 11, 8, 39. 
sidera sunt testes et matutina pruina n, 9, 41. 
sed tibi si exilis videor tenuatus in artus, n, 22, 21. 
expertus dico, nemo est in amore fidelis : n, 34, 3. 
nee minor his animi est ; aut, si minor ore, canorus n, 34, 83. 
Sic ego non ullos iam norim in amore tumultus, HI, 15, i. 
post mortem tumuli sic infamantur amantiim. in, 16, 27. 
illi sint quicumque solent in amore dolores, in, 20, 27. 
et iam quarta canit venturam bucina lucem, iv, 4, 63. 
quam nisi defendes, murorum Romulus augur iv, 6, 43. 
vinaque fundantur prelis elisa Falerw/V, iv, 6, 73. 
spectaclum ipsa sedens/r/w^ temone pependit, iv, 8, 21. 
te licet orantem fuscae deus audiat aulae : iv, n, 5. 
1 Ovid, Met. xiv, 715 verba superba ferox. 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic Embellishments 51 


When we come to the repetition of entire words we are 
upon ground that is rather less certain, for it is often difficult 
to determine whether the word is repeated for euphony or 
emphasis. But in most places it will probably be safe to 
assume that both influences are at work. In any case we 
may feel reasonably sure, in dealing with a genuine poet, 
that euphony was never quite forgotten ; and we shall cer- 
tainly be warranted in setting down as euphonic any form of 
repetition which is neither inconspicuous nor very rare. 

There are several passages in Propertius where a word at 
or near the end of the hexameter is repeated in the beginning 
of the short line, as if the poet were reluctant to part with it. 
The effect is uniformly pleasing, and it must be accounted 
among the most successful of his euphonic devices. 

omniaque ingrato largibar munera somno, 

munera de prono saepe voluta sinu ; i, 3, 25 f. 
donee diversas praecurrens luna fenestras, 

luna moraturis sedula luminibus, i, 3, 31 f. 
hinc etenim tantum meruit mea gloria nomen, 

gloria ad hibernos lata Borysthenidas. 11, 7, 1 7 f. 
seu mihi sunt tangenda novercae pocula Phaedrae, 

pocula privigno non nocitura suo, n, i, 51 f. 
a mea turn qualis caneret tibi tibia somnos, 

tibia, funesta tristior ilia tuba ! n, 7, n f. 
haec quoque perfecto ludebat lasone Varro, 

Varro Leucadiae maxima flamma suae ; n, 34, 85. 
ut nostris tumefacta superbiat Vmbria libris, 

Vmbria Romani patria Callimachi ! iv, i, 63 f. 
scandentisque Asis consurgit vertice murus, 

murus ab ingenio notior ille tuo? iv, i, 125 f. 

Proper nouns are often repeated, as in some of the lines 
just quoted. In the examples which follow, sound would 
seem to have been the essential object, rather than emphasis : 

et cum Deucalionis aquae fluxere per orbem, 

et post antiquas Deucalionis aquas. n, 32, 53 f. 

52 B. O. Foster 

haec tua, Persephone, maneat dementia, nee tu, 

Persephonae coniunx, saevior esse velis. n, 28, 47 f. 1 

The following lines show the repetition of Hypsipyle, in 
such a way as to link together the two distichs, a result 
partly attained by the pentameter rimes. 

nee sic Aesoniden rapientibus anxia ventis 

Hypsipyle vacuo constitit in thalamo : 
Hypsipyle nullos post illos sensit amores, 

ut semel Haemonio tabuit hospitio. i, 15, 17 ff. 

In general, Propertius shows a commendable restraint in 
the repetition of proper nouns, never going so far as Ovid, 
not to speak of Statius, who has the line : 

Asteris ante dapes, nocte As tens, As ten's, ortu. 2 

Restrained, too, on the whole, is his employment of ana- 
phora. 3 Repetitions of this class are frequent, but, save in 
the case of connectives, or other particles, the word is not 
usually repeated more than once. 

The following is a striking example of the effect Proper- 
tius sometimes produces by interweaving the repeated words. 
Note also the rimes. 

tu mihi sola domus, tu, Cynthia, sola parentes, 

omnia tu nostrae tempora laetitiae. 
seu tristis veniam seu contra laetus amicis, 

quicquid ero, dicam ' Cynthia causa fuit.' 
tu modo quam primum cormptas desere Baias : 

multis ista dabunt litora discidium, 
litora quae fuerant castis inimica puellis : 

a pereant Baiae, crimen amoris, aquae ! I, n, 23 ff. 

The effect of this interlocking order is particularly charm- 
ing in the next citation. In verse 6, mea dicetur, dicta mea, 
in 7 f., vertuntur, vertuntur amores ; vinceris, vincis, amore. 

1 Catullus, 4, 27 gemelle Castor et gemelle Castoris ; Petron. 109 Phoebo pul- 
chrior et sorore Phoebi. 

2 Silv. i, 2, 197; Vollmer cites several examples from Ovid and others, but 
none so extreme as this. 

8 The material is classified by Hertzberg, Quaestiones, 107 ff. 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic Embellishments 53 

possum ego in alterius positam spectare lacerto? 

nee mea dicetur, quae modo dicta mea est? 
omnia vertuntur : certe vertuntur amores : 

vinceris aut vincis, haec in amore rota est. 
magni saepe duces, magni cecidere tyranni, 

et Thebae steterant altaque Troia fuit. n, 8, 5 ff. 

The following long sentence owes not a little of its nervous 
energy and rapidity to the skill with which the interrogative 
particles are introduced. A curious feature is this, that they 
are not promiscuously mingled, but are grouped together, 
each with his fellows, yet without wearisome regularity. 
Thus, quis (once), qua (twice), uncle (three times, with quid 
inserted in the series by a solitary exception to the arrange- 
ment), cur (five times), si (once), num (four times), an (once). 

atque ubi iam Venerem gravis interceperit aetas, 

sparserit et nigras alba senecta comas ! 
turn mihi naturae libeat perdiscere mores, 

quis deus hanc mundi temperet arte domum, 
qua venit exoriens, qua deficit, unde coactis 

cornibus in plenum menstrua luna redit, 
unde salo superant venti, quid flamine captet 

Eurus, et in nubes unde perennis aqua ; 
sit ventura dies mundi quae subruat arces, 

purpureus pluvias cur bibit arcus aquas, 
aut cur Perrhaebi tremuere cacumina Pindi, 

solis et atratis luxerit orbis equis, 
cur serus versare boves et plaustra Bootes, 

Pleiadum spisso cur coit igne chorus, 
cutve suos finis altum non exeat aequor, 

plenus et in partis quattuor annus eat ; 
sub terris sint iura deum et tormenta Gigantum, 

Tisiphones atro si furit angue caput, 
aut Alcmaeoniae furiae aut ieiunia Phinei, 

num rota, num scopuli, num sitis inter aquas, 
num tribus infernum custodit faucibus antrum 

Cerberus, et Tityo iugera pauca novem, 
an ficta in miseras descendit fabula gentis, 

et timor haud ultra quam rogus esse potest. in, 5, 2-5 ff. 

54 B. O. Foster [ I 99 

Besides the foregoing there are certain kinds of word- 
echoing which are unmistakably due to a liking for the play 
on sound which they involve. Of figura etymologica, where 
cognate words are knit together syntactically, I have noted 
these examples : 

a, Neptune, tibi qualia dona darem! \ u, 16, 4. 
quid mea si cants aetas canesceretjaxaA& t n, 18, 5. 
viveret ante suos dulcis conviva Penatis, m, 7, 45. 
dux aries saturas ipse reduxit ovis ; m, 13, 40. 

And there are several lines where we have a species of 
pseudo-figura etymologica. 

indpiam captare feras et reddere pinu n, 19, 19. 
hospes in hospitium Menelao venit adulter : n, 34, 7. 
victor cum victis pariter miscebitur umbris : in, 5, 15. 
at tua, Maecenas, vitae praecepta recepi, in, 9, 21. 
vicit victor em Candida forma virum. in, n, 16. 
et quae fecisti facta queraris anus ! m, 25, I6. 1 
nos vehimur, vectum nauta recenset onus. iv, 7, 92. 

Propertius has also several examples of adnominatio. 

ero, si altera talis erit. n, 14, 10. 
Praetor ab Illyricis venit modo, Cynthia, terris, 

maxima praeda tibi, maxima cura mihi. n, 16, i f. 2 
putris et in vacua requiescit navis harena, 

et vetus in templo bellica parma vacat : n, 25, 7 f. 
quaeris, Demophoon, cur sim tam mollis in omnis? 

quod quaeris, ' quare ' non habet ullus amor. n, 22, 13 f. 
argumenta magis sunt Mentoris addita formae; m, 9, 13. 
et stetit Alba potens, albae suis omine nata, iv, i, 35. 

Vertumnus verso dicor ab amne deus. 
seu, quia vertentis fructum praecepimus anni, 

Vertumni rursus creditis esse sacrum. iv, 2, TO ff. 
versibus auditis quid nisi verba feres? iv, 5, 54. 

1 Landgraf (" De figuris etymologicis linguae Latinae," in Acta Sent. Phil. 
Erlang. II, 1-69) cites this as a true instance, but facta should not be taken with 

2 Wolfflin, " das Wortspiel im Lateinischen " (Sitzungsb. der k. bay. Ak., 
philos.-philol. CI., June 11, 1887), 201, cites an analogous pun from Aquila Ro- 
manus 27, s.v. irapovofAacria : Praetor iste, vel potius praedo sociorum. 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic Embellishments 55 

qui versus, Coae dederit nee munera vestis, iv, 5, 57. 
hunc, quoniam manibus purgatum sanxerat orbem, 

sic Sanctum Tatiae composuere Cures. iv, 9, 73 f. 
nunc spolia in templo tria condita : causa Feretri, 

omine quod certo dux.ferit ense ducem ; 
seu quia victa suis umeris haec a.rma./ere&ant, 

hinc Feretri dicta est ara superba lovis. iv, 10, 45 ff. 1 


The elder Seneca 2 tells, on the authority of Albinovanus 
Pedo, how Ovid was once asked by some friends to cancel 
three verses from his poems ; Ovid agreed, so the story runs, 
to do so, but reserved the privilege of naming three which 
should not be disturbed. Each party to the compact wrote 
out three lines, and upon comparison it was found that they 
had chosen the same verses. Of these one is lost, the other 
two were : 

semibovemque virum semivirumque bovem. A. A. n, 24. 
et gelidum Borean, egelidumque Notum, Am. n, n, 10. 

Seneca cites the anecdote to show that Ovid non ignorabat 
vitia sua, sed amabat. There are so many pentameters in 
Ovid in which the second half echoes more or less exactly 
the first that it would be hard to determine which of them 
figured as the missing member of this unhappy trio. Perhaps 
one's choice would fall upon one of these two : 

oscula aperta dabas, oscula aperta dabis Her. iv, 144. 
tu male iactato, tu male iacta dato A. A. n, 204. 

In the latter verse the second half sounds much like a stut- 
tering repetition of the first. But, for sheer perversity, I 
should award the palm to the pentameter of the following 
distich, where the second hemistich is exactly like the first, 

1 Strictly speaking, neither this nor the other etymologies cited from Book iv 
are fairly to be termed adnominatio. Here, too, if anywhere, the sound-effect is 
a necessary result of the expression of the poet's meaning. But the effect is never- 
theless there, and it seemed well, for completeness, to include these examples 
with the rest. 

2 Contr. II, 4, 1 1 f. 

56 B. O. Foster [1909 

but bears a different meaning. The line is perhaps the most 
Ovidian in Ovid. 1 

si nisi quae facie poterit te digna videri 

nulla futura tua est, nulla futura tua est. Her. xv (Sappho), 39 f. 

Yet Ovid, though he carried this trick further than the 
other elegists, was but following the lead of Tibullus and 
Propertius. The former poet, as we should expect, indulged 
but sparingly. I have noted these instances : 

non tibi barba nitet, non tibi culta coma est. I, 4, 4. 
deficiunt artes, deficiuntque doli. i, 4, 82. 
subicietque mantis, efficietque viam. i, 5, 64. 
stet procul ante alia, stet procul ante via. i, 6, 42. 
candidior semper, candidiorque veni i, 7, 64. 
caespitibus menses, caespitibusque torum. i, 5, 100. 

In none of these lines, save the fourth, where the text is 
uncertain, is the parallelism very close, but that the effect 
was aimed at is clear from the fact, noted by W. Meyer, 2 that 
in the first and third examples Tibullus has ended the first 
hemistich, contrary to his custom, with an iambic word, for 
the sake of the parallelism. 

Propertius, on the other hand, was much given to this 
triviality. Indeed, if we consider the relative bulk of their 
work, he offended even oftener than Ovid, though in no case 
quite so flagrantly as Ovid, at his worst. We must remem- 
ber, too, in judging him that he is not to be excused as con- 
forming to contemporary taste, for the age he addressed was 
the age of Vergil and Horace. The following are all the 
examples I have found : 

Cynthia prima fuit, Cynthia finis erit. i, 12, 20. 
mine super et Zetes, hunc super et Calais, i, 20, 26. 
tu quia poscebas, tu quia lentus eras. n, 3, 38. 
'Cynthia, forma potens ; Cynthia, verba levis.' n, 5, 28. 
sive ea causa gravis sive ea causa levis. n, 9, 36. 
maxima praeda tibi, maxima cura mihi. n, 16, 2. 

1 It would be a pity to dispute Ovid's title to the authorship ! 
2 "Zur Geschichte d. griech. u. lat. Hexameters" (Sitzungsb. d. k. bay. Ak., 
1884, 979 ff.), cited by Norden, Kunstprosa, n, 893, n. 4. 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic Embellishments 57 

huic malus esse solet, cui bonus ante fuit. n, 18, 22. 
ambos una fides auferet, una dies. n, 20, 18. 
nee cito desisto nee temere incipio. n, 20, 36. 
Candida Nesaee, caerula Cymothoe. n, 26, 16. 
qui dare multa potest, multa et amare potest? 11, 26, 28. 
hoc si crimen erit, crimen Amoris erit : n, 30, 24. 
quo seges in campo, quo viret uva iugo. n, 34, 78. 
nee fida Euadne nee pia Penelope. in, 13, 24. 

In the following verses the parallelism is mitigated by 
chiasmus : 

huius ero vivus, mortuus huius ero. u, 15, 36. 
vivam, si vivet : si cadet ilia, cadam. n, 28, 42. 
quae dea cum solo vivere sola deo? n, 32, 56. 

In the hexameter it was impossible to obtain so perfect 
a balance between the hemistichs, and the effect is much 
pleasanter : 

tu mihi sola domus, tu, Cynthia, sola parentes, i, n, 23. 
' At magnus Caesar.' sed magnus Caesar in armis : n, 7, 5. 
aut si es dura, nega : sin es non dura, venito ! n, 22, 43. 
et quas Euphrates et quas mihi misit Orontes, n, 23, 21. 
hoc perdit miseras, hoc perdidit ante puellas : n, 28, 7. 
haec urant pueros, haec urant scripta puellas, in, 9, 45. 
nulla est poscendi, nulla est reverentia dandi, in, 13, 13. 
nee quae sint facies nee quae sint verba rogandi in, 14, 31. 
per te iunguntur, per te solvuntur amantes : in, 17, 5. 

Here, again, we find examples with chiasmus : 

tu mihi sola places : placeam tibi, Cynthia, solus : n, 7, 19. 
Caesaris haec virtus et gloria Caesaris haec est : n, 16, 41. 
Romani montes, et montibus addita Roma, iv, 4, 35. 

This equivalence in the halves of the verse depends partly 
upon syntactical balance, in part upon the repetition of a 
sound-sequence. That the latter motive was for Propertius 
even more compelling than the former is shown by three of 
the pentameters cited above. 

(i) Cynthia prima fuit, Cynthia finis erit. 

58 B. O. Foster [1909 

Syntactically, the substitution of et ultima for finis would, as 
Postgate notes, 1 have made the correspondence real. That 
he did not write et ultima is, I believe, because finis gave a 
closer correspondence in sound. 

(2) Cynthia, forma potens; Cynthia, verba levis. 

Forma is nominative, verba is an accusative of specification. 
It is true, as Postgate saw, 2 that " the discord between the 
real construction and that which the words seem to suggest is 
very marked," but the syntax has again been subordinated to 
the sound, even at the risk of obscurity. 

(3) ambos una fides auferet, una dies. 

Here the harsh zeugma in auferet is tolerated for the sake of 
the symmetry in una fides and una dies? In this connection 
may be cited an extraordinary line : 

tu non Antimacho, non tutior ibis Homero : n, 34, 45. 

where the ear is expected to divide the word tutior so as to 
produce a pseudo-chiasmus, tu non non tu-. Compare also 
the false anaphora incipe inque already cited in another 
connection. 4 

In the three distichs next to be quoted we have in each 
hexameter a theme and variation, echoed, twice chiastically, 
in the pentameter. 

sive illam Hesperiis, sive illam ostendet Eois, 
uret et Eoos, uret et Hesperios. n, 3, 43 f. 

nos uxor numquam, numquam me ducet arnica : 

semper arnica mihi, semper et uxor eris. n, 6, 41 f. 

cum tibi nee frater nee sit tibi films ullus, 

frater ego et tibi sim filius unus ego. n, 18, 33 f. 

Somewhat similar is the following distich : 

libertas quoniam nulli iam restat amanti : 

nullus liber erit, si quis amare volet. n, 23, 23. 

Occasionally a half-line only is echoed in the succeeding 

1 Select Elegies of Propertius, LXXI. 8 See above, p. 26. 

2 L.c. 4 P. 40. 

Vol. xl] On Certain Euphonic EmbellisJiments 59 

sit licet et saxo patientior ilia Sicano, 

sit licet et ferro durior et chalybe, i, 16, 29 f. 
hostis si quis erit nobis, amet ille puellas : 

gaudeat in puero, si quis amicus erit. n, 4, 1 7 f. 
alter saepe uno mutat praecordia verbo, 

altera vix ipso sanguine mollis erit. n, 4, 21 f. 
nunc sine me plena fiunt convivia mensa, 

nunc sine me tota ianua nocte patet. n, 16, 5 f c 
tu mea compones et dices 'Ossa, Properti, 

haec tua sunt : eheu tu mihi certus eras, 
certus eras eheu, quamvis nee sanguine avito 

nobilis et quamvis non ita dives eras.' n, 24, 35 if. 
credo ego non paucos ista periisse figura, 

credo ego sed multos non habuisse fidem. n, 24, 41 f. 
vidistis pleno teneram candore puellam, 

vidistis fusco, ducit uterque color; n, 25, 41 f. 
vobiscum est lope, vobiscum Candida Tyro, 

vobiscum Europe nee proba Pasiphae, n, 28, 5 1 f. 
illae iam sine me norant placare puellas, 

et quaedam sine me verba 1 diserta loqui. in, 23, 5 f. 

qualia creverunt moenia lacte tuo ! 
moenia namque pio coner disponere versu : iv, i, 56 f. 1 


Of mimetic lines 2 there are fewer in Propertius than was 
to have been expected of a poet who so delighted in the 
management of sounds. Yet in several instances the sound 
has been successfully accommodated to the thought. In the 
passage which follows, describing the coming of Sleep, the 
preponderance of liquids is certainly not accidental: 

dum me iucundis lapsam sopor impulit alis. 
ilia fuit lacrimis ultima cura meis. i, 3, 45 f. 

1 Moenia is suspected by some scholars. So L. Muller, Praef. p. xli. To my 
mind the anaphora which Muller pronounces inscita, is strongly in favor of the 
reading, especially in view of the rime in pio and tuo, the assonance in lacte and 
namque, and the resulting equivalence in the two hemistichs. 

2 Excluding, of course, the mimesis of rhythm, with which we are not here 

60 B. O. Foster [ J 99 

Compare with these lines an earlier verse in the same poem, 
where the even progress of the moon is suggested by the 
smoothness with which syllable follows syllable : 

lima moraturis sedula luminibus, i, 3, 32. 

In the next line we hear the deep note of the shepherd's 
horn : 

nunc intra muros pastoris bucina lenti 
cantat, iv, 10, 29 f. 

And in the next I think there is an attempt to suggest the 
shrill notes of the flute : 

tibia Mygdoniis libet eburna cadis. iv, 6, 8. 

In the next distich the shrillness of the flute seems to be 
contrasted with the blare of the trumpet : 

a mea turn qualis caneret tibi tibia somnos, 
tibia, funesta tristior ilia tuba ! n, 7, n f. 

The querulous tone of the girl may perhaps be intended to 
be heard in the vowels of the next example : 

interdum leviter mecum deserta querebar i, 3, 43. 

Certainly the following lines give us the serpent's hiss, 
clearly enough : 

me servasse fidem. si fallo, vipera nostris 

sibilet in tumulis et super ossa cubet. iv, 7, 53 f. 

The explosive c and p fittingly suggest, in the next line, the 
sudden bursting open of the door : 

cum subito rauci sonuerunt cardine postes, iv, 8, 49. 

The loud roar of Charybdis is well expressed in the 
next : 

alternante vorans vasta Charybdis aqua ; n, 26, 54. 

Vol. xl] On Certain EupJionic Embellishments 6 1 

To estimate accurately the significance of Propertius in the 
development of the euphonic art we should need to compare 
him carefully with Tibullus and Ovid, and for this comparison 
studies of those poets would first have to be made. Mean- 
while I may briefly summarize the impressions left with me 
from the study of the material above set forth. 

Propertius was extremely sensitive to sound-values, and in 
many ways attempted so to combine and repeat them as to 
produce an agreeable effect. Some of his experiments were 
daring, and not all were equally successful. Probably few 
modern readers admire the pentameters where the second 
half nearly repeats the first, though the device (like almost 
all those we have been considering) is sometimes employed 
by so perfect a master of euphony as the poet Swinburne. 
On the other hand, I fancy most readers will go with me in 
commendation of the rimed quatrains, which are, no doubt, 
his most successful application of the riming principle. In 
general, Propertius used rimes to a greater extent I think 
I may safely say than any other classic poet. Sometimes 
he may have gone too far in this regard. In Latin poetry 
the pleasant effect of rime is due, in no small measure, to the 
element of variety and unexpectedness. In reading Proper- 
tius one sometimes feels that he has almost forgotten this, 
and is steering dangerously near the hidden reef of regu- 
larity. Yet there are many passages where rime is employed 
with a very delightful diversity of application, and others, 
again, where it is almost, or quite excluded, so that there 
can be no doubt that Propertius appreciated the danger of 
too great sameness, though he did not always avoid it. 

In the accumulation of single vowel-sounds we have seen 
that he produced striking effects. Sellar found in his use of 
o and u one of the sources of that weight and dignity which 
are characteristic of his pentameters, and I am inclined to 
think that the insistence upon a single vowel no matter 
which almost always gives a certain emphasis and distinc- 
tion to the verse. Of alliteration Propertius makes liberal, 
often effective use. Never going to extremes in this respect, 
he is yet, I suppose, as greatly given to the practice as any 

62 B. O. Foster [ J 99 

Latin poet later than the early period. In the nai've fondness 
which he manifests for the jingling repetition or echoing of 
syllables he may fairly be said to suggest his fellow Umbrian, 
Plautus. In the use of anaphora and the repetition of words 
he is often very happy. It is, perhaps, in considering this 
point that my treatment leaves most to be desired, for the 
phenomena do not readily yield to classification, and cannot 
be fairly represented by a few selected illustrations. 

Vol. xl] Race Mixture in Early Rome 63 

IV. Race Mixture in Early Rome 


THE doctrine whose chief expounder is Sergi, 1 to the effect 
that the Ligurians formed the primitive population of Rome, 
and constitute the basis of the present blood of the Italian 
people, holds further that a new race, of different physical 
characteristics, entered the peninsula early and mingled with 
the original inhabitants. The newcomers were Indo-Euro- 
peans from the north. 

A reply to some of Sergi's views has been made in full by 
Ridgeway, 2 chiefly on the ground that physical characteristics 
may readily be changed by changed environment. His gen- 
eral conclusion is that language "is really the surest of all 
known tests of race." Ridgeway's doctrine regarding the 
origin of the Romans is given at length in his pamphlet 
"Who were the Romans?" 3 He concludes: 4 "There is 
not only the evidence already cited to show that the Sabines 
were racially distinct from the aboriginal Ligurians, but many 
proofs can also be adduced to show that the Patricians were 
Sabines, the Plebeians the aboriginal Ligurians conquered by 
the former, whilst it can also be made probable that Latin, 
the language of the Roman empire, was the tongue not of the 
Sabine conquerors, but of their Plebeian subjects ; in other 
words, that Latin is Ligurian." 

In this paper I wish to maintain: (i) that there was a 
racial difference between patricians and plebeians, (2) that 
the tradition has not been disproved that the patricians were 
composed of an amalgamation of Romani, Sabines, and Etrus- 
cans, (3) that the plebeians were in the main Ligurians, 
(4) that Latin is the language of the followers of Romulus, 
i.e. of those called above Romani, somewhat modified by con- 

1 The Mediterranean Race, 1901. 

2 President's address, British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1908. 
8 Proceedings of the British Academy, ill, 1907. 4 P. 10. 

64 Richard Wellington Husband [1909 

tact with the other elements of the population, (5) that there 
is no adequate evidence that the Ligurian language was Indo- 

The arguments are drawn from three main sources : (i) tra- 
dition, (2) legal and institutional development, (3) language. 
I shall only very briefly summarize the well-known evidence 
of tradition and institutions. The object is to see what may 
be adduced in support of the conclusions of archaeology and 

The Romans had a definite tradition that in the reign of 
Romulus the body of citizens was divided into three tribes. 1 
That the division rested upon racial distinctions is nowhere 
positively stated, but there is much contributory evidence to 
support such a view. By far the majority of modern histo- 
rians and constitutional writers believe it. The strongest 
recent opponent is Botsford. 2 He advances two arguments, 
neither of them new, but forcibly expressed: (i) the low 
political vitality of the tribes points to their artificiality, 
(2) the frequent use of a threefold division in Greece and 
Italy. The occurrence of these tribal names elsewhere than 
at Rome, especially the Luceres, does not make against the 
idea of racial difference, but assists it by sustaining the tradi- 
tion of the early extension of Etruscan power through Latium 
and Campania. It may be that the followers of Romulus 
were artificially divided into three tribes, but there must have 
been a redistribution of the citizen body, for the tradition 
cannot be neglected that early in the reign of Romulus the 
Sabines shared with the Romans the control of the city, and 
that later the Etruscans also gained the supremacy. 

The following is the tradition concerning the Sabines : 
(i) the rape of the Sabine women, (2) war between Romulus 
and Titus Tatius, (3) settlement of Sabines on the Quirinal, 
assuming civic rights as a tribe under the name Tities, 

(4) Numa Pompilius, the religious reformer, becomes king, 

(5) the reign of Ancus Martius. Some confirmation is found 
in the difference in burial customs in the two parts of the 

1 E.g. Livy I, 13, 4-8; Cic. Rep. II, 7, 13. 

2 The Roman Assemblies, 1909. 

Vol. xl] Race Mixture in Early Rome 65 

city, and in the fact that the inhabitants of the Quirinal were 
called collinij those of the Palatine montani. 

Etruscans : (i) one tribe was called Luceres, a word derived 
from the Etruscan Lucnmo?- (2) they assisted Romulus against 
Titus Tatius, 2 (3) held the ascendency during the reigns of 
three Tarquins. They were the architects, builders, and car- 
penters of early Rome, and Kiepert 3 assigns many public 
works to the sovereign Etruscans. It is known that they 
tried several times to enlarge their territory southward, success- 
fully in the case when they succeeded in cutting off Falerii. 4 

The senate was composed originally of 100 members, 5 en- 
larged to 200 by the admission of the Sabines. 6 This number 
was further increased to 300 by the first Tarquin. 7 The dis- 
crepancies in the tradition are but slight. Cicero 8 says that 
Tarquin doubled the number of the senate, and Dionysius 
thinks the senators added were from the whole people, not 
from the Etruscans. But Livy seems to make the matter 
clear by stating that the new section of senators werQ/actio 
hand dubia regis, i.e. Etruscan supporters of the usurper. 
The increase in \.\\Qgentes means the same thing. That the 
additions were due to the admission of these two nations is 
most explicitly stated by the sources, and not "dimly hinted 
at," as Botsford says. 

These three tribes are patricians. The plebeians and cli- 
ents had other origin. Ridgeway is supported in this con- 
tention by many eminent authorities. Botsford's denial 9 flies 
too much in the face of tradition. Romulus subdued the 
earlier inhabitants of Rome, who are called Aborigines, a 
word which became a tribal name applied to the original 
dwellers in Latium. 10 Dionysius calls them Greeks, and 
leagues them with the Pelasgians. 11 He denies connection 

1 Varro, Z. Z. v, 55 ; Miiller-Deecke, Die Etriisker, 337 ff. 

2 Varro, ib. 46 ; Dionys. II, 37. 3 Lehrb. d. alien Geogr. 421. 

4 Deecke, Die Falisker, 21, 62. 5 Dionys. n, 12 ; Plut. Rom. 13 ; Livy I, 8. 

6 Dionys. II, 47 ; Plut. Rom. 20 ; Livy I, 13 indefinite. 

7 Dionys. in, 67 ; Livy I, 35. 8 Rep. II, 35. 
9 Political Science Quarterly, xxi, 498 ff. 

10 Cic. Rep. II, 5 ; Dionys. i, 14; also 15, 16, 20, 72, etc. 

11 I, ii ; also 13, 20, 31, 40. 

66 RicJiard Wellington Husband [!99 

between the Aborigines and the Ligurians. 1 But he states 
several times that Ligurians lived in Latium, and even on 
the site of Rome. 2 The evidence of Dionysius is quite 
contradictory on this point, but the clear connection of the 
Ligurians with the Siculi 3 inevitably links them with the 
Aborigines also. 

In the north of Italy Dionysius uses the name Aborigines 
regularly to denote the primitive inhabitants. It is remark- 
able that he seldom employs the name Ligurians. But he 
says 4 that the Ligurians once occupied a large part of Italy, 
and the Ligurians of historical times occupied the part of 
northern Italy assigned by Dionysius to the Aborigines. He 
also represents the Aborigines as constant enemies of the 
Umbrians, 5 and 6 cites Philistus of Syracuse to the effect that 
Ligurians, under Sicelus, were driven out of Italy by their 
enemies the Umbrians and Pelasgians. These are indica- 
tions, although not so certain as Ridgeway believes, that the 
Ligurians and the Aborigines were the same people. 

Students of Roman jurisprudence long ago pointed out a 
certain dualism in procedure and sanctions obtaining during 
the monarchical and early republican periods. The following 
table, given by Ihering, 7 bases the dualism upon a combina- 
tion of two systems, religious and secular, one based upon 
fas, the other upon vis or ius. 


fas ius, vis 

Symbol aqua et ignis hasta (quiris), mamts 

Representative Numa Romulus 

Marriage confarreatio coemtio 

Contract oath, sacr amentum, public pledge, 

spon sio, foedus mancipatio, nexum 

Procedure legis actio sacramento self-help, mndicatio, 

manus iniectio 

Penalty homo sacer, vindicta publica, 

punishment for punishment for 

purification recompense 

1 1, 10, 13. 

2 i, 10 ; also 40, and 22 Festus, p. 320 M ; Varro, L. L. v, 101. 

3 Modestov, Introduction* a r Histoire Romaine, 124-129. 

4 i, 10. 6 i, 1 6, etc. 6 i, 22. 7 Geist des romischen Rechts, I, 310. 

Vol. xl] Race Mixture in Early Rome 67 

Ihering himself sees in this dualism no proof of mixture of 
races, but maintains that it may arise in one state viewed 
from different standpoints. 1 And yet he feels that the reli- 
gious features do somewhat contradict the warlike attitude of 
the people dependent upon vis, and admits that there may 
be a trace of some early amalgamation. 2 Much argument 
has centred about the two forms of marriage, confarreatio 
and coemtio. Ihering holds that the two are equally old, 
and Indo-European in origin. 3 Cuq 4 and Muirhead 5 think 
that coemtio arose through mancipatio after the enactment of 
the XII Tables, and that tisus was the ordinary form of ple- 
beian and mixed marriages before that time. But this cannot 
be so, for the forbidding of mixed marriages by the XII Tables 
must have meant only a reversion to ttsus instead of coemtio, 
and hence the storm immediately raised against this iniquity, 
followed by the passage of the Lex Canuleia. 

It is usually held that the religious element in the early law 
was derived from the Sabines, and confarreatio seems to be 
connected with their admission to citizenship. 6 Cuq " points 
out that the presence at the ceremony of the Flamen Dialis 
indicates Sabine influence. Ridgeway 8 has made it extremely 
probable that the flamines maiores were of Sabine origin. 
The following are also of importance in connection with 
the Sabines: (i) the sacra of the sodales Titii? (2) Mars 
worshipped separately on the Palatine and the Quirinal, 
(3) double brotherhood of the Salii and the Luperci, (4) two 
sanctuaries each of Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, and Fides. 

Voigt 10 and Rein n have shown that the formation of Roman 
law and the procedure in some criminal cases involved a 
mixture of three different systems. The general question of 
a dual development in both civil and criminal procedure dur- 
ing the republic is fully treated by Greenidge. 12 

1 1, 89-312. 2 3io. 

3 Cp. also his Vorgeschichte der Indoeuropaer, 46 ff. ; Sohm, Institutes, 452 ff. 

4 Institutions Juridiques, I, 62. 5 Roman Private Law, 63. 
6 Dionys. II, 25. 7 Op. cit. I, 61. 

8 Who were the Romans? 1 1. 9 Tac. Ann. I, 54 ; Dionys. u, 52. 

10 Romische Rechtsgeschichte, I, 12. n Das Criminalrecht der Romer, 24. 

12 Legal Procedure of Cicero 's Time, 4-9, 50-54, 297-304. 

68 Richard Wellington Husband 

The extant remains of Latin and of the other Italic dia- 
lects are of such recent date in comparison with that of the 
invasion of Italy by the Indo-Europeans, that it is difficult to 
tell just what was the condition of their speech at the time 
of the founding of the city. In endeavoring to ascertain 
whether, or how far, the languages of the Aborigines, or of 
the predecessors of the Indo-Europeans in Italy, have influ- 
enced those of the Italic peoples, we are confronted by the 
fact that these have either utterly disappeared, or like Etrus- 
can and Ligurian, are but slightly known. It is, therefore, 
impossible to set Latin, Oscan, and Umbrian side by side 
with the earlier languages of Italy in order to see what influ- 
ences may have passed from one to another. And yet there 
are many changes in the speech of the Romans which cer- 
tainly occurred after they arrived in the peninsula, and which 
are difficult to explain on any other theory than that of race 
mixture. The changes in Latin inflection have in many par- 
ticulars been of greater extent and of more remarkable char- 
acter than those in other Indo-European languages. 

The history of Latin accent is noteworthy. After the 
Italic peoples wandered from their original Indo-European 
home, the old system of free accentuation gave way before a 
newer system, whereby all words acquired an accent on their 
initial syllable. This, however, took place before they reached 
Italy, for the phenomenon is shared by the Germanic and 
Keltic groups, showing that at the time of the shifting of 
accent the three groups still formed a unit. This startling 
innovation finds its readiest explanation in the assumption of 
an amalgamation of these Indo-European tribes with other 
tribes of central Europe. Thus it would follow that the 
Romans who settled on the Palatine under Romulus were 
already of mixed blood. Vendryes 1 sums up this matter as 
follows : " si les rapports de deux ou plusieurs dialects peu- 
vent s'expliquer par un developpement identique, parallele 
mais independant, ils s'expliquent plus aisement encore par 
1'hypothese que ces divers dialects auraient subi isolement 
des influences semblables. Or une pareille hypothese ne 

1 Ulntensite initiate en Latin, 48. 

Vol. xl] Race Mixture in Early Rome 69 

peut jamais etre e"cartee; elle subsiste alors meme qu'on 
n'aurait aucun temoignage historique pour la justifier. Elle 
explique mieux que toute autre les innovations du vocabulaire 
et peut expliquer meme les similitudes du systeme phonetique 
ou morphologique. Les ancetres des Germains, des Latins 
et des Celtes ont dti rencontrer une foule de populations 
diverses avant de parvenir dans les regions ou Ton trouve 
leurs descendants e"tablis a date historique. On congoit done 
qu'ils aient subi des influences semblables, sans avoir jamais 
forme une unite" dialectale." Vendryes then cites from an 
article by Hirt, 1 who is outspoken in maintaining an early 
mixture : " Kelten, Italiker und Germanen hatten sich Volker 
unterworfen, die Betonung der ersten Silbe kannten, und 
deren Betonungscharakter expiratorisch war. Die unterwor- 
fene Bevolkerung lernte indogermanisch, behielt aber ihre 
Betonung bei." Later in his work Vendryes 2 is even less 
willing to admit connection between the accent systems of 
the three Indo-European divisions : " cet accent est une inno- 
vation du Latin. Les tentatives faites pour le rattacher a 
1'accent germanique et a 1'accent celtique paraissent vaines ; 
il est plus vraisemblable qu'il est dfi comme eux a 1'influence 
d'une autre langue non indo-europeenne." Until some fur- 
ther evidence is discovered, it is by far the most reasonable 
and simple hypothesis to adopt the explanation of Hirt. He 
assumes a single influence upon the united three groups, 
which is much easier than to assume a similar influence work- 
ing upon three detached peoples, and producing exactly the 
same effect, or substantially the same effect. 

The system of initial accentuation persisted in Latin even 
into the second century B.C. And it is noteworthy that 
another principle, that of the penultimate law, came into 
activity just at the time Latin was spreading to conquered 
tribes throughout Italy. Possibly the native tribes, in their 
effort to speak Latin, transferred to it their own system of 
accent, a peculiarity often noticed among those who attempt 
to speak a foreign language. The new accent, that of the 
Ligurian plebeians and of other natives of Italy, extended 
1 1.F. ix, 290. 2 P. ioo. 

/o Richard Wellington Husband [1909 

even to the Romans who spoke Latin as their inherited 
tongue. This is, indeed, not the common explanation, and it 
may not be the correct one, but the coincidence of time and 
circumstance is at all events striking. Some confirmation of 
this hypothesis may be found in the fact that Greek also 
experienced a very similar shifting in the position of its 
accent, the sole difference being that in Latin the length of 
the penultimate syllable determined the position of the accent, 
while in Greek it was the length of the final syllable. 1 How- 
ever, the explanation given would appear almost a certainty 
if we could assume with the anthropologists that the Pelas- 
gians, or pre-Hellenic inhabitants of Greece, were of the 
same race as the Ligurians, or pre-Roman inhabitants of 
Italy. Roman tradition of alliance and union of Aborigines 
and Pelasgians has already been given. 

Curious, too, is the fact that at an early period in Italy the 
inherited musical accent changed to stress. The scanty 
remains of Latin prior to 200 B.C. scarcely allow of an accu- 
rate determination of the date of this change, but such remains 
as we do possess show that the vowels preserved their primi- 
tive quality and quantity to a remarkable degree until about 
the time of the second Punic war. From 200 to 100 B.C. there 
is a most rapid change in this regard. The only plausible 
explanation is that the shifting in the nature of accent took 
place about 250 or 200 B.C. This again is the time of the 
beginning of the spread of Latin through the peninsula. 2 

In morphology there is probably nothing in the inflection 
of the noun, pronoun, or adjective that cannot be traced 
directly to phonetic development, or to some other ascer- 
tainable cause. But the history of the verb shows some 
striking innovations, very difficult to explain, (i) The fact 
that practically the whole system of primary endings has 
been lost, leaving only the secondary endings to do duty in 
all tenses, is not satisfactorily explained on purely phonetic 

1 For other explanations of this phenomenon in Greek see Wheeler, Der 
griech. Nominalaccent ; Bloomfield, AJP. IX, I. 

2 For somewhat contradictory evidence on this point, see Sommer, Hand- 
buck, 98. 

Vol. xl] Race Mixture in Early Rome 71 

grounds. Too many things in the history of Latin sounds 
stand in the way of this explanation. It is, however, just the 
kind of generalization likely to occur when one is learning a 
foreign language, nor is it altogether fanciful to assume that 
this loss is due to the Aborigines who were learning Latin. 
(2) The same cause may have effected the loss of reduplica- 
tion. The formf/tef/iafcedon the fibula from Praeneste shows 
that reduplication was still in vogue when the Italic groups 
separated dialectically. (3) A somewhat parallel loss was 
that of augment, but that may be due simply to shifting of 
accent. (4) One of the strangest innovations in verbal in- 
flection is that of the composite formation of the imperfect 
indicative. This may well be compared with the composite 
inflection of the Gallic Latin future and conditional. 1 The 
establishment of this peculiar form might easily account for 
the disappearance of augment. (5) The creation of the pas- 
sive system in -r still strikes one as remarkable, even after 
the plausible explanations of Windisch or Zimmer. (6) And 
finally, the great extension of the sigmatic aorist sign to 
almost the whole series of perfect and aoristic tenses is an 
analogical extension unparalleled in the history of the verb. 

These are simply examples of striking analogical exten- 
sions, or innovations, and are but indications of mixture. 
Unfortunately there is nothing to show from what source any 
of them arose. Some few things, however, in the Latin lan- 
guage were said by the Romans to be due directly to Sabine 
influence. The chief of these is the substitution of /for origi- 
nal d, said to occur in lingua, Capitolium, and lacrimae. It 
probably also occurs in oleo (cp. odor), so Hum (cp. sedeo, 
so dales), Novensiles (cp. Marsian Novesedes), consttl and con- 
sulo (if from *con-sedeo, -sod-). The word Quirinus was said, 
probably correctly, to be Sabine (Ridgeway's interpretation of 
the form is not conclusive). If Sabine represented original 
ku by p, probably lupus is a Sabine word. 2 These borrowings 
are so slight that Ridgeway is undoubtedly right in denying 
that Latin is derived from an early form of Sabine. 

1 Cp. Brunot, Histoire de la langue Fran^aise, 86. 

2 Cp. Walde, Etymologisches Wbrterbuch, s.v. 

72 Richard Wellington Husband L 1 99 

Much less can be said of Etruscan influence upon the lan- 
guage. Schulze has argued for the Etruscan origin of the 
names Ramnes and Tities, Schulze and Deecke for that of 
Luceres, and Schulze and Lindsay for that of Roma. Schulze 
also maintains Etruscan influence in certain suffixes, particu- 
larly those involving -n- ; Soltau believes that Romulus, Remus, 
Numa, are Etruscan. 

It is difficult to say how far the Ligurian of the plebeians 
influenced the lingua Latina of the patricians. It is impos- 
sible to agree with Ridgeway that the lingua Latina is a 
descendant of Ligurian. His contention that the language 
of the patricians would have been called lingua Romana or 
lingua Sabina, in accordance with his view that they did 
actually speak a Sabine dialect, is untenable, since the lan- 
guage of Rome was in reality the dialect common to all the 
flat-land of Latium, in distinction from that of the hill-country 
of the Oscans and Umbrians farther to the east. 

But what do we know of the Ligurian language ? To sus- 
tain the hypothesis of Ridgeway we must prove, (i) that 
Ligurian is an Indo-European language, (2) that in inflection 
it can have been the ancestor of Latin, and not of Oscan or 
Umbrian, (3) that it represented original ku by q, in distinc- 
tion from Oscan, Umbrian, Greek, and Gallic. I cannot 
believe there is adequate proof of any one of these three. 

Our knowledge of Ligurian is gained from three sources, 
(i) words cited by ancient writers, (2) names of persons and 
places, (3) extant inscriptions. 

The words cited by ancient writers as Ligurian, and with 
meanings attached, amount to just six. These are Bodincus 
(or, as Polybius writes it, Bo'Se7/eo?), the name of the river 
Padus, having the meaning fundo carens ; magum (or magus\ 
valley ; asia, rye ; cnyvvvai 1 = ol /cd7rr}\oi ; j3a\apoi 2 = ol 
(pwydSes ; o-a\iovy/ca, the name of a plant. 

The word Bodincus, the name of the river Po, is said by 
Pliny, 3 on the authority of Metrodorus, to be a Ligurian word, 
having the meaning fundo carens. Pliny seeks to fortify his 
interpretation of the word by citing the name of the town 

1 Hdt. v, 9. 2 Paus. x, 17, 9. 3 N. H. in, 122. 

Vol. xl] Race Mixture in Early Rome 73 

Bodincomagum t " ubi praecipua altitude incipit." If this is 
the correct meaning, and there is no valid objection to it, the 
stem syllable bod- is probably related to fundus, irvO^v, etc., 1 
from I.-E. *bhudhno- or *bliudkm(e)n-(o\. The double sub- 
stitution of the voiced mute for the aspirate makes it exactly 
parallel to Ir. bond, bonn, and proves almost certainly that 
the word is Keltic, as was pointed out long ago by Zeuss- 
Ebel. 2 The combination with the suffix -magum (or more 
commonly -magus} strengthens this conclusion. The number 
of names of places in Gaul compounded with -magus* proves 
this a Keltic word, and parallel to Ir. mag, magen, " campus, 
locus." The word asiaf meaning " rye," was used by the 
Taurini, and is probably a Ligurian word, or possibly Iberian. 
The following note by Windisch 5 on this word is interesting : 
" Diefenbach erinnert an bask. " asia semen " (Orig. Europ. 
S. 235), Stokes (Rev. Celt. II 407) an skr. sasya Saat, Feld- 
frucht (cymr. haidd Gerste). Solche Falle veranschaulichen, 
wie unsicher es mit der Deutung vereinzelter Sprachreste 
bestellt ist." 

'Ziyvvvai 6 = ol KaTnjXoi, is without I.-E. parallel, nor has it 
other known affinity. The word o-aXiovy/ca, 7 the name of a 
plant, identified by Linnaeus as the Valeriana Celtica, was 
used in Ligurian territory. This word has been doubtfully 
held cognate with Lat. salix, Ir. sail (gen. sailech\ and 
Stokes also suggests 8 Gallic diminutive Salicilla, Brit. Salici- 
duni. As the willow and the valerian belong to very different 
species, and do not bear the slightest outward resemblance 
to one another, relation would seem impossible. However, 
ancient and medieval botanists were interested only in the 
medicinal qualities of plants, and as those of the willow and 
the valerian are in a -measure alike, it may be that the vale- 
rian received its name from the willow. If so, the word is 
clearly Gallic, for the suffix -unc- is a Gallic suffix, and we 

1 Walde, s.\.fundus. z Gramnt. Celt., p. 807. 

8 A very incomplete list is given by Zeuss-Ebel, p. 4. 
4 Pliny, N.H. XVIII, 141. 

6 Grober, Grundriss der roman. Phil. I, 373, n. 2. 6 Hdt. v, 9. 

7 Dioscorides I, 7. 8 Urkelt. Sprachschatz, 292. 

74 Richard Wellington Husband 

must therefore hold it as a Gallic word, introduced occasion- 
ally into Latin. 1 BaXapo/ 2 =ol <f>vyd&es, used by the Kyrnioi 
(not Cretans, as Liddell and Scott say), was a Corsican word, 
applied to a tribe living in Sardinia. It would seem, there- 
fore, to have Ligurian connections. 3 The name is applied 
also to a Sardinian people by Livy, Strabo, Pliny, and Seneca. 
As the name Balarus occurs in Lusitania, and the Balearic 
Islands were settled by an Iberian tribe, it is reasonable to 
call this word Iberian. The etymology offered by Pausanias 
on common tradition, from the Greek fiaXXeiv, is generally 
rejected, although it might receive some color from the 
meaning of (BaXkeiv in Soph. Oed. Tyr. 622-623. Thus, of 
the six words, three are Keltic, two are probably Iberian, 
and one is unknown. 

The extant inscriptions, numbering 37, come from two 
tribes, the Salassi and the Lepontii. Both clearly have 
Ligurian connection, but ancient writers were in much doubt 
as to whether they should be called Ligurian or Keltic. Cato 
thought both tribes belonged to the Taurisci, 4 and Strabo 
held that the Taurisci were Kelts. 5 Polybius 6 says that the 
Taurisci were in alliance with the Keltic nations, the Insu- 
bres, and the Boii. Stephanus of Byzantium gives the curi- 
ous information that the Taurisci were also called Taurini, 
according to Polybius, Book in. This is probably merely a 
blunder, as the Taurini were in the estimation of the ancients 
the truest of Ligurians. 7 We have little further information 
regarding the nationality of the Lepontii. The Salassi are 
definitely stated by Dio Cassius to be Kelts. 8 With this 
should be compared the doubtful authority of Julius Obse- 
quens. 9 Pliny does not make his own opinion clear, although 
he seems to imply that they are not Ligurians, since he men- 
tions them next after the Taurini, whom he calls antiqua 

1 Verg. Ed. 5, 17 ; Pliny, N.H. xxi, 43. 2 Paus. x, 17, 9. 

3 Cp. Hulsen, Pauly-Wissowa, n, 2817. 4 Pliny, N.H. HI, 134. 

5 VII, 2, 2 favpiffKovs, /cat rotirovs FaXdras ; ib. 3, 2 TOVTOIS 8 /cat ra KeX-rt/cd, 
o'i re Botot /cat 2/cop5tcr/coi /cat TavpitTKOi. 

6 II, 28, 4 ; 30, 6. 7 Pliny, in, 123 ; Strabo, iv, 204 ; Polyb. in, 60, 8. 
8 Fr. 74 2aXd>(70vs TaXdras. 9 C.I.L. v, 750-751. 10 III, 123. 

Vol. xl] 

Race Mixture in Early Rome 


Of the 37 inscriptions, 23 are collected by Pauli 1 and 14 
by Kretschmer. 2 Those in Pauli numbered i-io are from 
Salassian territory, those numbered 11-23 and all by Kretsch- 
mer are from Lepontine country. 

The Salassian inscriptions, all on silver or gold coins, are : 

iankovesi, iankove 6. 

kasios 7. 


ulkos (or vukos) 

ases 10. 


8. ana tikou (or tikouana) 

9. pirakoi 

The Lepontine inscriptions are : 

11. slaniai : verkalai : pala 20. u 
tisiui : pivotialui : pala tu 

12. sunalei : mako tu 
n asoni : ila k/ / 


ain 21. alios 

mationa 22. ritukalos 

aniui : p 23. tiusivilios 

tionei : p 24. atios 

..... ion 25. atis 

14. pivonei : tekialui : lala 26. cese 

15. alkovinos 27. eu 
askoneti 28. kia 

1 6. minuku : komonos 29. kri 

17. komoneos 30. . . . onis 
varsileos 3 1 . sabi 

1 8 akur 32. vasamos 

ouki 33. vasekia 

uklk 34. vesoma 

tiu 35. latumarui sapsutaipe vinom 

lioiso .... nasom 

vas 36. lutou iu 

ial inovea 

tarise tuni 

19. vitilios 37. iocui utonoiu risadi 

The alphabet in which the inscriptions are written is proved 
by Mommsen and Pauli to be the North Etruscan, which 
made its way among the Gallic peoples in the extreme north 
of Italy, and from them to the two tribes under discussion. 

1 " Inschriften des nordetruskischen Alphabets," in Altitalische Forschungen, I. 

2 K.Z. xxxvin, 97 ff. 

76 Richard Wellington Husband [1909 

The chief characteristic is that voiced mutes do not occur, 
but the unvoiced mutes do duty for both. The two excep- 
tions are in nos. 31 and 37. Kretschmer suspects 31 on that 
account. One may also suspect 37 both for that reason, and 
because of the remarkable form utonoiu, which is unlike any- 
thing else in the whole set. 1 Numbers 26 and 34 are also 
suspected on account of the peculiar form of the letter E, 
written //, whereas elsewhere it is written ^ . Number 26 
is suspicious besides on account of the form C, which occurs 
only in the Gallic territory eastward from Lake Como. A sec- 
ond feature is that doubled consonants are always written 
single, as in the early Latin alphabet. The use of this alpha- 
bet is the first point linking these inscriptions with Gallic. 
It should further be noted that in 8, 9, 10, n, 12, 13, 14, 16, 
17, 1 8, 21, 24, 32, 33, 35, 36, and part of 20, the writing is 
from right to left, in the others from left to right. 

As to the date of the inscriptions, Pauli shows on various 
grounds that nos. 11-23 are n t far from 150 B.C., while i-io 
are probably slightly earlier. Kretschmer dates nos. 25, 26, 
30, found in the cemetery in Persona at Ornavasso, about 
89-80 B.C., while 24, 27-29, 31-36, in the cemetery of San 
Bernardino, also at Ornavasso, at 234-88 B.C. Both are 
determined from coins found buried in the two places. 

The inflectional forms should be compared with those of 
Gallic inscriptions of Italy and Gaul. The latter are tabulated 
by Rhys. 2 

A-Declension : 
Nom. pala (n, 13? 14?), mationa (13), vasekia (33), vesoma (34), 

inovea (36), kia (? pronoun? 28), tikouana (? 8). Cp. Lat. and 

Gen. slaniai, verkalai (n), sapsutai (35). No examples of this case 

in Gall., but cp. Lat. -at. 

O- Declension : 
Nom. kasios (2), senos (3), ulkos (4), alkovinos (15), komonos (16), 

1 I have not seen a transcription of the original letters of 37, first discovered 
by Tagliabue, and published in Bollettino storico della Svizzera Italiana, XV 
(1893), Io6 - 

2 The Celtic Inscriptions of France and Italy, 1906, 75-76. 

Vol. xl] Race Mixture in Early Rome 77 

komoneos, varsilios (17), vitilios (19), alios (21), ritukalos (22), tiu- 
sivilios (23), atios (24), vasamos (32). Neuter vinom nasom (35, 
borrowed from Latin). Masc. in Gallic always in -os, as in early 
Latin. No nom. neut. extant in Gallic, but ace. always in -on. 
One Gallic ace. masc. in ~om i.e. Brivatiom. Probably also nom. 
are rutirio (10) and makg (12) without final s, but see below under 
consonant declension. 

Gen. tisiui, pivotialui (n), .... aniui (13), tekialui (14), latumarui 
(35) iocui (37). In Gallic gen. always in -/. 

Nom. plural, kasiloi (7), pirakoi (9). These are called gen. sing, by 
Pauli, but as they stand on gold coins, which elsewhere have the 
nom., they are better explained as nom. plural, the names or titles 
of kings or magistrates. In Gallic there are five instances of nom. 
plural, three in -/, two in -<?/. Possibly iankovesi (i) is nom. plural. 

I-Declension : 

Nom. atis (25), sabi (1 31). Gallic nom. in -is. 
Consonant Declension : 

Nom. ase's (5), prikou (6), minuku (16), lutou (36), utonoiu (? 37). 
All of these paralleled in Gallic. 

Gen. sunalei ( 1 2), . . . tionei(i$), pivonei(\<\), . . . onis (? 30). With- 
out parallel, as the gen. does not occur in extant Gallic. 

It is possible that rutirio (10) and makq (12) are nom. of 
this declension, for which there is much Gallic parallel. 

It is quite probable that aikoneti (15) is pres. ind. of a 
verb, with alkovinos as its subject. Perhaps the verb means 

Two words deserve special notice. The enclitic -pe (35)> 
connects one gen. with another, and certainly means ' and.' 
It is therefore to be equated with -que, re, corresponding to 
the Keltic division which represents original ku by /. This 
includes the greater part of Gaul. Unfortunately the few 
remains of Gallic we possess do not show us a word for 
' and,' although Rhys, 1 following Stokes, thinks etic on an 
inscription from Alise has this meaning. Yet the root kue 
occurs in Ir. na-ch 'quivis,' and in Cymr., Corn., Bret, in the 
form -p. The word pala (n bis, probably 13 bis, 14 written 
lala)\ taken by all investigators to mean 'grave.' It should 

1 Op. eit. 7. 

78 Richard Wellington Husband [1909 

therefore be derived from prim. Kelt. *qalo 'dig,' as in Ir. 
to-chlaim 'I dig,' Cymr. pahi 'fodere,' Corn, pal 'spade,' 
palas ' dig.' 1 It is found in Latin a few times from Plautus 
down with the meaning ' spade,' and is probably related 
to pastinum? although it is quite likely that pastinum is 
derived from pala. It is by no means improbable that the 
word was brought to Rome by the Umbrian Plautus from the 
neighboring Senones. If Kiepert 3 and Miillenhoff 4 are 
right in thinking that some of the Gallic tribes entered Italy 
by the Great St. Bernard pass, and particularly the Boii, 
Lingones, and Senones, we have a reasonable explanation of 
the -/- in these two words, for those tribes belonged to the 
Gallic division having this peculiarity. Further evidence is 
seen in the name Eporedia, a Roman fortress, later colony, 
established among the Salassi. This word is Keltic, mean- 
ing e quorum domitoresf where epo- equates with equos. 

The majority of the words in the inscriptions seem to be 
proper names, and in the nom. or gen. case. Many are com- 
pound forms, or those made by suffixes. They are paral- 
leled in most instances by names occurring in Gaul, where the 
same forms of composition are the habit. Many of these 
parallels are collected by Pauli. 

i. Iantumarus(?); Bellovesus, Sigovesus, Maglovesus. 
2. Cassibratius, Cassivellaunus, Vercassivellaunus. 3. Se- 
nones, Senomacilus, Senocarus, Senicco. 5. Asia. 6. Brigo- 
vix. 7. Casillus. 9. Biraco, Biracius. 10. Rotalus. 11. Verco, 
Vercilla, Vercaius, Vergaius ; Diso, Dizo, Disocnus ; Biveio 
(also 14). 12. Sunucus, Magonus, Magunus. 13. Matu- 
gentius, Matumarus, Matuco, Matto. 14. (see n); Deciba- 
lus, Decomo, Deico (ei > e or I). 15. Alcmona; Ascitelus, 
Ascia, Ascula. 16, 17. Comagus, Comavus, Comiacus ; 
Varsa. 19. Vittianus, or Vindillus. 21. Alio, Alico, Alei- 
nus. 22. Ritumara. 23. (Pauli reads . . . tiu Sivilios), 
Siuna, Siv ... 24. Adianto, Adiatullus, Adiatumarus, Adia- 
tunnus. 25. Atismara. 26. Cesonius. 29. Crielo. 31. Sabis, 

1 Fick, Worterbuch, II, 57. 2 Walde, 442. 

3 Lehrb. d. alien Geogr. 398. 4 Deutsche Altertumskunde, II, 256. 

6 Pliny, NJL III, 123. 

Vol. xl] Race Mixture in ^Early Rome 79 

Sabidius. 32. Clutamos, Uxama (also 33); Vassorix, Vasso, 
Vassio, Dagovassus. 35. Latobici, Latobrigi, Latobius, 
Latuo ; Matumarus, Atepomarus, Maritalus ; Sapaudia, Sa- 
paudus ; Sudeta. 36. Lutarius, Lutetia, Luteva. 

Thus of the 12 (possibly 11) words occurring on Salassian 
coins, 4 are not wholly legible, 6 have exact or close Gallic 
affinity, 2 (possibly i) are unknown. Of the 4 unclear words 
3 seem Gallic in appearance. Of the 42 legible words on 
Lepontine inscriptions, 2 are Latin (vinom, nafoni), 28 are 
almost surely Gallic, while 12 are difficult or impossible to 

Our knowledge of Ligurian names of persons and places 
is derived from scattered notices in Latin inscriptions and 
literature, but chiefly from three Latin inscriptions, from 
Veleia, 1 from Genua, 2 and from Nicaea. 3 These are largely 
collected by D'Arbois de Jubainville 4 and Mullenhoff. 6 Of 
the twelve formative suffixes commonly occurring in these 
words, seven are common Indo-European property, three are 
frequent only in Gallic and Ligurian, while only two are not 
found in Gallic. These suffixes are : 

(0 !- E: 

-eio ; Multeius, Venireius, Lereianus. 

-an, -ane ; Bormanus, Comberanea. 

-on, -oni; Matavonium, Labonia, Caferoniana, Ulamonius ; also -uni, 

Dectunines, Ulamunius. Also -o, -on, Velaco, Paulo, "ATT/CKDI/. 
For o in Gallic see Walde, s.v. salmo. 
-in, -mi; -en, -eni ; Albinius, Taurini ; Ardena, Secenia. 
-el, -eli ; cp. Lat. ilus, ulus, His ; Claxelus, Tulelasca, Vinelasca, 

Precele, Solicelos, Quiamelius. 
-nt- ; cp. pres. part, forms ; Vediantii, Brodiontii, Druentia, Ile/a- 

yavnov, Tav/ooeVrtov, loventio ; cp. Gallic Vocontii, Brigantio. 
-ic, -uc, -ec, -ac ; Adunicates, Meticanio, Albucius, Alebece, Libici, 

Belacus, Velacus, Benacus. 
(2) Limited to Ligurian and Gallic : 

-auno ; Ingauni, Velauni, Ligauni; Gallic Catuvellauni, Segovel- 

launi, 'AAavi/oi. 

1 CIL, xl, 1147. 2 I} I99> 3 v> 

4 Les Premiers Habitants de V Europe, II, 46-195. 5 Op. cit. ill, 179 ff. 

8o Richard Wellington Husband [1909 

-ub ; Oxubii, Esubiani, Vesubia ; Gallic Mandubii, Esubii. 

-me, -enc ; Bodincus, BoSey/cos, Savincates, Labincus; Gallic Abrin- 

catui, Agedincus. 
(3) Limited to Ligurian : 

-anio ; Gentile names, Meticanio, Pelianio. 

-asc, -esc, -use; Bergarnasco, Vinelasca, Vinelesca, Caruscum, 

This last suffix, in its various forms, especially -asc, is by far 
the most distinctive suffix in Ligurian names. It seems to 
denote ' origin, relation,' and is probably to be compared with 
-isk- of several I.-E. languages. 

In the matter of sounds Miallenhoff holds that the combi- 
nations oa (e.g. Vergoanum), ia (e.g. Briagontinus, Quiame- 
lius), ie (e.g. lemerii, Berigiema, Attielius), are not Gallic. 
This seems to be true of oa, but the others occur, e.g. 
Diviciacus, Valetiacus, Giegeius, lera, ieuru. Miillenhoff, 
Kretschmer, Ridgeway, and others lay much stress upon the 
occurrence of qu in Ligurian words. And yet there are very 
few such examples. I know only of Quiamelius, Quadiates, 
Quariates, Quariat(ium\ Quadiatium. The modern names 
Quarlasco, Quassasco also occur in Ligurian territory. The 
finding of qu has been regarded as important, since it had 
long been assumed that qu was not a Gallic sound, for the 
Gallic branches of Keltic represented original kit by /. But 
inscriptions in recent years have made it clear that qu was 
used extensively in the central section of Gaul, 1 e.g. Equos, 
Qutios, quimon. With these should be classed Sequani, 
Sequana. The use of qu covered the territory of the Sequani, 
thence along the Sequana to its mouth, and south to the 
Garumna. In the list of tribes enumerated by Livy 2 as 
setting out for Italy through the order of the king of the 
Bituriges, it is noteworthy that the majority belonged to this 
section. Almost all the Gallic tribes in this list substituting 
/ for original ku, e.g. Senones, Lingones, Cenomani, Boii, 
can be definitely located in Italy north and east of Liguria. 
It is natural, then, to locate the q tribes, e.g. Sequani, Aulerci, 

1 Cp. Nicholson, Keltic Researches, App. II ; Rhs, Celtae and Galli passim. 

2 v, 34. 

Vol. xl] Race Mixture in Early Rome 8 1 

Bituriges, in the part of Italy where q occurs, that is, in 

The net result of the study is that by far the greater part 
of what is called Ligurian is strictly Gallic, and what is not 
Gallic is not Indo-European. The language of the country 
of the Ligurians became largely Gallic, after the coming of 
Gallic tribes to Italy. In places, e.g. among the Salassi and 
Lepontii, it was of the/ type, elsewhere of the qu type. It 
follows that Latin is not derived from Ligurian, but is the 
speech of the Romani, who belonged to the second stratum 
of the Indo-European invaders of Italy. 

In summing up, it seems necessary to conclude that the re- 
sults gained by the anthropologists and archaeologists, to the 
effect that the basis of the blood of Italy is Ligurian, is in strict 
accord with Roman tradition. This is supported by the evi- 
dence offered by legal and institutional development that two 
or three systems are confused. From the standpoint of lin- 
guistics, the inference is fair that the Sabines influenced the 
Roman language only slightly, that the Etruscans influenced 
it still less. How far the Ligurian plebeians exerted an influ- 
ence is inferential, but morphology inclines one strongly to 
the belief that their influence was potent. Further, it seems 
unquestionable that the plebeian language, Ligurian, was not 
Indo-European, in harmony with the doctrine of anthropology 
that the Ligurian blood was not Indo-European. 

It may be tentatively suggested that the following were 
some of the results of the fourfold origin of the Roman 
populus : (i) from the Sabines came confarreatio, flamines 
maiores, sodalesTitii, Salii and Luperci, Mars, Jupiter, Juno, 
Minerva, and Fides of the Quirinal, one hundred senators ; 

(2) from the Ligurians the system of clients and plebeians 1 ; 

(3) from the Etruscans, architecture, haruspices, one hundred 
senators ; (4) from the Romani the Latin language and the 
Roman civilization, except as modified in the particulars speci- 
fied by the other elements of the population. 

1 Cic. Div. I, 23 ; Dionys. v, 39, etc. 

Vol. xl] Major Restrictions on Access to Greek Temples 83 

V. The Major Restrictions on Access to Greek Temples 


BY far the larger number of Greek cults, says Farnell, 1 
were open and public, and the mystic cults are not very fre- 
quent in the record of Greek religion. He notes, as others 
had noted, 2 that nearly all the mystic cults of which we know 
are connected with the chthonian divinities or with the de- 
parted hero or heroine. He suggests that, the religious tabu 
being more dangerous in some cults than in others, excessive 
peril was likely to attach to such as were especially connected 
with the realm of the dead. W. Robertson Smith, 3 observing 
that the adytum, in its strict sense of a space that might not 
be entered, was not a constant Greek feature, suggested that 
it was derived from the Semites. Smith offered his hypothe- 
sis incidentally and as a mere suggestion, with no attempt to 
support it by adducing examples ; while Farnell's statement 
refers only to a part of the cases of restricted access, the mys- 
tery worships. 4 But when access to a temple was restricted, 
the line was not always drawn between initiate and non-ini- 
tiate, for there are many shrines wherein no mysteries are 
attested or are likely to have taken place, but from which, 
nevertheless, certain classes of people were excluded. 

The subject needs fuller and broader discussion, far fuller 
and broader than I am now prepared to give. I have been 
able to find no extensive, not to say exhaustive, collection of 
restrictions upon access. That which I have made for my 
own use is somewhat extensive, but doubtless still far from 

1 Cults of Greek States, III, 132. 

2 E.g. Stengel, Die griechischen fCultusaltertumer 1 , 1 66. 
8 Religion of the Semites^, 200. 

4 Lobeck uses the term mystica sacra in a much broader sense, Aglaophamus, 

84 Joseph William Hewitt 

There are various degrees of inaccessibility, but the chief 
are : First, exclusion apparently absolute ; * second, admittance 
granted to priests only, annually or upon stated days only ; 
third, admittance granted to priests only, but at any time ; 
fourth, admittance granted only to those who came on special 
business, such as to practice the rite of incubatio, or otherwise 
consult an oracle ; fifth, admittance granted to one of the 
sexes only. Thence the decrees of' exclusion narrow down 
to such small and special classes as the eaters of garlic 2 or 
the wearers of pigskin shoes. 3 Sometimes, too, the image, 
and presumably, in most instances, the chamber in which it 
was kept, others than priests might not see, except at certain 
times, 4 or from a distance. 5 Sometimes the restriction was 
waived in favor of a certain class, 6 or applied to one sex only. 7 

Within the limits of this paper I shall not attempt to dis- 
cuss these degrees of inaccessibility as they appear in the 
worship of the various deities. I shall give little more than 
a bare summary of results, dealing, for the time being, only 
with the five classes of fairly complete inaccessibility above 
mentioned, and not including aSvra, so called, unless there is 
confirmatory evidence that the word was used in its etymo- 
logical sense. 

The first glance at a list of the instances shows that a 
considerable number of the deities concerned are unmistak- 
ably chthonic : Hades, the ecu KaTayQavioi, Rhea, Demeter 
and her daughter, both in conjunction and separately, the 
Eumenides, and the heroes and heroines, including such 
figures as Amphiaraus and Trophonius. 

If we now study more closely the remaining instances, it 
becomes clear that no inconsiderable number of the restric- 
tions that are found in the worship of deities of the so-called 
Olympian class relate to abnormal forms of those deities, 
sometimes to a foreign god, like the Babylonian Bel masquer- 

1 In most of such cases, however, it would seem that the priests (or at least a 
priest) are tacitly exempted from the regulation. 

' 2 Athen. x, 422 D. 3 Dittenberger, Sylloge 1 , 560. 

4 Paus. II, 7, 5. 5 Ib. 10, 4. 

6 Id. IX, 39, 8 ; cp. Frazer, Pausanias, v, 202. 7 Cicero, in Verr. II, 4, 99. 

Vol. xl] Major Restrictions on Access to Greek Temples 85 

ading as Zeus Belus, 1 or to a foreign deity on Greek soil, 
like Isis, 2 but, more often, to an inheritance from an earlier 
stratum of the Greek religion itself. 

Of Zeus the following forms had shrines with restricted 
access : 3 Av/caios, 'OXu/xTrto? in Elis, Karat/Sar^, and the 
Cretan Zeus. Now Au/cato?, 4 'OXuyiiTno? 5 at Olympia, and 
the Cretan Zeus 6 bear decided marks of connection with 
each other and of chthonic character, as in another context 
I have endeavored to show. 7 The object of these three cults 
was probably not a Zeus ab origine, but a pre-Dorian deity, 
perhaps of an indigenous chthonic stratum, perhaps imported 
from Asia, 8 but in either case adopted by the Dorians and 
identified with their chief deity. The abata of Zeus Karat- 
/3ar?7? 9 were, like the Roman bidentalia places struck by 
lightning, 11 and derived their extreme sanctity from that fact 
rather than from any original or essential connection with 
Zeus. 12 

Abaton provisions appear in the cult of Apollo IIu&o?, 13 

I Herod, i, 181. 2 Paus. x, 32, 13 ; cp. n, 13, 7. 

8 Ziehen warns us against connecting with Zeus the fanum Hypati on Paros 
{Leges Sacra e, II, 284, no. 105). 

4 Paus. vm, 38, 6 ; Plut. Q. G. 300 A-B ; Hygin. Astr. n, 4 ; Eratosth. 
Cat. i, etc. 

6 No women were allowed to ascend the last stage of the great altar in the 
Altis, Paus. v, 13, 10, or to attend the games, ib. 6, 7. Those who had eaten of 
the sacrifice to Pelops were excluded from the temple ; ib. 13, 3. 

6 See A.J.A. v (1901), 91 ; Ziehen in Bursian, Jahresbericht CXL, 2; Antonin. 
Liberalis, 19 ; cp. Diog. Laert. vm, i, 3, etc. 

7 "The Propitiation of Zeus," in Harvard Studies in Class. Philol. XIX (1908), 
esp. 89-101. 

8 See Farnell, Cults, I, 37; Assmann in Philologus,*LXVil (1908), 181 ; Welcker, 
Gr. G otter lehre, 1 1, 2 1 6. 

9 See Berliner Philol. Woch. XI (1891), 545, for his Aparov on the Athenian 
acropolis in the fourth century B.C. At Olympia, Paus. v, 14, 10. 

10 Schol. on Persius, 2, 27; cp. Festus Pauli, 92, 17. 

II They were called ^vtj\tj(ria (or ^X&rta), Pollux, IX, 41. 

12 For Zeus Karai^dr^s in his chthonic function, see Harvard Studies, XIX, 
77, n. 10, and Gruppe, Griech. Myth. 148. Compare the illuminating article of 
Usener in Rhein. Mus. LX (1905), I ff., esp. 22 and 12, and observe that 
Hermes in his chthonic function of psychopomp bore the name KaTcu/Jdrr/s, 
Schol. Aristoph. Pax, 650. 

18 In addition to frequent references to the &5vToi> at Delphi, and the accounts 
that tell of the descent (if Kara^atveiv means descent, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 

86 Joseph William Hewitt [ J 99 

Ka/omo?, 2 Ae/a/^z/o'?, 3 K\dpio$, 
or Aeu/car?;?, and in Aelian's 6 account of Apollo's sacred 
grove into which only a maiden was admitted, at the annual 
festival, to tend and feed the prophetic snake. Connection 
with a snake, as in this case, 7 or habitation in a cave, as in 
that of Apollo STTTjXaiV???, is a pretty sure indication of 
chthonic character. Apollo Aep/jujvos was a malignant deity 
of the Maeander valley, 8 and no true Greek. 9 Apollo at 
Delphi was notoriously an intruder and the successor to an 
earlier earth oracle, 10 while at the shrine of Apollo KXa/oto? 
and perhaps in the Miletus worship, 11 the prophet drew inspi- 
ration from a subterranean source in a subterranean chamber. 12 
Apollo Kdpveios, the object of a mystery cult, Wide 13 considers 
a product of contaminatio between an old vegetation hero or 
demon and Apollo, 14 while Apollo Aev/cdrr)?, though appar- 
ently considered a maritime deity, received the cult of a 
vegetation god. 15 

XXV (1904), 226) into the /j-avreiov, we are told that consultation of the oracle 
was restricted to one day a year (Plut. Q. G. 292 F), later to one day a month. 
Cp. Middleton in Journal of Hellenic Studies, IX (1888), 293 and 303 f., 318. 
Women were excluded from approaching the oracle, says Plutarch, de E apud 
Delphos, 385 C. Euripides seems to have known nothing of this ; cp. Ion, 230. 

1 Paus. x, 32, 5. 

2 Id. u, 10, 2 ; the inner part of the temple of Asclepius was sacred to him, and 
only the priests were allowed to enter. 

8 Journal of Hellenic Studies, VIII (1887), 380. 

4 Plut. Vit. Pomp. 24. 5 Ib. 6 N. A. XI, 2. 

7 Farnell, Cults, iv, 222, considers this a chthonian worship taken over by 

8 Journal of Hellenic Studies, VIII (1887), 380. 

9 Smith, Religion of the Semites^, 454, n. 2. 

10 Paus. x, 5, 6. Hofer ap. -Roscher, Ausf. Lex. in, 3375 ; cp. Leges Sacrae, 
II, no. 117, 1. 20, and p. 304. 

11 lamblichus, de Mysteriis, ill, 1 1 . 

12 This cult of Glares, Schuchardt (Ath. Mitth. xi (1886), 433) relegates to 
pre-Grecian times. Pausanias (vii, 2, 6) put the origin of the oracle at Diclyma 
previous to the arrival of the lonians. 

13 Ap. Roscher, Ausf. Lex. n, 964, 19 ff. 

14 To this Farnell takes exception, maintaining that Kdpvos or Kdpveios is an 
offshoot from Apolline ritual, Cults, iv, 134. 

15 Ib. iv, 145. Gruppe considers the place of his worship one of the 'white 
rock ' entrances to Hades, Gr. Myth. 816 f. 

Vol. xl] Major Restrictions on Access to Greek Temples 87 

Restricted access to shrines of Poseidon is found at the 
Isthmus, 1 at Taenarum, 2 at Calauria, 3 and in the cults of 
Poseidon "I-TTTrto? 4 and 4>wao<?. 5 

Such scholars as Gruppe, 6 Frazer, 7 Cook, 8 "and August 
Mommsen 9 consider Poseidon to have been originally an 
earth god. Farnell 10 denies the earth-shaker a chthonic char- 
acter, but even he notes that the cult at the Isthmus had to 
do with a buried demon of vegetation, 11 and notes the pre- 
Dorian character of the Taenarum worship while doubting 
that the Taenarum cave with its entrance to Hades B was 
ever a shrine of Poseidon. 13 "iTTTrto? certainly keeps chthonic 
company, for not only in Peloponnesus, 14 but at Colonus in 
Attica 15 he is paired with Demeter, and in the latter case was 
connected also with the Semnae. The cult of Poseidon 
<I>u/ao5, 16 in whose sacrifice no woman might participate, was 
coupled very closely with a distinctively chthonian cult of 
Demeter on Myconus. 17 Here he received the ram offering. 18 

In the cult of Ares access was conditioned on sex. Usu- 
ally women were excluded, 19 but in the worship of Ares 
women participated, while men were excluded. 20 

1 Plut. Vit. Pomp. 24. 2 Ib. 8 Ib. 

4 Paus. vni, 5, 5 ; cp. 10, 2-3. 

6 Ditt. Syll?, 615, 9. These in addition to certain islands, remote, mythical, 
or not the seat of a cult ; Arrian, Ind. 37, 4 ip^ . . . /ccti <S/3aros ; Schol. to Homer, 
Iliad, xni, 21 ; Plato, Critias, 1 1 6 C (#/3aroj/ of Cleito and Poseidon on Atlantis) 

6 Gr. Myth. 1138. 7 Pausanias, III, 361 (on III, 2O, 2). 

8 Journal of Hellenic Studies, XIV (1893), J 4 2 - 9 Delphika, 6-7. 

10 Cults, iv passim, e.g. 7, 21, 51, 57. n Ib. 39. 

12 Pindar, Pyth. 4, 43 f. ; cp. Strabo, vni, 363. 

13 Cults, IV, 41-42 ; cp. Wide, Lakonische Kulte, 49. Buile (ap. Roscher, 
Ausf. Lex. Ill, 2833, 25 f.) notes the great antiquity of this cult. He' distin- 
guishes the chthonic Peloponnesian Poseidon, e.g. "ITTTTIOS, from the Attic-Ionic 
deity (op. cit. 2834, 40 ff.). 

14 Paus. vni, 37, 10 ; cp. Gruppe, 546. 15 Gruppe, 39. 

16 Leges Sacrae, I, 1 6. 17 Gruppe, 1 1 38 3 . 

18 Harvard Studies, Xix, 96, n. 1 1. The victim in this case was white, but 
Poseidon certainly did not receive it as god of the bright sky, and white is by no 
means debarred from chthonic cult ; Paus. II, 35, 5 ; Arch, fiir Religions, vin 
(1905), 206. 

19 Paus. Ill, 22, 7 ; Teles irepl 0^777?, p. 24, 1. 10 (Heuse). 

20 Paus. vni, 48, 4. The women held, apart from the men, a sacrifice the meat 
of which the men might not taste. 

88 Joseph William Hewitt [1909 

A cult conducted exclusively by women is usually a mark of 
an earth deity, 1 independently of the fact that Stoll 2 and 
H. D. Miiller 3 consider Ares essentially a chthonic god. 

The shrines of Dionysus, access to which was forbidden or 
greatly restricted, were at Amphicleia, 4 where the distinctly 
chthonic feature of incubatio appears, at Bryseae, 5 a mystery 
cult for women only, 6 and that of Dionysus " in the marshes " 
at Athens. 7 Rohde 8 has observed the chthonic character of 
Dionysus in the Attic cults. His worship at Pergamon, 9 
where he had an affarov, was mystic. 10 

The a/3aro? arj/cds or #aXafto? n of Semele at Thebes may 
have been inaccessible because it had been struck by light- 
ning, 12 but if it was an old shrine of the deity, it is to be noted 
that many modern scholars consider Semele a form of the 
earth goddess. 13 

The restrictions in the worship of Aphrodite follow lines 
of sex and deal with the goddess in Sicyon, 14 and with Aphro- 
dite Urania 15 and Aphrodite 'A/cpcua. 16 Farnell 17 considers 
Aphrodite a non-Hellenic earth goddess. Particularly in 
Syria and Cyprus 18 is her chthonic character clear, and it is 

1 So Furtwangler ap. Roscher, Ausf. Lex. I, 483, 34 ff., and 486, 40 ff. 

2 Die ursprungliche Bedeutung des Ares (1855). 

3 Ares (1848); see Myth, der gr. Stamme, n, 113 and 119 ; cp. also Gruppe, 

4 Paus. x, 33, ii. 5 Id. m, 20, 3. 

6 Cp. the regulations in the Bacchic cult in Rome, Livy, XXXIX, 13, 8 and 
Leges Sacrae, n, 310, no. 121. 

7 [Demosth.] 59, 76 ; cp. Schol. on Lycophron. Alex. 1246. 

8 Psyche, II, 45 1 ; cp. Stengel, Kultusalt? 209. 

9 Caesar, B.C. m, 105 ; Dio Cass. XLI, 61. 

10 Inscr. in Hermes, vii (1873), 40 ; Gruppe, 1421, n. 

11 Euripides, Bacchae, 6 ff., and Phoenissae, 1751, with the scholium on the 
latter passage ; Paus. IX, 12, 3. 

12 Ilitzig u. Bliimner on Paus. 1. c. 

13 Preller-Robert, Gr.Mylh. I, 660 J ; Creuzer, Symbolik, ill, 96, 328 ; Stengel, 
Festschrift fur Friedl'dnder, 420; Wide, Sacra Troez., 42 ff. ; and esp. Gruppe, 
I4I5 6 and 1416, n. 

14 Paus. u, 10, 4. 

15 Id. vii, 26, 7, spoken of however merely as r) Ovpavia. 

16 Strabo, Xiv, 682. n Cults, n, 650. 

18 See C. H. Moore in Harvard Studies, XI (1900), 59. The temple of Dea 
Syria might be entered on stated days only (Paus. vn, 26, 7). 

Vol. xl] Major Restrictions on Access to Greek Temples 89 

in Cyprus that as 'A/cpata she debarred all women from her 
shrine. Urania was an Oriental deity of vegetation, 1 and 
Aphrodite at Sicyon was probably either Urania 2 or a deity 
of fertility more closely allied to Demeter. 3 

The image of Hera at Aegium in Achaea might not be 
seen by men 4 and her temples at Argos, Samos, and Laci- 
nium are included in Plutarch's list 6 of the asyla and abata 
that were despoiled by the pirates. Whether or not it be 
possible, with Welcker, 6 to consider Hera the earth goddess 
of primitive Greece, in the case of the last three shrines, 
which were probably related, 7 it is worthy of note that the 
te/oo? '7a/Lto?, which, perhaps more than any other feature of 
her cult, favors Welcker's hypothesis, was certainly a feature 
of the Samian worship, 8 and possibly also of the Lacinian 
and Argive. Then too, Eileithyia, whose image at Hermione 
only the priestess might see, 9 is variously considered a form 
of Hera 10 or of Artemis, 11 or an early deity of generation and 
childbirth ^ a Kovporpofyos. 

So far as concerns the cult of Artemis, the restrictions we 
are considering occur in worships of an extraordinary charac- 
ter. Artemis Swret^a, 13 for example, oath deity as she was, 
Wide 14 considers no true Artemis, and Gruppe 15 says it is diffi- 

1 She holds a fruit in her hand, Preller-Robert, Gr. Myth. 383. For her 
Oriental character, see Farnell, C^tlts, II, 630. 

2 Preller-Robert, Gr. Myth. 357. 

3 Odelberg, Sacra Corinthia, Sicyonia, Phliasia, 68. 

4 Paus. VII, 23, 9. 5 Vita Pomp. 24. 

6 Gr. Gotterl. I, 363. So Creuzer, Symbolik, in, 213 ; Overbeck, De Tone 
Telluris Non Lunae Dea, 19 ff. Roscher in Ausf. Lex. 1, 2106,40 ff., etc. But 
cp. Farnell, Cults, I, 181 and 192. 

7 The Samian cult was derived from the Argive ; Gruppe, II32 1 ; for the con- 
nection of the Lacinian with the Samian shrine, see ib. 376! and nay 1 . 

8 See esp. Gruppe, H34 9 . Varro ap. Lactantius, I, 17, 8. 

9 Paus. II, 35, ii. 

10 Hesych. s.v. "Hpa ev *A.pyei.; cp. Iliad, XI, 270. 

11 Cp. Farnell, Cults, n, 608. 

12 Baur in Philologtis, Suppl. vni, 453-512; here " eine grollende Gottin" 
(468). For the frequently chthonic character of the Kovporp6<f)os see Suidas s.v. 
KoupoTp60os ; Farnell, Cults, III, 17 f.; Dieterich, Mutter Erde, 79. 

13 Paus. vn, 27, 3. 14 Lakonische Kulte, 121; Sacra Troezen., 43. 
15 Gr. Myth. 1291, n. 

go Joseph William Hewitt [!99 

cult to separate this aspect of Artemis from Persephone. 1 
Artemis at Ephesus 2 was distinctly Asiatic. Of the worship 
at Hyampolis, in Phocis, we know only that although it was 
the chief cult of the place, the temple was open but twice a 
year. 3 At Phigalia was an Artemis Eurynome, whose temple 
was open only once a year. Pausanias, 4 our authority for 
her worship, thought that she was not Artemis. 5 It is 
significant that Eurynomus at Delphi 6 was a demon of 

The temple of Athena at Pellene had a subterranean 
adyton? a detail sufficiently significant. At Tegea, Athena 
TToXtart?, perhaps to be identified 8 with the chief deity of 
the place, Athena 'AXea, an old deity of healing, 9 allowed 
entrance to her shrine only once a year, 10 and then only to 
a priest. 

Other deities we must dismiss with a word. The only 
Hermes in the list is the cave god STr^XatTT??. 11 Asclepius, 
with his snake, his incubatio, and other chthonic marks, had 
an a/3aroz/. 12 Thetis, considered by Gruppe 13 to be a form of 
Demeter, had an avd/cropov, 1 * and her %6avov was kept in a 

1 For her connection with the underworld at Troezen cp. Paus. II, 31, I. 

2 Artemidorus, Oneir. IV, 4. 

3 Paus. X, 35, 7. She may have been equivalent to Aa<t>pla, whose feast at 
Hyampolis was named ^Xa077/36\to ; Ath. Mitth. iv (1879), 223, no. 5. 

* Paus. viu, 41, 5; so Weizsacker ap. Roscher, Ausf. Lex. I, 1427, 14 ff. 
6 Farnell is inclined to consider her a real Artemis, Cults, n, 430. Hofer 
(Pauly-Wissowa, VI, 1340) thinks she was Artemis Ai/ui/arts. 

6 Paus. x. 28, 7. 

7 Id. vn, 27, 2. Diimmler (Pauly-Wissowa n, 1977) seems to think that 
Athena, not Artemis, was represented by the fearful image at Pellene (Plut. Vit. 
Arat. 32), which blasted all who saw it. 

8 Meister in Ber. sacks. Gesells. d. Wissensch., 1889, 83 f.; Hofer ap. Roscher, 
Ausf. Lex. in, 2614. 

9 Farnell, Cults, I, 275. 10 Paus. vm, 47, 5. 

11 Id. X, 32, 5. Little stress is perhaps to be laid on the fact that his image in 
the Athenian temple of Polias was so covered with myrtle boughs as to be invisible 
(Paus. i, 27, i); see Hitzig u. Bliimner on the passage. 

12 Plut. Vit. Pomp. 24. For the underground &8vrov of Trikka, one of the earli- 
est shrines of the cult, see Thraemer ap. Pauly-Wiss., n, 1654, 47 ff. 

13 Gr: Myth., 116. 

14 Euripides, Andr. 42 f., 117, 380. Originally, at least, this was a name 
applied to sanctuaries that were closed to the public ; Daremberg et Saglio, i, 92. 

Vol. xl] Major Restrictions on Access to Greek Temples 91 

secret place. 1 Cronus, an old chthonic god, 2 admitted no 
women. 3 The temple of 'Avdytcrj and Bta, the latter perhaps 
a form of the Polygnotian underworld 4 and sometimes identi- 
fied with the former, it was not customary to open. 5 

In a worship so mystic as that of the Cabiri it is not sur- 
prising to find restrictions upon access to the shrines alike in 
Egypt, 6 at Rome, 7 and in Greece. 8 These divinities are often, 
but incorrectly, identified or paralleled with the Dioscuri, 9 
who shared with Demeter and her daughter a mystic cult 10 in 
a temple opened only on the thirtieth of each month, that is, 
on the day particularly sacred to the worship of the dead and 
the chthonian powers. 11 

To sum up : the instances of greatly restricted access to 
Greek temples are found principally in cases where the deity 
is not Hellenic but Oriental, or has more or less strongly 
marked chthonian characteristics. 

1 Paus. ill, 14, 4. 

2 Farnell, Cults, I, 29 ; cp. H. D. Miiller, Myth, der gr. Stamme II, 94 ; Plut. 
Q.R. 266 E. 

3 Lydus. de Mens. p. 116, 16 Bekk. 

4 Robert, " Die Nekyia d. Polygnot," 16. Hallisches Winckelmanns Program in, 
60 ; on the identification of the two see Wernicke ap. Pauly-Wiss., Ill, 379, 63. 

5 Paus. II, 4, 6. 

6 Herod, in, 37 ; cp. Strabo, X, 473. 7 Servius on Aen. Ill, 12. 

8 In Samothrace, Plut. Vit. Pomp. 24 ; at Thebes, Paus. ix, 25, 9. Perhaps 
to them should be referred the shine of the Anakes at Elatea in Phocis, into which 
no woman might enter ; Bull. corr. hell., vm (1884), 216 ff.; cp. Paus. x, 38, 7. 

9 Hitzig u. Bliimner on Paus. IX, 25, 5 protest against confusing them with the 
Dioscuri. Gruppe considers the Samothracian cult one calculated to avert the 
anger of the chthonian powers {Gr. Myth., 230). 

10 Lebas-Foucart, 352 h. 

11 Bekker, Anecdota, 308, 5. For the development of the Dioscuri into chtho- 
nian beings see Gruppe, 810, cp. 14492 J C P- a l so Alcman, fr. 5 Bergk = Schol. on 
Eur. Tr. 212. 

Vol. xl] An Interpretation of Ranae, 788-790 93 

VI. An Interpretation of Ranae, 788-790 


fjia At" OVK CKCU/OS, dAA' e/cixre /xev 
ore 8) KaTr)\@e, Kavf(3a\e TJJV Serial/, 


IN few passages of Aristophanes have commentators and 
critics raised more questions relative to interpretation, or 
given answers more widely diverse than in these opening 
lines in the account of the conduct of Sophocles on his 
arrival in the underworld. Who gave the kiss ? Who is 
eiceivos in 790 ? What is the import of virexaiprjo-ev ? Is 790 
spurious ? If genuine, to whom is it to be assigned in the 
dialogue ? These have been mooted questions, 1 some of them 
for centuries. 

1 For convenience, a brief summary of the debate in its chronological order is 
subjoined : 

Callistratus, quoted by a scholiast : ot>x &s 7rapa5e5oc6Tos Atox^ov rbv 6p6i>ov 
rig 2o0o/cAe?, d\\' a>s irapaSedey/j-^vov avrbv Ka.1 U7roKe^w/977/c6ros. 

Frischlinus : Aesch. Sophocli primam sedem cessit. 

Kusterus : Cave haec cum Frischl. ita capias. Soph. Aeschylo hunc honorem 
exhibuit, ut ex antecedentibus et sequentibus patet. 

Dobree: Versum (790) esse delendum paene suspicor. Tolerabilior esset, si 
Xanthiae daretur cum nota interrogationis in fine. 

Bothe : A. sedem concessit Sophocli, sed hie non accepit. 

Bekker endorses Kusterus. 

Cookesley : A. ceded throne to S. 

Mitchell : A. yielded state-chair to S. The verse seems very much like an 

Fritzsche endorses Bothe. 

Kock 2 : tKetvos cannot be A., for (#) that would require v-rrex&pei, and (<f) S. 
did not accept the offer. 

Halm {Rhein. Mus. XXIII, 210) endorses Kock ; nor can ticeTvos be S., be- 
cause of (<z) the clumsy and in a poet inexcusable repetition of ^KelVos, and 
(3) the absurdity of saying that S. gave up a place he had never taken ; hence 
the verse must be an interpolation due to some one who did not notice that the 
sense was already complete. 

Kock 3 endorses Halm, brackets line. 

94 Samuel Grant Oliphant L 1 99 

A study of the passage has led me to the view that the 
text is all that can be desired, and that the commentators 
have missed the essential point in its interpretation. They 
seem to consider the kiss and the handshaking merely as a 
greeting. If this were true, Naber's position would seem by 
far the most tenable, as at least a score of instances in the 
ancient literature of Greece can be cited to support it. I 
have found none to support Kock's assertion that the reverse 
of the custom is found " sehr oft." Neither of the passages 
cited by Kock is at all apposite, for neither describes such a 
salutation. 1 

Much more than greeting seems to be involved in our 
passage. The phrase MjSa\V rrjv e%idv does not seem to 
be a classical expression for the hand clasp of an ordinary or 
formal salutation. In the Greek writers, it seems always to 

Langueville (Didot's ed.) : Atque ille (A.) sponte ei (S.) cessisset solium. 

Velsen : Hunc versum (790) Xanthiae dedi. 

Blaydes: text as Velsen; critical note proposes virexup'nv & v ' "cessisset, 
nempe, si voluisset Sophocles " and adds, " Spurius fortasse versus est." 

Naber (Mnemosyne, XI, 35) : /cd/cetpos is Sophocles, but emend to AtVx^Xos in 
788. Advenam osculamur ut intelligat se amari et iucundum hospitem adesse, 
sed si advena anteverterit et osculum occupaverit praesentiam suam obtrudere 
videbitur et odium pariet. lidem mores tv "Aidov obtinent. 

Morris, C. D. (AJP. v, 260) : Naber's emendation is " very happy " and 
" removes all the difficulty." 

Van Leeuwen (Mnemosyne, XXIV, 113) : Text is " quam maxime perspicua." 
Follow Callistratus ; A. shares the seat with S. [Makes a curious blunder in say- 
ing of Dobree, " a Bothio -Fritzschioque in errorem adductus," as B.'s first edition 
appeared five years later than the Aristophanica and F. was only a lad in 1820. 
Dobree had been dead a score of years when F.'s Ranae appeared.] 

Blass (Hermes, xxxn, 150 f.) : /cd/ceivos can be neither A. nor S. A ques- 
tion would require an answer. Callistratus " sehr gut im Sinne : nur kann dies 
in inroxupciv nicht liegen. Vielleicht ^Trex^pffO'ei' mit partitivem Genetiv. Ginge 
auch das nicht, so bliebe nur die ultima ratio den V. zu tilgen." 

Kock 4 (Anhang) : Refutes statements that /cd/cetVos is A., that verse is a ques- 
tion of Xanthias, and that A. shares seat with S. Simplest solution is to delete 
verse, but this has its difficulties. Weak in reply to Naber. In closing, he 
desiderates for /cd/cet^os some adjective meaning " freudig, bereitwillig, ruhig," 
but Kev/cT/Xos (or x^^Xos) is not found in Aristophanes. 

1 In the one instance, //. XXIV, 478, the kiss is a part of the humiliating 
supplication of Priam; in the other, Soph. Oed. Col. 1131, it is a spontaneous 
expression of deepest gratitude to Theseus for the deliverance of Antigone and 

Vol. xl.] An Interpretation of Ranae, 788-790 95 

import the idea of a pledge or assurance of something not 
implied in the usual greeting. 

We may illustrate by the following passages : l 

Soph. Track. 1181 : 2/x/SaAAe X e W a bt&o-v Trpumora /xoi. 

Heracles asks a pledge that his son will carry out his last 
commands. In the next verse Hyllus refers to this as TTLCTTLV 

Id. Phil. 813 : /a/?aAAe ^etpos TTIOTU/. 

Philoctetes requires the assurance of the right hand of Neop 

Arist. Ran. 754~755 : 

MOL rrjv 
KCU 805 Kvtrai KCIVTOS 

This is no greeting, but a sudden pledge of friendship and 
fellowship based upon a newly discovered " uniformity of 
feeling and sentiment upon the topics most familiar to them 
as slaves " (Frere, ad loc.). 

Id. Vesp. 554 e/xjSaAAei /x,ot TYJV X^P* ttTraA^v. 

Along with the solicitation of the dicast there is an implied 
assurance of some quid pro quo for any favor he may show. 

Diphilus, Zogr. (Kock, II, 554, 24) : rrjv 8eiai/ eve/SaXov, efjLv^crOrjv 
Aio? crairfjpos. 

Here is congratulation with a feigned assurance of gratitude 
for the preservation and good fortune of a solicited patron. 

Demos. 553 : rrjv Seiai/ e/x/?aAc6v. 
Id. 554 : rrjv Serial/ e/x/Je^X^KOTa. 
Aeschin. 224 : rrjv 8etav ei/eySaXes. 

These all refer to pledges. 

Diog. Laert. vili, i, 17 : /x^ paSt'ws Se^tav e/x/3aAXav. 
Plut. II, 1 2 E : fir} Travrl e/x/ Se^tav. 
Ib. 96 A : fjLY) TroAAots e/ 

1 These are all that have been found in a search covering Homer, the Tragic 
and Comic Poets, including fragments, Pindar, Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, 
Plato, the Attic Orators, Plutarch, and a large portion of Lucian. 

96 Samuel Grant Oliphant [!99 

These are three variants of a JVCO/JLTJ ascribed to Pythagoras. 
Plutarch interprets it in the first instance as Trpo^eipco^ ov Set 
crvva\\do-creiv and in the second as /-t?) TroXXou? TroielcrOat, 
(/uXou?. As Pythagoras is the reputed author of the senten- 
tiae, icoiva ra $>i\(i)v eivai and rov Be $i\ov a\\ov eavrdv, 
the latter interpretation is quite as favorable as the former. 

The phrase rrjv Begiav epftaXXew is found also in the fol- 
lowing passages of Plutarch : I, 478 A ; Sulla avoids what 
might have been interpreted as a pledge, or assurance, 
i, 550 E; Crassus takes the initiative in a pledge of recon- 
ciliation with Pompey. i," 587 D ; Eumenes assures the dying 
Craterus of his good will and his regret that he has had to 
engage in battle with an old friend with such evil conse- 
quences, i, 765 C ; Cato has suffered humiliation at Antioch. 
Pompey shames the people by his unusual marks of respect. 
He does not receive him sitting, but rises, goes to meet him, 
and as to a more honorable person gives him his hand and 
embraces him. This instance seems most nearly of all to 
approach the formal salutation, but the context shows that it 
was more, a visible token and assurance of great respect, 
i, 907 D ; Erasistratus assures Seleucus of his deep sympathy 
in a trying situation, i, 1036 A; Technon proffers assurance 
to one whom he supposes cognizant of his master's secret, 
i, 1056 C; Aratus gives Philip an assurance of the restora- 
tion of good feeling, n, 597 F ; the dying Cephisodorus 
gives Pelopidas an earnest of his friendship and his gratitude 
for vengeance upon Leontidas. 

Finally, Suidas defines Se^Lav eve(Ba\ev avra> as O-VVTCL^LS. 
Every passage cited above supports in some measure this 

As in Ran. 755 the kiss was also a part of the pledge, so 
it is also in Nub. 81 KVCTOV //,e KOI rrjv X e ^P a &* T ^l v ^fyav, 
where the meaning is " Give me this pledge of your filial 
affection as an assurance that you will grant the request I 
am about to make of you." Pheidippides so understands 
it, as is shown by his reply : l&ov ri eo-nv ; 

In our passage, then, we see in the kiss an earnest of 
reconciliation and peace after the rivalries of life. As in 

Vol. xl] An Interpretation of Ranae, 788-790 97 

the two instances last cited it is a concomitant of the pledge 
given by the hand. The clasp of the hand is a further assur- 
ance of this feeling and a pledge, implied but instinctively 
understood from its very heartiness, that he had no intention 
of disturbing him in his occupancy of the seat of " privilege 
and precedence." After his experience with the newly ar- 
rived Euripides, this must naturally have been almost the 
first thought to occur to Aeschylus on seeing the arrival of 
Sophocles also. He had never met the former in a tragic 
contest, but on the very first appearance of the latter he had 
sustained a stinging and mortifying defeat, if tradition is true. 
The former had not yet proved a popular favorite on earth, 
and had but five first prizes to his credit ; but the latter had 
long been a popular idol, who had never taken less than the 
second place and had a long list of twenty first prizes. We 
can imagine, then, that Aeschylus now had considerable un- 
easiness and apprehension. The kindly, genial nature of 
Sophocles prompts him at once to make such overtures as 
would most speedily and effectively allay this feeling. This 
harmonizes with all that the ancients have told us of the 
temperaments and dispositions of the two men, is in thorough 
accord with the entire context of the play, and calls for no 
change in the received text. In its sequel it is further true 
to human nature in that the magnanimous course pursued by 
Sophocles wins the heart of the grim old master and estab- 
lishes cordial relations between them. 

With this interpretation there is no difficulty in the much 
mooted verse 790. 'E/eeti>o<? is, of course, Sophocles. It is an 
emphatic repetition of the eVcet^o? of 788 for the sake of what 
is now, in the interpretation given, the strongest possible con- 
trast with Euripides and his attitude on his arrival in the 
realm of Pluto. In reply to Halm's objection that it is a 
clumsy and, in a poet, inexcusable repetition of the pronoun, 
we may compare it with the /cetw in Soph. Ajax 275, emphat- 
ically repeating the e^eti^o? of 271. In this parallel the anti- 
thetical ^Mefc is, it is true, expressed, but for all that, the 
emphasis is no whit more pronounced than in the Ranae, 
where the thought of Euripides is most vividly present. 

98 Samuel Grant Oliphant [1909 

Halm's subjective criticism does not conform to the aesthetic 
freedom of either Sophocles or Aristophanes. 

Nor is either the meaning or the tense of vTre^pi^o-ev at all 
troublesome. No forced interpretation of either is required. 
Both are entirely normal. By laying no claim to the master's 
seat of honor, Sophocles as effectually performs all that the 
word expresses or implies, as if he had first made a contest, 
established his right to the seat, taken possession of it, and 
then withdrawn and yielded it to Aeschylus. If one of two 
that are selected as alone eligible for an honor or a prize and 
that have nearly or quite equal chances of winning it, volun- 
tarily withdraws from the contest, surely he may be said by 
that very act to yield the honor to the other. The verb VTTO- 
X M pew is used repeatedly in the contemporary Thucydides to 
express the act of withdrawing from the presence of a superior 
force or that of a force with which no contest is at the time 
desired. The military metaphor, also, may serve our purpose 

In a great majority of the instances cited in the foregoing 
of the phrase TTJV Sejfiav eppd\\eiv, it is the one coming 'who 
makes the proffer of the hand in the pledge. So Naber's 
objection cannot be transferred from the salutation to the 
hand clasp of an assurance or pledge. Thus every objection 
of any weight at all that has been brought against the text of 
the passage seems to vanish before the interpretation herein 
proposed, and every question has its definitive answer. 

Vol. xl] Some Questions of Plautine Pronunciation 99 

VII. Some Questions of Plautine Pronunciation 


EARLY in the sixth century of the city, shortly before the 
literary activity of Plautus began, original 6 was changed 
to u under certain well-known conditions. However, in all 
instances where u or u immediately preceded, the 6 was 
retained unchanged. This retention may be seen in the 
nom. and ace. sg. of the ^-declension, as seruos equom mor- 
tuom ; in the gen. sg. of the ^-declension, as senatuos ; in 
gen. pi., as duom diiwm bouom passuom (but cf. Sommer, 
Handbuch, p. 426) ; in extensions like paruolus ; in verb forms 
like metuont itittont linqtwnt tingiwnt, and corresponding pas- 
sives ; in the conj. quom and in uolt iwltis and similar closed 
syllables in ttol-. 1 In these instances the orthographic change 
uo>uu did not begin to come in until about two centuries 
later, the earliest occurrence being suus of the Lex lul. Mun. 
of 45 B.C., CIL. i, 206, and was not adopted in the schools 
until more than a century after that time, according to the 
testimony of Quintilian I, 7, 26. 

What does the retention of the antique orthography for so 
long a time signify ? Was it retained because it faithfully 
represented the pronunciation, or was it purely orthographi- 
cal 2 and due to other considerations, e.g. the desirability of 
avoiding uu ? i.e. may sertios, etc., have begun to be pro- 
nounced seruus as soon as dolos became dolus in other 
words, even before Plautus himself ? 

The period important to our discussion comprises roughly 
the three centuries from Plautus to Quintilian, and the con- 
sideration of the last of these three centuries roughly from 

1 Perhaps quoiius and its derivatives and very probably quor should here be 

2 Dittenberger, Herni. vi, 304 anm. 2, and Carnoy, Latin d' Espagne, 50, hold 
that it was purely orthographical. 

ioo Andrew R. Anderson L 1 99 

the Lex lul. Mun. of 45 B.C. to Quintilian may well come 
first, as it may shed some light on the main question during 
the two centuries preceding. As a preliminary, then, to cor- 
recting Brambach's interpretation of Quintilian I, 7, 26, let 
me point out clearly that the suns of the Lex lul. Mun. of 
45 B.C. is not to be interpreted as prophesying a phonetic 
change to be fulfilled, but as registering a change in pro- 
nunciation already accomplished. The fact that it took more 
than a century to introduce this change in the schools shows 
that we are here dealing with a question that involves more 
than a change in pronunciation, the Romans did not ordi- 
narily take so long a time to change their orthography when 
only a question of pronunciation was involved, but that they 
were confronted with an orthographical question of more than 
usual difficulty. 

The ancient authorities seem unanimous in regarding the 
question purely as one of orthography for any period of 
which they treated Cornutus, Quintilian, Velius Longus, 
Donatus, Papirianus. Most modern scholars among them 
Ritschl, Froede, Brambach, Stolz, 1 Solmsen (all quoted by the 
latter in his Stndien, 48) hold that the retention of the old 
spellings up to the eighth century of the city represents faith- 
fully the pronunciation up to that time. Lindsay, Lat. Lang. 
267, suspends judgment. 

Although the question has not been adequately treated by 
them, I should not feel justified in taking up the considera- 
tion of it in detail, did I not regard the evidence on which 
these scholars based their conclusion as reasonably susceptible 
of another interpretation. 

First let me cite the ancient authorities : 

Quintilian I, 7, 26 (cf. I, 4, 1 1) 2 : Nostri praeceptores seruum 
ceruumque u et o litteris scripserunt, quia subiecta sibi voca- 
lis in unum sonum coalescere et confundi nequiret, nunc u 
gemina scribuntur ea ratione quam reddidi. neutro sane modo 

1 I have been unable to verify this reference to Stolz. 

2 The difficulties which Solmsen, Studien, 41, sees in harmonizing these two 
passages, even if real, have no bearing on the question of pronunciation with 
which I am dealing. 

Vol. xl] Some Questions of Plautine Pronunciation 101 

vox quam sentimus efficitur, nee inutiliter Claudius Aeolicam 
illam ad hos usus adiecerat [i.e. serous, etc.]. Brambach's in- 
terpretation of neutro sane modo (i.e. neither by seruos nor by 
seruus) vox quam sentimus efficitur requires examination. He 
interprets this to mean that the vowel sound heard in the last 
syllable of such words was neither o nor u, but an intermedi- 
ate sound, perhaps nearer u\ but this is not, I think, Q.'s 
meaning, else he could hardly have mentioned the Aeolica, 
sen/us, with full approval, but that the vox quam seutimus, 
serttus, is not faithfully represented phonetically either by 
seruos or by seruus, since they are ambiguous. Of course the 
sound of this u may have been open, but not more open than, 
e.g., that in dolus. 

Velius Longus (time of Trajan),, 58, 4f. : A plerisque 
superiorum primitiuus et adoptiuus et nominatiuus per u et o 
scripta sunt, scilicet quia sciebant vocales inter sese ita con- 
fundi non posse ut unam syllabam faciant, apparetque eos 
hoc genus nominum aliter scripsisse, aliter enuntiasse. nam 
cum per o scriberent, per u tamen enuntiabant. It would be 
rash to deny altogether the application of this principle of 
pronunciation to republican times. 

Papirianus (fourth or fifth century) GL. vn, 161, 4 f. and 
Cornutus (first century) ib. 150,5 both quoted by Cassiodorius, 
show that the orthographical difficulties had not been solved 
by the change of o to u. 

The statement of Donatus on Terence, And. 173, is very 
important: Et Dauus non recte scribitur, Dauos scribendum, 
quod nulla littera uocalis geminata unam syllabam facit. The 
only reason he adduces against the orthography Dauus is not 
that its -mis would be pronounced -uus t but that it would be 
taken for u-us and thus give most unwarrantedly an addi- 
tional syllable. (The same objection would not have held 
against such words as mortuus. Would Donatus have fa- 
vored the orthography mortuus for Plautus and Terence?) 
In his next sentence he anticipates the criticism that the 
orthography he has just favored would be exposed to by the 
men of his time : Sed quia ambiguitas vitanda est nomina- 
tivi singularis et accusativi pluralis, necessarie pro hac regula 

IO2 Andrew R. Anderson L I 99 

utimur et dicimus Dau^s serous corpus. What Donatus 
means is in substance that there could be no satisfactory 
solution of the question until a separate sign should have 
been invented for u. Had the Aeolica of Claudius, J, been 
less different from V than it was, it might well have remained 
current ever since. 

The evidence on which scholars have based their conclu- 
sion, that the change in pronunciation of seruos to senms 
was not consummated till the eighth century of the city, is 
the non-occurrence in inscriptions prior to that time of words 
containing -nu l in the situations mentioned on p. 99, the first 
certain occurrence being suns of the Lex lul. Mun. of 45 B.C. 
This interpretation of the evidence has seemed to me, if not 
deceptive, at least unconvincing, and I shall now state my 
reasons for believing that the ^-pronunciation went much 
farther back. 2 

The instances mentioned on p. 99 in which tw is immedi- 
ately followed by / with or without a consonant may be taken 
up first, since in them the change to the ^-pronunciation seems 
to have been retarded ; cf . : 

CJL. i, 196 constfluerunt, cos^leretnr (thrice), tab<?lam, oqu<?ltod 

(prob. for occolto), but senatwm, Romanes, capu- 

talem, facill^med. 
Eph.Ep.11,29% mtfltare, but mam/m; cf. CIL. xi, 4766, which, 

except that it is a trifle older, shows the same 

CIL. i, 30 consul, but Cornelias, Lucius, Barbaras ; cf. CIL. I, 

53> S3 1 * 539> XIV > 4268. 

For Plautus and his contemporaries the ^-pronunciation is 
made probable by such instances of assonance as the fol- 
lowing : 

Amph. i ut uos in uvstris ti6Kv$> ; 114 uolt 2/<?/uptatem. 

1 The abortive attempts of the time of Accius to use iiu for u are hardly worth 

2 It is to be noted that the change to the ^-pronunciation was neither due to 
the loss, early in the eighth century, of u before o equos > *ecos > ecus nor 
did it cause the loss of u equos > equus> ecus, though the latter series hap- 
pens to indicate the changes in their proper chronological order. 

Vol. xl] Some Questions of Plautine Pronunciation 103 

Caec. Stat. Aethrio, 5 

Actutum, #0/tis, empta est ; J/tis, non empta est. 

Ennius, Ann. 583 M 

A<?^abantur semper uos w^traque u0/ta. 

When did uolt, uolnus, ttoltus, etc., begin to be pronounced 
uult, etc. ? Varro, in his Libri Grammatici, p. 148 Wilm., 
has given us instances of each vowel in combination with u 
uafer, tielitm, uinitm, nomis, uu/nus, and we must inevitably 
conclude that Varro, in 49 B.C., spelled as well as pronounced 
imlnus. Furthermore, he doesn't speak of this pronunciation 
as recent, but rather as one of sufficiently long standing to be 
used as an example, perhaps one which he had observed as 
true all his life. May not the change in pronunciation uol- 
nus > uulnus have been carried through at about the same 
time as uorto > uerto ? However that may be, it seems cer- 
tain, in view of the epigraphic evidence quoted above, and 
in view also of the fact that vowel weakening normally came 
later in accented than in unaccented syllables, that seruos 
began to be pronounced seruus at a considerable interval 
before uolnus began to be pronounced tmlnus. 

The inscriptional evidence in favor of the change in pro- 
nunciation of seriios to seruus before the eighth century of 
the city is, as we might expect, rare and necessarily indirect. 

CIL. i, 34, 3 (end of the sixth century A.U.C., just after Terence) 
quom = prep. cum. 

I, 1454, i (time of the Gracchi) qur, Plautine orthography quor, 
Plautine pronunciation cur, CP. iv, 297. My case 
is not seriously injured by the length of the vowel in 
quor, as the main thing is that it was pronounced u. 

T > 2 77 (5 5 0-560 A.U.C.) Flaus, to be taken as shorthand for 
Fla(u]us to avoid uu, and no more to be taken with 
Ritschl, Opusc. iv, 479, for Flau(o)s than in Hor. 
Sat. n, 7, 2 and 100, and Epist. n, 3, 37, Daus is 
to be taken for Dau(o]s ; cf. Aao? T of Menander's 
Epitrepontes and Perikeiromcne. 

1 The transliteration of Aaos will give some suggestion of the difficulties the 
Romans had in dealing with such questions. Four forms may be considered 
Daus, Daos, Dauus, Dauos. Of these Daus was certain to be confusing, as au 

IO4 Andrew R. Anderson [ 1 99 

Occurrences of uu in the Fasti before the eighth century of 
the city may not have any significance, as the uu may be due 
to later restorations, cf. Solmsen Stttdien, 37. The fact that 
epigraphic evidence in favor of the //-pronunciation in the 
sixth and seventh centuries of the city is so rare is not neces- 
sarily to be explained on the theory that the change of pro- 
nunciation in these words was retarded, but by the fact that 
the Romans disliked the combination uu by reason of its 
ambiguity (=w, z^, ?/?/, or in the time of AcciuS u). That 
the Republican Romans had a deep-seated dislike for the 
combination uu is seen with especial clearness in their failure 
to use it even in words where the sound nu 1 had been inher- 
ited from the parent language, cf. iuueiiis, Skt.yuva* which 
in Plautus' time was spelled iuenis? 

NOTE ON qii + o 

According to Lindsay, Lat. Lang, iv, 137 (also Introduction 
to Captivi p. 38, 27), the labial element in qu before o as e.g. 

in other words was diphthongal, cf. laus ; Daos was not a desirable form, since 
it would refuse to be lined up with other nouns of the 2d declension ; Dauus 
was rejected by Donatus, on And. 173 quoted on p. 101 ; so Dauos alone remained 
a form which would not be misleading to a Roman who for good reason 
objected to uu. 

1 Solmsen argues (160 f.) that the failure to express by anything more than 
u was due to the weakness of pronunciation of the u a process of reasoning 
which is hardly convincing, as the Romans are known to have represented even 
weak sounds in their writing, as e.g. h, and again at other times not to have rep- 
resented a sound involving doubling, even though it was strong enough to make 
position ; cf. Ennius Fab. 98 M 

per ego deum sublimas sub (i) ices umidas. 

Cf. Lucilius 411 Marx; Horace C. I, 17, 26; iv, 7, 17 ; also what Gellius, iv, 17, 
says on the subject. 

2 It may not be off the question to remark that most of our texts of Latin 
authors, beginning with Cicero, are saved from the ambiguities above noted by 
the artificial differentiation of v and u, and that this differentiation often helps us 
to forget the ambiguities of the orthography of the empire, which we have adopted 
as our standard. On the other hand, most of our texts of Plautus and Terence 
fail to differentiate between v and u, and for what ambiguities actually exist in the 
standard texts of these authors we have eyes that are particularly keen, as they 
have previously become accustomed to the standard orthography of imperial 
times improved by the differentiation of v and u. 

Vol. xl] Some Questions of Plautine Pronunciation 105 

in loquor sequor was less than before other vowels as e.g. 
loqui seqtti loquar scquar, in fact generally negligible. If 
this is so, it would tend to show that it was equally negligible 
in words like equos equom coquont sequontur, and that accord- 
ingly in the pronunciation of these words it was not strong 
enough to keep the o in equos, etc., from becoming u in pro- 
nunciation at the same time that dolos > dolus and dicont > 

The dissimilating force of u or u before o may also be 
questioned, as the lack of permanence in forms like mortuos 
scruos minuont uiuont, precludes societas < *sociotas (cf. boni- 
tas < *bonotas) from being urged as a parallel. 

The conservative theory that the change in pronuncia- 
tion of words like those mentioned on p. 99 was not consum- 
mated before the eighth century A.U.C., is based solely on 
the non-occurrence of the changed orthography before that 
time. Ordinarily this would be conclusive, but I have thought 
it worth while to give my reasons for believing that in this 
particular instance the retention of the old orthography was 
due to considerations of orthography rather than of pronun- 
ciation ; that the Romans were opposed to the combination uu 
to such an extent that it was not adopted in the schools until 
the time of Ouintilian ; that accordingly the description of the 
sound given by Velius Longus cannot safely be limited to a 
time subsequent to the fall of the republic, but may apply to 
the time of Plautus and Terence as well; and that, lastly, 
there are a few positive instances even in the sixth and 
seventh centuries of a z/-pronimciation for an o following u. 




Quintilian I, 7, 25 is authority for the statement that it was 
Scipio Africanus who introduced the change uortex > uertex. 
Thurneysen, KZ. xxx, 498, has found this statement con- 
firmed by epigraphic evidence as far as Scipio Africanus the 
Younger is meant. Thus the change would be post-Terentian. 

io6 Andrew R. Anderson 

Solmsen, Studien, 19 f., has found that the change uo > tie 
was limited to five words and their derivatives, uorro uorto 
uoster uoto Voturius, since they alone are supported in the 
uo- orthography by the evidence of inscriptions or manu- 
scripts or grammarians. He does not include uerber uerbum 
uerna, etc., because in their case neither inscriptions nor 
manuscripts nor grammarians give any support for any other 
orthography than that with ue-, whereas by their side in 
inscriptions and manuscripts such words as uorto occur with 
the no- spelling. Note that of all these words only tiorto 
occurs in inscriptions of the time of Plautus and Terence, 
and that only in the perfect participial stem. 

While Solmsen is correct in his division, I desire to add a 
little positive evidence regarding the pronunciation of both of 
these classes of words in Plautus and Terence, as I know 
of at least one scholar of first rank who holds that uoster uorto, 
etc., even in the time of Plautus, were pronounced uester 
uerto, etc., respectively. But Plautus, with his characteristic 
fondness for sound effects, has given us a few indications in 
favor of the o- pronunciation in at least two of these words : 

uoster: Amph. i Ut uos in awtris udltis \ cf. Amph. 8, Bacch. 760, 
Men. 793, Poen. 1390, Rud. 89 a, Trin. 452 uostra no sir a; 
cf. 467 and 
Enn. Ann. 583 M. az/<?rsabantur semper uos ttortraque uolte. 

These examples probably establish the pronunciation for the 
whole class, and it is well if they do, because the instances of 
assonance with uorto are less good ; cf. the line of Ennius 
quoted above and 

Plaut. Cas. 489 uostro . . . uorsuti; cf. Pseud. 745, Trin. 1047. 

Regarding the pronunciation and orthography of the other 
class uerber uerbum, etc. scholars have not been lacking 
who claimed that the development in it was similar to that in 
uoster, i.e. 

uester > uoster > uester, 

uerber > uorber > uerber, 

Vol. xl] Some Questions of Plautine Pronunciation 107 

and that berber(iot Herbert) Qt the Carmen Arvale, CIL. i, 
28, was without significance. However, the form uoster is 
due to the analogy of uoster and uos % and no such analogy 
worked in the form of uerber or any of the words of its class, 
so that berber above quoted, if for tierber, is significant after 
all. I add the following instances of assonance to show the 
pronunciation of these works in Plautus : 

Amph. 1 80 sum ue"ro urna ue"rbero ; 

344 a'm ue"ro ? aio enim uero ue"rbero. 

This would seem to establish the e in iierna and uerber for 
Plautus, and to these is added uerba in 

Amph. 1033 uerna, uerba funditas ; cf. 

Ter. Haut. 356 tibi sunt parata uerba, huic homini uerbera. 

Vol. xl] Scaenica 109 

VIII. Scaen ica 


I. Arg. Aesch. Agamemnon: IBiw Be Atcr^uXo? rbv'Aya- 
/jLfjLvova eVt cncrfvfi^ avaipelcrOai Troiel, TOV Be Kao-dv&pas cncoTrrj- 
<ra? Odvarov veicpav avrrjv v7reBeii;, TreTrofy/ce re A-iyia-Oov KOI 
K\VTaifjLtjcrTpav etcdrepov Bua")(Vp L ^l JiVOV ^repl Trjs avaipecrea)? 
evl K6(j)a\aia), rrjv [lev TTJ avaipeo-ei ' Ifayevetas, TOP Be rat? TOV 
Trar/oo? OW0TOU ef 'Ar/oeaj? crvfji^opai^. 

Before the promulgation of the Dorpfeld theory eVl (T^?) 
aKrjvris was as a matter of course taken as meaning " on the 
stage," 1 and not a few scholars who reject this theory are still 
content with that translation. In the present instance, how- 
ever, this rendering does not provide the sense required, since 
as a matter of fact Agamemnon is not slain within the spec- 
tators' view. Accordingly, several writers 2 accept the con- 
jectural substitution of VTTO for CTTL (proposed by Stanley, 
1663) and then interpret the phrase as meaning "behind the 
scenes," and there is the more apparent excuse for this pro- 
cedure since Philostratus informs us that Aeschylus invented 
the technical device of having a death occur behind the 
scenes; cf. Vit. Apollon. vi, n, p. 113 K: TO VTTO 
aTroQvrja-fceiv eirevo^crev (AtV^vXo?), &>? pr) ev (pavepw o- 
But notwithstanding the general resemblance between the 
passages we must remember that Philostratus and the author 
of the hypothesis had quite different objects in making these 
statements. Philostratus had no definite myth in mind and 
pointed out the difference between Aeschylus and his prede- 

1 Cf. Klausen's edition (1833), p. 4, note ad loc. "non satis accurate dictum, 
sed non false, etc."; Wecklein's Orestie (Leipzig, 1888), 29, n. 2: " Diese Angabe 
ist nicht ganz richtig. Nur den Weheruf des von todlichem Schlage getroffenen 
Agamemnon hort man V. 1342 aus dem Innern des Hauses"; Karsten (1855), 
p. 2, n. I ; Kennedy (1878), p. i, n. ; etc. 

2 Cf. Albert Miiller, " Untersuchu-igen zu den Buhnenalterthiimern," Philolo- 
gus, Suppbd. VII (1899), 20 ; Otto Scherling, De vocis a-K^vrj quantum act theatrum 

Graecum pertinet significatione et usu (Marburg dissert., 1906), 31. 

no Roy C. Flickinger [1909 

cessors (see context) in an important detail of dramatic tech- 
nique,' while the writer of the argument wrote of a single 
story and how Aeschylus differed from the other members of 
the great tragic triad in his treatment thereof. Of course, 
Philostratus did not know that this technical innovation was 
utterly impossible during the time of Aeschylus' predecessors 
for the reason that a suitable scenic background was not intro- 
duced until after the appearance of Sophocles. 1 In the earlier 
period deaths must either have been boldly enacted before 
the spectators' eyes or reported by a messenger. It is, there- 
fore, conceivable, though by no means capable of proof, that 
the new device was employed for the first time in the Aga- 
memnon. But in any case the purpose of the statement in 
the hypothesis is entirely different It was the regular prac- 
tice of Aristophanes in his arguments to contrast the treat- 
ment of the mythological material by each of the three great 
tragic playwrights, and i&W is here used to introduce that 
topic. To consider the matters in reverse order, in the Aga- 
memnon Clytemnestra seeks to justify herself for her conduct 
by referring to the sacrifice of Iphigenia (1521 ff.) and Aegis- 
thus similarly by reason of the deceit practiced by Atreus upon 
Thyestes (1580 ff.). In Sophocles' Electra, on the contrary, 
though Clytemnestra pleads this excuse (530 ff.), Aegisthus is 
refused a chance to defend himself (1482 ff.), while in the 
Electra of Euripides Clytemnestra again urges this defense 
(1020 ff.), but Aegisthus is attacked unexpectedly and given 
no opportunity for a justification (839 ff.). As to the second 
point of difference, Sophocles seems not to have introduced 
Cassandra into his plays at all ; and though Euripides in the 
Troades (357 ff.) represents her prophetically raving over the 
fate shortly to befall her, he did not choose her death itself 
for dramatic treatment. The participial clause 

1 Cf. Arist. Poet. 1449 a, 18; Vitruv. vn, praef. ii; and Wilamowitz, Hermes, 
XXI (1886), 597 ff. Of course, such scenic accessories as were used in earlier 
plays (an altar in the Suppliants and Septem ; a tomb in the Persians^) could not 
be so employed. The transition from such structures to a building serving as a 
dressing room for actors and representing the abode or temporary place of sojourn 
of the dramatis personae occurred about 465 B.C.; cf. Dignan, The Idle Actor in 
Aeschylus, 13, n. 14. 

Vol. xl] Scaenica III 

KT\.) is parenthetical and scarcely correct, since the audience 
is amply prepared for Cassandra's murder and Clytemnestra 
afterwards refers to it (1440 ff.). Doubtless all that is meant 
is that no sound is heard at the fatal moment, whereas Aga- 
memnon's death cry is heard (at 1343) from within the scene 
building (hence Bothe's needless alteration to cnrb O-KT/Z/T}?). 
Finally, with reference to the first point, no extant play or 
fragment, no scholium or hypothesis, no title of a lost play 
gives us the slightest reason to suppose that Sophocles or 
Euripides ever represented Agamemnon's death either before 
or behind the scenes. Consequently, this conjectural reading 
is quite as bad as the disease it seeks to remedy. 

In my opinion, however, a broader study of the phrase will 
suggest a satisfactory interpretation without the necessity of 
altering the text. So long as eVl (TT)?) a-fcrjvfjs was thought 
invariably to mean "on the stage," every passage was forced 
to fit that Procrustean rendering ; but it must now be recog- 
nized that, particularly in the later literature, the phrase has 
a shifting application. The usage in the fourth century was 
first cited as having a bearing upon scenic antiquities by Her- 
bert Richards, whom the fire of adverse criticism forced to 
admit that he had advanced unwarranted claims as regards 
the value of the expression to defenders of the traditional 
view. 1 And it is now generally recognized that the phrase 

1 Cf. Class. Rev. xvm (1904), 179 : "I should like to say that I am less confi- 
dent now as to its meaning literally on the stage." In the same place he accuses 
me of resting ' under a misapprehension as to what my evidence can prove.' He 
proceeds : " Let us assume that in the four Poetics passages r. a-, may be 
roughly translated ' at scenic contests,' ' at the performance,' or even that (as he 
says) ff. actually means ' performance.' This proves nothing at all as to the origi- 
nal sense of the expression, which mayjiave been just the same as our 'on the 
stage ' and have been subsequently by usage weakened into indistinctness. Hence 
the whole argument of this paper falls to the ground." I must protest against the 
unfairness of this procedure, since my argument was directed against Mr. Rich- 
ards's view as at first announced, but he has now shifted his position. In his 
original publication (Class. Rev. v (1891), 97, he made no mention of" the origi- 
nal sense of the expression," but grounded his whole case upon fourth-century 
usage. He advanced the following theses : 

(i) tirl necessarily involves elevation ("does not the word tirt imply some- 
thing raised above the level ? "). This claim was quickly demolished by the col- 
lections of Reisch (Dasgriech. Theater, 285 f. ; since augmented by other scholars), 

112 Roy C. Flickinger L X 99 

can no longer be cited with confidence as fatal to the Dorpfeld 
theory. 1 

I have myself discussed the use of the phrase at its first 
(extant) appearance, 2 and now desire, without reopening the 

as Mr. Richards now acknowledges : " Certainly there are uses of tirl with the 
genitive, which go to show that it may mean at or near the 0-., i.e. the back- 
ground, as Dr. Dorpfeld contends. Such grammatical evidence does really assist 
the judgment." 

(2) GK.t]vi) means " stage " (" unless any one will maintain that (TKtjvfi came to 
be applied to the orchestra or some part of it"). But this is the whole point at 
issue, for the real object of our search is the meaning of crKrjvr) in all Greek litera- 
ture, and our only present interest in k-wl rrjs (T/CT/Z/T/S consists in its bearing as a 
possible argument upon the larger question. Consequently, to say (by implication) 
that at the earliest (extant) appearance of this phrase <TKT)V?I must mean "stage" 
because it has that meaning elsewhere is reasoning in a circle. 

(3) These meanings obtain at the expression's first appearance in Aristotle 
("These passages appear to be decisive "). Though frequently cited, these Aris- 
totelian passages had never (in print) been subjected to a searching analysis from 
this point of view, and accordingly I undertook to attack this third and crowning 
feature of Mr. Richards's argument. It is significant that Mr. Richards now feels 
constrained to give an altered statement of the case. Of course, I am aware that 
the fact that tirl 7-775 (TK-rjvijs in Aristotle does not mean literally " on the stage " 
does not ipso facto prove that the phrase never had this meaning or that o-icrjvir} 
never means "stage" elsewhere (and I have never so claimed, though of course 
believing in both conclusions on other evidence), but at least it ought to prevent 
Aristotle's usage from continuing to be cited as an argument without apology and 
defense. When Mr. Richards abandons fourth-century examples of the phras2 
and appeals to "the original sense of the expression," I cannot follow him, for 
no earlier citations are available and we are dependent entirely upon general con- 
siderations as to the meaning of tirl and GKt\vr] elsewhere in other words, we 
are brought back to the main problem at issue. 

1 Cf. the latest writer on the subject, Scherling, 41-45. For Pickard-Cambridge, 
cf. 114, n. I, below. 

2 Cf. " The Meaning of iirl TTJS (ricrjvijs in Writers of the Fourth Century," 
Decennial Publications of the University of Chicago, VI, 11-26. The other 
Aristotelian instances are there discussed $ and, in my opinion, are alone sufficient 
to establish the wider significance of the phrase. Professor A. Miiller justly criti- 
cised me (BplV. 1903, 630 and 1909, 202) for the parallels I cited in'attempting 
to prove that the chorus is included among the viroKpir&v in Poet. 1459 b. But 
I need not have gone so far afield, since in this same treatise (1456 ) Aristotle 
explicitly says: /ecu rov xP v $ % va ^e? v7roXa/3eu> T&V VTTOKPLT&V /ecu ftopiov elvai 
rov ftXov Kal (rvvayuvifccrdai. The same citation demolishes the similar objection 
advanced in Revile Critique, 1903, 28. Furthermore, we ought not to forget that 
the modern playwright, subject to the unity of action but rid of a chorus, feels no 
restriction to one place and may change scenes half a dozen times in one act, but 
the composer of a libretto for an opera usually shifts his scene only when the 

Vol. xl] Scaenica 113 

whole question, to employ one instance from the fourth cen- 
tury as a point of departure for considering the passage in 
the argument to the Agamemnon. And I do this the more 
gladly for two reasons : ( I ) whereas the interpretation of the 
other fourth-century passages must largely depend upon sub- 
jective considerations, this one seems capable of a more 
objective test ; and (2) although other portions of my argu- 
ment have been attacked, this most tangible and conclusive 
part has been largely ignored. I refer to Aristotle's Poetics, 
1460 a : Set pev ovv ev rals rpayqyBiais iroielv TO Oav/jLacrrdv, 
fj,d\\ov B* evBe'^erai, ev TTJ eTTOTroua TO a\oyov, BL o avfjiftaivei 
fjidXicrra TO Oav/jLaardv, Bia TO /AT) opdv et? rov Trpdrrovra ejrel 
ra Trepl rrjv "E/CTO/90? BLCO^LV CTTL o-Krjvij<; ovra <ye\ola av (fraveirj, 
ol fjiev ecTTWTe? teal ov BLcb/covres, 6 B' avavevwv, ev Be Tot? eirecnv 
\av0dvei. I have already pointed out that Aristotle was evi- 
dently thinking of Iliad, xxn, 205 f. : 

Aaotcrtv 8' dveveve Kaprjart, 810? 'A^tAXcv?, 
ov8* ca te/Aevat CTTI ^Efcropt TriKpa /3e'A.e/Ava, 

and that he was trying to show why a scene that was excel- 
lent in an epic could not be dramatized with success. In 
Homer there are two groups of characters (a) Achilles and 
Hector, and (b) the Greek army. In Aristotle's imaginary 
dramatization of the incident these groups are represented by 
the actors (o Be) and the chorus (ol pev) respectively. Con- 
sequently, if (T/crjvrj here means an elevated stage, chorus as 
well as actors must have stood thereon. Nor did the incon- 
gruity consist in the mere position of the chorus inactive in 
the orchestra and the actors running on the stage, but in the 
action itself, since the incident is equally irrational in the epic 
(where orchestra and stage assuredly play no part) but is 
there more tolerable because the scene is not distinctly visual- 
ized. Scherling 1 has succinctly expressed the situation : 

chorus is temporarily withdrawn, i.e. between acts. The ancient poet, encum- 
bered with a chorus and unassisted by artificial breaks in the action by reason of 
the drop curtain, was still further hampered. 

1 Cf. De vocis <rK-r)vfi, 43. In a note he aptly points out that Megacleides had 
criticised the scene ; cf. schol. Ven. A, p. 595 a, 42 (Bekker) : 
TrXdcr/tca elval (frycn. TOVTO rb iuovop.&-iov ' TTWS yap rcxrairras /xu/uaSas 

114 Roy C. Flickinger L 1 99 

" At, qui est sententiarum conexus, causa ridiculi non theatri 
natura, sed ipsa res est : theatrum oculis videt Graecorum 
exercitum eiusque ducem et Hectorem ; iam quod unus 
Achilles totum exercitum retinet a persequendo, ridiculum 
est." I do not insist upon aic^vr] here meaning " play " or 
" performance," though that is a frequent use and gives the 
indefinite sense required ; but at least until the interpretation 
just sketched is refuted, or a better one propounded, believers 
in a stage cannot fairly cite Aristotle's use of eirl rrjs over^r)? 
in support of their opinion. 1 

In view of the fourth-century usage it is not surprising 
that in the later literature this and analogous phrases are 
unreservedly employed with reference to chorus and actors 
alike, and this practice in later writers is universally admitted. 2 
It is my present purpose, however, to insist upon still further 
deviations from traditional usage. Thus, Plutarch, An Sent, 
p. 785 b : <&i\iJiAOva Be rov /CW/JLIKOV /cal"AXe> eTrl TT)? a-Kiqvrfi 
aycovi^o/jievovs teal crTefyavovjAevovs o Odvaros /care'XaySe, as I 
have previously shown, 3 no more means that Philemon and 
Alexis actually died in the theater (let alone " on the stage ") 
than Cicero's Platonis, qui imo et octogesimo anno SCRIBENS est 
mortuus (de Sen. 13) necessarily implies that Plato actually 
died stylus in hand. In both cases, all that is intended is 
that they continued active in their profession as writers up to 
the very last. 4 

1 Nevertheless, Pickard-Cambridge has brought over this paragraph from the 
second to the third edition of the Attic Theatre (p. 165 f.) absolutely without 
alteration, except for an additional footnote which refers to the recent discussion, 
but otherwise begs the question. I cannot but believe that Haigh, had he lived 
to rewrite this chapter, would have felt the necessity of modifying somewhat the 
emphasis laid upon this argument. 

2 Cf. Muller, Philologus, Suppbd. vn, 22 ; Haigh, Attic Theatre* , 166, n. I, 
etc. Besides the examples cited in Chicago Decennial Publications, VI, 22 f., note 
also that Clemens Alex. (p. 688) called Euripides 6 lirl TT;S GK^V^ 0i\6<ro0os, cf. 
Vitruv. vin, praef. I. Of course, Euripides' philosophizing and personal views 
are found in his o-rdo-i^ia, no less than in his ^7ret(r65ta. 

3 Cf. Plutarch as a Source of Information on the Greek Theater, 33. 

4 Cf. Kaibel in Pauly-Wissowa, I, 1468 : " Die Anecdote, Philemon und 
Alexis habe der Tod iiberrascht tirl TTJS <ricr)vi)S dyuvi^o/j-^vovs /ca } <rTe<pavov/jivovs t 
vertragt keine scharfe Interpretation." Hermippus ap. Diog. Laert. in, 2 informs 

Vol. xlj Scaenica 115 

Thus, it appears that eVl rr;? (r/cijvrjs must be interpreted 
with considerable freedom. We have seen that in the pas- 
sage under consideration the adverb ISfcs contrasts Aeschy- 
lus' procedure with that of Sophocles and Euripides. Now 
the general theme of the Oresteia was treated or touched 
upon or presupposed in such plays as the* Sophoclean Erigone, 
Electra, and Clytemnestra, and the Euripidean Electra, IpJii- 
genia in Tauris, Orestes, etc. ; but in all these the death of 
Agamemnon had occurred before the opening scene of the 
play. It was neither " on the stage " nor " behind the scenes " 
nor "before the scenes," but efo> T^? 7^70)8 t'a? (Poet. 1454 b). 
In other words, Aeschylus' singularity consisted in bringing 
this episode within the action of his play. Thus, we may 
translate freely as follows : " The points in Aeschylus' treat- 
ment of the myth which are peculiar and differentiate him 
from Sophocles and Euripides are : ( I ) that he brings Aga- 
memnon's death within the course of the dramatic action, 
(2) that he displays Cassandra's corpse to the spectators 
(though passing by her death in silence), and (3) that Cly- 
temnestra and Aegisthus employ the same defense for the 
murder, viz., self-justification, the former because of Agamem- 
non's sacrifice of Iphigenia, the latter because of the treat- 
ment his father had received at the hands of Atreus." 

II. Lucian, Gallus 26 : TJV 8e, ola TroXAa yfyvercu, Ke 
TT^cra? rt? avro)v (sc. rwv rpayiK&v vTro/cpnwv} ev pear] ry 
KaraTrecrrj, yeXwra 8rj\aBrj 7rape%ei rot? Oearals /cr\. Cf. Fra- 
zer's Pausanias, v, 583: "Lucian tells us (Gallus 26) that 
tragic actors . . . often took a step in empty air (tceve^/Banjo-as) 
on the middle of the stage and fell down . . . The expression 
* taking a step on emptiness ' clearly implies that the players 
in such cases stepped over the edge of the stage, and the 
description of the disastrous consequences of their fall proves 
that they fell from a height. The passage furnishes conclu- 
sive evidence that down to Lucian's time the players in Greek 
theatres regularly acted on a high stage." 

us that Plato died at a wedding feast ; cf. Huebner's Commentarii in Diog. 
Laert., I, 457. The statement on the subject in Smith's Diet, of Greek and 
Roman Biog. in, 395, is due to a misunderstanding of Cicero. 

Ii6 Roy C. Flickinger [ J 99 

Without considering other aspects of the matter, 1 it may 
be said at once that " on the middle of the stage " and " step- 
ping over the edge of the stage" are inconsistent terms. 
Nevertheless, Miiller (I.e. 18) and Scherling (I.e. 17) interpret 
aKr)vr) in the same way, and Reisch's 2 " Spielplatz " is just as 
objectionable. Of course, Lucian must have been acquainted 
with theaters of the Roman type, and that may well be what 
he had in mind in this passage. But in that case ev peo-rj 
TT$ o-Krjvfj would better be taken as meaning "in the middle of 
the performance." It is interesting to note the rendering in 
Tooke's translation of Lucian (London, 1820) I, 82 : " If how- 
ever, as not seldom happens, one of them inadvertently /;/ the 
middle of the scene makes a false step and tumbles down 
below the stage, a universal burst of laughter among the 
spectators ensues." Naturally, Tooke never dreamed of a 
stageless theater among the Greeks, nor of a controversy on 
the subject. His version is therefore all the more to the 
point as coming from a translator absolutely without bias or 

III. Plutarch, Vit. Marcell. 20 : rjv pev eKtc\rj<ria r&v TTO\L- 
T&v (of Engy'fum in Sicily), o Se N**&4 /-terafu TL \f<ov fcai 
o-Vfji/3ov\eva)V 7T/3O? TOP BfjfjLov e^aifyvris a<f)f)fcev et? rrjv <yfjv TO 
acofjua . . . amTTT/S^cra? eOee TT/JO? rrjv e^oBov rov Oedrpov. 

I have previously expressed a doubt as to the precise mean- 
ing of the words cKfrrj/cev efc rrjv <yfjv TO crw/ia. 3 There, are 
three possibilities : (i) that Nicias was standing in the orches- 
tra and sank to the ground, (2) that he was standing on the 
stage and fell to the orchestra, and (3) that he collapsed upon 
the floor of the stage. Plutarch's practice of modernizing 
his sources 4 renders the third interpretation the most plau- 
sible, since he was most familiar with theaters of the Roman 
type. But the lack of a suitable parallel for yfjv in this sense 
induced me to favor the first explanation and to believe that 

1 At least, the gloss adscript Trpoo-Kpofoas shows that Frazer's interpretation 
of Kei>/j.f3a.Tricras has not been the only one ; cf. crit. notes in Jacobitz' ed. (Leip- 
zig, 1839) ad loc. 

2 Cf. Dorpfeld-Reisch, Das griechische Theater, 287. 

3 Cf. Plutarch as a Source, etc., 26, n. I, and 60. 4 Ib. 22 and 60 ff. 

Vol. xl] Scaenica 117 

Plutarch had taken over these words from his source without 
noting that they were not strictly appropriate in the new set- 
ting. Since then, however, I have noted that in Soph. Oed. 
Rex 1266 777 is used of the floor in the royal bed-chamber, 
which Sophocles would certainly think of as being paved. 
The third explanation, therefore, is probably the correct one, 
and this passage falls in line with Plutarch's procedure 

IV. Lucian, Icarom. 21 : ov yap rjyovfjiaL rrperreiv arcoKa\v- 
tyai teal Sia^coricraL ra? vvicrepivas eiceivas Siarpifias Kal rov ETTI 
d^vrj^ eicdcrTOV (Biov. 

The moon is -inveighing against the hypocrisy of the phi- 
losophers as manifested in the contrast between their preten- 
sions (by day) and their secret practices by night. Perhaps 
the most idiomatic rendering for rov eVl a/crjvrj^ fiiov is afforded 
by the French phrase "vie de parade." l 

V. Marcus Aurelius XI, 6 : 2 rrpwrov al rpayaSiai, Tr 
crav vTro/jLvqanical rwv av/jL/Baivovrwv, KOI on ravra OUTO> 

Kal on, ot? ejrl rr}? a/CTjvfjs ^rv^a^wyelcrOe, rourot? fjirj 
eVl TT}? /xet^o^o? a/cr)vfjs. The context shows that the 
contrast is between real life and that represented on the 
stage, Cicero's cum in vita, turn in scaena {de Sen. 65). 
Reisch(l.c. 287) translates " auf einem Spielplatz hoherer Ord- 
nung." This passage is cited by all the scenic authorities, 
but it is seemingly unknown to them that the same contrast 
was expressed in the same way several centuries before by 
the tragic actor Neoptolemus ; cf . Stobaeus, Florilegiuin xcvin, 
70 : NeoTTTo'Xe/xoz/ rov rr/9 rpaywSias vTroKpirrfV Tjpero rt?, ri 9av- 
fjid^oi rwv VTT* Ala")(y\ov \e^6evrwv, r) So^o/cXeof?, 77 
Ou$ev fjiev rovraiv, elirev o 3' at>ro5 eOedcraro 7rl 
cr/crjvris, <& {\i7T7rov ev rot? T^}? Ovyarpbs KXeo-Trar/ja? 
TrofjLTrevcravra, Kal rpio-KaiSe/carov Oeov e7riK\r)@evra, ry 

1 Cf. schol. ad loc. : T^V ^Kdirrov KaroiKiav X^yet. el ^ Spifj-tus Kal TOVTO 
SpafMaTovpyuv, cbs tirl (TKrjvfjs eKaffrov T&V avdptbirbiv diafiiovvros fire &\\ov 
IJLV &VTOS, &\\ov 8 d^Lovvros BoKeiv. Cf. the similar contrast in Cicero, ok Sen. 12 : 
nee vero ille (sc. Q. Fabius Maximus) in luce modo atque in oculis civium mag- 
nus, sed intus domique praestantior. 

Incorrectly cited as XI, 65 by Miiller, Reisch, and Scherling. 

n8 Roy C. Flickinger [ 1 99 

ev rw Oedrpw, ical eppt^^evov (Gaisford's Leipzig 
ed., in, p. 257). If there were any doubt of the meaning, it 
would be dissipated by the fact that this portion of the Flori- 
legium consists of seventy-five quotations under the caption 
Tlepl rov fttov, on ftpa'Xys /cal eureX???, Kal (frpovri&cov dvd 

VI. Lucian, Nero 9 : 6 S' (sc. Nepcoz/) jfapbuvd re 
/jiamKtoS el% /cal jap brj Kal rjKpodro VTTO rrj (TKrjvf) erf avrda 
?) rctywvi. fioGovrwv 8e rwv 'EXX^coz; eTrl rw 'Rrreipcbrrj, 
Tre/JLTrei, rov ypa/^/jLarea KeXeixov vtyelvai avrw TOVTOV. avrov 8e 
vTrepaipovros TO (frOeyfJia Kal SrjfjLoriKws epi^ovros, 

^ 7r* oKpifBdvTtov Tou? eaVTOV vTTOKpiras olov 
TL ry Trpdj/jban ' Kal jap Srj Kal Se'Xrou? eXecfravrtvovs Kal 
/oou? 7T/30/3e/3\?7/u,eVot auras wcrrrep eyxeiplBia Kal rov 
avaarrjcravr^ TT/OO? rov dj^ov Kiova Karea^av avrov rrjv ^>dpvy<ya 
Tratovres 6p0als rats SeXrot?. 

During Nero's visit to Greece in 67 A.D. a tragic contest 
was improvised at the Isthmus for his benefit. On such 
occasions it was customary for the other contestants to make 
no real attempt to win. But here a certain Epirote with a 
good voice and of some prestige among the Greeks announced 
his intention of making a real effort for the prize unless the 
Emperor gave him ten talents. Though the language is 
somewhat ambiguous, I conceive the course of events to have 
been somewhat as follows : Upon Nero's indignant refusal to 
buy off the Epirote, the latter in retaliation practiced so 
loudly behind the scenes, while the contest was actually in 
progress, that he could be heard by the audience. Some- 
what later, when his turn came, his efforts were punctuated 
with rounds of applause, and Nero in vexation sent his secre- 
tary to urge the Epirote to conclude his rdle and withdraw in 
Nero's favor. And when the bold fellow persisted in his bid 
for popular approval by lifting up his voice still higher, Nero 
sent certain members of his tragic troupe, who backed him 
against one of the columns in the scenic background and 
broke his neck. It is also possible to take ftoavroov r&v 
'EXX^z/wz' errl ro> 'HTrei/xwro) to mean that the Greeks were 
calling for him while he was still behind the scenes prac- 
ticing. In that case, vbelvai would mean that Nero wished 

Vol. xl] Scaenicd 119 

the Epirote to accommodate him by lowering his voice, and 
elo-Tre^Trei that the actors were sent into the scene building, 
where the intrepid performer was slain, and not "upon the 
stage." To this alternative view, however, there are two 
objections: (i) the words immediately following the quota- 
tion given above (rpaypBiav Be evfoa, Moi>cr&>we, fjiiapov ovra) 
TrdOos ev o^OaX/jLol^ T&V '}L\\tjvct)v epyacrd/jievos ;} would more 
naturally mean that the murder was committed " on the 
stage ; " and (2) a convenient column would perhaps be 
more likely to be found in the scenic background than within 
the scene building. Of course, if oKpifiavrtov here means 
"stage," 1 all doubt would be removed. 

It is clear that the ancients were as much puzzled by this 
word as are the moderns. Of the many meanings given it 
by the ancient lexicographers only two, \oyelov and e/Afidrai, 
are conceivably possible here, and the use of the plural 
seems to exclude the former of these. It is not my present 
concern whether it properly bears the second meaning. That 
it did bear it is attested by Photius and Suidas, and appears 
from the following passages : Philost, Vit. Apoll. v, 9, p. 89 K : 
o/ow^re? . . . e^ecrrcora (sc. Nepatva) OK,pi(3a(nv OUTOJ? v(f>rj\oi<> ; 
ib. VI, II, p. 113 K: bicpiftavTos Be rou? vTrotcpiras ave/Biftaaev 
(sc. AtV^uXo?), a>? icra e/celvoi? (sc. rot? rjpwcnv) fiaivoiev ; 
Themistius Or. 26, 316 D : KOI ou Trpoo-e^o/jLev 'A/oto-roreXet 
em . . . ecTTn? 7rpo\oydv re Kal pfjcriv e^evpev, A/cr^uXo? Be 
rpirov vTro/cpirrjv Kal o/cpifiavras ; and possibly Philost., Vit. 
SopJi. I, 9, p. 208 K : el jap TOV Alo"^v\ov evOv/jbrjOeirj/JLev, &>? 
TroXXa TJ) rpayySta ^vvefidXero, eaOijri re avrrjv KaTacr/cevdcras 
/cal ofcpifiavri v(f>r)\q) /cal rjpcocov eibecnv, KT\. (but cf. Horace, 
A. P. 279). It is likely that it was partly in passages such 
as these that the confusion of meaning arose, but the fact 
remains that in several writers of the Christian era o/eptfia? 
means tragic boot. 

This meaning affords a satisfactory sense in the passage 
before us. Nero and his troupe, mounted upon their cothurni, 

1 As dramatic contests were usually not held at the Isthmia, probably temporary 
arrangements had to be made, and these would naturally conform to the Roman 
type with which Nero would be most familiar. 

I2O Roy C. Flickinger 

were impatiently waiting for the Epirote to conclude, and 
finally several of the latter were sent on the stage upon their 
fatal errand. Their tragic profession and tragic costume 
made them suitable for such a task (olov irpoo-rjKovrds TL ro> 
Trpdy/jLari). This costume, too, would at first deceive the 
audience into believing them other members of the Epirote's 
company, and prevent their realizing the import of proceed- 
ings until the deed was almost or fully done. The opposite 
of eV ofcpi/3di>Tcov is found in Lucian's Necyom. 16: rjBrj Se 
e^oz/ro? rov Spd/naras aTroSvcrdfjievos eVcurro? avrwv (sc. 
rpayiKWJs vTro/cptrwv} rrjv ^pvcroTracrrov e/ceivrjv ecrOijTa ical 
TO Trpocrwrrelov (nroOenevos /col /cara/Bas CLTTO TWV e^f 
Trevrjs /cal raTreivbs Trepieicnv ou/cer' 'Aya/jie/jLvcov . . . ovBe 
. . . a\,\a IIcoXo? . . . TJ Sarv/oo9. 

Although my interpretation of oKpiftdvTwv is not a new 
one, 1 it has seemed to me that the passage deserved a discus- 
sion of some length and none is known to me. Incidentally, 
the above discussion has a bearing upon the authorship of 
the Nero, for, though found among Lucian's works in the 
Mss, the correctness of the attribution has been suspected 
since Kayser pointed out that Suidas mentions a Nero among 
the titles of the oldest Philostratus (a contemporary of Nero). 
The disentanglement of the different men of this name is a 
difficult problem, and there is a tendency to reject altogether 
the oldest Philostratus mentioned by Suidas and to distribute 
his titles to the others, mostly (including the Nero) to Philostra- 
tus III. 2 Accordingly, the fact that o/cpiftas =e/A/3ar?7? does 
not occur elsewhere in Lucian, together with the , parallels 
above cited from the Vit. Soph, and Vit. ApolL, can reason- 
ably be cited as an additional argument for attributing the 
Nero either to the author of these works (Philostratus II) or 
to some one reared in the same environment and under his 
influence (viz. his son-in-law and pupil, Philostratus III). 

1 Cf. Wieseler, in Ersch-Gruber, Encydop'ddie, iv, 206, n. 20. 

2 Cf. Christ, Gesch. d. gr. Litt 776 and 752 f. and n. 8. 

Vol. xl] Lucilius and Persius 121 

IX. Lucilius and Persius 


MY purpose in this paper is to collect and to examine the 
external and internal evidence for the influence of Lucilius 
upon Persius. 1 I believe that this investigation tends to prove 
that Lucilius stands next to Horace among the sources of Per- 
sius. Indeed, the depth, not to say the thickness, of Horatian 
imitation, pictae tectoria linguae, if I may adapt a Persian 
phrase, and the fragmentary condition of the satires of 
Lucilius have alike conspired to make us underestimate the 
extent of Persius' indebtedness to the older, poet. 2 Most 
scholars will agree with Butler, Post- Augustan Poetry, p. 83, 
that the ancient testimony on the subject can only be taken 
on trust. 

The external evidence of Lucilian influence from antiquity, 
while scanty, is definite and precise. As it is confirmatory of 
the many evidences of influence disclosed by a comparative 
study of the two poets, it may be stated in summary under 
four heads : 

(i) The statement of the Probus life: Sed mox ut a schola 
magistrisque devertit lecto Lucili libro decimo vehementer 
saturas componere studuit. Cuius libri principium imitatus 

1 The text of Persius used is that of Geyza Nemethy, Budapest, 1903; the text 
of Lucilius, that of Friederich Marx, Leipzig, 1904. I am glad also to express my 
deep and constant indebtedness to Marx's Prolegomena and Commentary, and to 
the Untersuchungen zu Lucilius of Conrad Cichorius, Berlin, 1908. In the contro- 
versy as to the proper sequence of all Lucilian fragments quoted by Nonius, I am 
inclined to hold rather with Lindsay than with Marx. Cf. his Nonius Marcellus 1 
Dictionary of Republican Latin, Oxford, 1901, and reviews of Marx in Class. Rev., 
XIX, 271 ; XX, 63 ; Deutsche Litzeit., XXV, 3088 ff. But to reconstruct the text of 
Ldcilius along the lines suggested by Lindsay is, of course, beyond the scope of 
the present paper. Until a text following Lindsay's principle of sequence is so 
constituted, all investigations like the present must necessarily follow Marx, a 
text, as Lindsay himself acknowledges, notably sane in the treatment of the indi- 
vidual fragments. For a good summary of the points in dispute, cf. Knapp, AJP. 
xxix, 478-482. 

2 I have discovered not a single dissertation upon this subject. 

122 George Converse Fiske C I 99 

est sibi primo, mox omnibus detrectaturus cum tanta recen- 
tium poetarum et oratorum insectatione, ut etiam Neronem 
principem illius temporis inculpaverit. (2) The evidence of 
the scholiast (A) on Persius, 3, I : Hanc satiram poeta ex 
Lucili libro quarto transtulit castigans luxuriam et vitia divi- 
tum, and (B) the quotation by the scholiast of Lucilian par- 
allels to i, i and 27, and 6, 40. (3) The general probability 
of the influence of Lucilius, book in, the Journey to the Sicilian 
Straits, upon the non-extant Hodoeporicon liber mentioned in 
the Probus life. 1 

(4) It seems possible that the choliambic lines of the pro- 
logue of Persius are written under Lucilian influence. This 
view is based upon a combination of the evidence of Petro- 
nius, 4, Festus, p. 334, 13, Paulus, 335, 3, and Apuleius de 
Deo So^ratis afld init. In Petronius we have a poem consist- 
ing of 8 choliambic verses followed by 14 dactylic hexame- 
ters. The speaker, Agamemnon, seems to say that the tone 
of these verses is modelled on Lucilius: 2 Sed ne me putes 
improbasse schedium Lucilianae humilitatis, quod sentio, et 
ipse carmine effingam. The possibility of Lucilian influence 
here seems to lie (i) in the fact that we have both in Petro- 
nius and Persius choliambic verses dealing with the economic 
and moral elements requisite for aesthetic training, associated 
with hexameters 3 upon the criticism of poetry, philosophy, and 
oratory. (2) The essential thought of the prologue of Per- 
sius is strikingly similar to the choliambics of Petronius : 4 

Persius, vs. 10: 

Magister artis ingenique largitor 
Venter, negatas artifex sequi voces. 

1 Cf. the Her of Caesar, probably modelled on Lucilius also, Schanz, Romische. 
Lift., vin, i, ii, p. 126. 

2 But we have no Lucilian choliambics. 

3 In Persius, of course, the hexameters of satire I. Philosophy is implicit in 
Persius, for this satire treats of literary conditions as symptomatic of the corrup- 
tion of the age, an essentially Stoic point of view. 

4 On the close relation of choliambic verse to Cynicism, cf. in Gerhard's Phoe- 
nix von Kolophon, 202-228, Die Choliambendichtung. Both poems are influ- 
enced by this tradition. In particular notice the use of the psittacus, corvzis, and 
pica in Persius, for such animal similes are favorite devices with the Cynics for 
depicting human types. Cf Gerhard, op. cit., 23 ff., 6-rjpia. 

Vol. xl] Lucilius and Persius 123 

and Petronius, 5 : 

Artis severae si quis ambit effectus 
Mentemque magnis applicat, prius mores 
Frugalitatis lege poliat exacta. 

(3) Marx, by combining Festus, p. 334, I3, 1 with Paulus- 
Festus, p. 335, 3, shows that some poet used the words, qui 
schedium fa . . . That this poet was Lucilius is apparent 
from the Petronius imitation 2 and from Apuleius de Deo 
Socratis at beginning, who says: ut ait Lucilius, schedio et 
incondito experimini. (4) That this schedium of Lucilius 
describes his satires, not as true poetry, but as o-^eStao-ftara, 
is a natural inference from the fragments of book xxx 3 and 
from Horace's imitation, Satires i, 4. 

(5) In informality of tone, the true test of a schedium^ in 
ironical denial to the satirist of true poetic inspiration, 1. 6 : 

ipse semipaganus 
Ad sacra vatum carmen adfero nostrum, 

the prologue of Persius may well have been another free 
study of a lost Lucilian schedium ^ such as is actually pre- 
served to us in Petronius. 

The external evidence, therefore, that Lucilius influenced 
Persius, while scanty, tends by its explicit nature to confirm 
the value of this internal evidence to which I now turn. The 
cumulative value of this evidence is far greater. 4 I shall 
therefore (i) take up the analysis of the six satires in order; 
(2) state the general inferences as to the relation between the 
two poets to be drawn from the cumulative evidence. 

1 Cf. Marx, Lucilius, vol. n, comment on fr. 1279. 

2 Collignon, tude sur Petrone, 229-235, sets forth fully the evidence for the 
Lucilian origin of this schedium of Agamemnon, in imitation of Lucilian thought 
and vocabulary. 

3 Cf. Marx on xxx, 1099 f., and Horace on relation between satire and comedy, I, 


4 The fluid and subtle nature of imitation defies exact classification. To avoid 
undue vagueness, however, I have found it convenient to speak (i) of free adap- 
tion where the thought, but not the language, of Persius harks back to Lucilius, 
and (2) of imitation where language either by identity or conscious change 
and thought are both clearly modelled on Lucilius. 

124 George Converse Fiske 

A comparison of the scanty fragments of the tenth book of 
Lucilius seems to prove at least general similarity of theme 
with the first book of Persius. Thus in 388 : 

1 Ne (ilium ego) in arce bovem descripsi magnifice,' inquit, 

probably refers to the boastful eTT^Setfts of some Greek 
orator. Pedius of Persius, i, 83-87, seems a parallel satiric 


Crimina rasis 

Librat in antithetis, doctas posuisse figuras 
Laudatur : 

In another fragment, 386, dealing with the choice of words : 

Horum est iudicium, crisis ut discribimus ante, 
hoc est, quid sumam, quid non, in quoque locemus, 

the phrase in quoqne locemus seems to be the process of the 
proper ordering of verbal and rhythmic sentence elements, 
called iunctura in Persius, 63-65. 1 That the tenth book treated 
of the poets we may infer from Porphyrio on Horace, i, 10, 53, 
where an attack on the poet Accius is mentioned. In Persius, 
similarly, i, 4, Labeo is attacked. 

Over against this general similarity with the tenth book, we 
find clear evidence for a thorough-going imitation and adapta- 
tion of the thought, language, and argument of the first two 
satires of book xxvi, as reconstructed by Marx and Cichorius. 2 
The first of these satires is a discussion in dialogue form of 
the relation of satire in style, aim, and technique to other 
literary forms, and a defence of the satirist. It has been 
recognized as the model of the dialogue between Horace and 
Trebatius Testa, Sat. n, I. But a comparison of Persius, i, 
with these two satires shows that the relation is threefold, 3 
and in particular that the elusive adversaries of Persius plays 
the part of a shadowy Trebatius Testa. 4 

1 I follow in part here an article by Buecheler, Rh. Mus. XXXIX, 288. 

2 Op. cit., 109-127. 

3 Even Marx contents himself merely with* a fuller citation of parallel passages 
from Persius than previous editors of Lucilius. 

4 The limits of space forbid the citation of these parallels from Horace, Sat. II, 
i. They are, however, well known to students of Persius. Cf. the editions of 
Gildersleeve, Conington, and Nemethy. 

Vol. xl] Lucilins and Persius 125 

The citation of Lucilius, xxvi, I, and Horace, Sat. n, i, does 
not, however, exhaust the list of sources. I believe it can be 
shown that while the whole dramatic setting of Persius i is 
derived from Horace, Sat. n, i, the aesthetic creed of Persius 
is a dramatic adaptation of that of Horace in the Ars Poetica. 
In other words, Persius borrows and fuses two Horatian 
sources in keeping with the time-honored practice of contami- 
natio. The detailed proof of this relationship must be re- 
served for a future paper, but certain facts in support of this 
view are : (i) A comparison with the Ars Poetica reveals 24 
passages, some of considerable length, showing striking simi- 
larity in expression and sequence of argument. 1 (2) Cicho- 
rius 2 appears to have conclusively reconstructed a second 
satire of Lucilius, book xxvi, addressed to a young historian, 
conjecturally Junius Congus, in which the poet endeavors to 
dissuade his friend from writing ancient history, and encour- 
ages him to an epic on M. Popilius Laenas and Scipio. 3 

More important for our purpose, however, he shows that 
the concluding portion of the Ars Poetica, 425 ff., upon the 
distinction between sincere and self-interested literary criti- 
cism, goes back to the distinction between the vents and the 
mendax amicus in this same satire of Lucilius. 4 Cichorius, 

1 The editors of Persius quote numerous parallels from the Ars Poetica, but I 
have found none who recognizes that it is " massgebend" for his first satire. 

2 Op. cit., 109-127. 3 621. 

4 61 1 : Porro amici est bene praecipere, bene tueri praedicant, or even closer, 
if we accept veri for tueri with Cichorius, and the praedicere of Mercer. 
Porro amici est bene praecipere, veri bene praedicere 

with Horace's 424 : 

mirabor, si sciet inter 

Noscere mendacem, verumque beatus amicum. 

Again just below 431-433 the simile of the praeficae has long been recognized 
as quoted from Lucilius, 954-955, which Cichorius rightly places in the same 
book xxvi. 

Doubtless the distinction here made between the true and false friend was 
philosophical commonplace of the Stoics and Cynics appropriated by Lucilius 
and Horace (?). It apparently occurs in the Heidelberg Papyrus No. 310, 1. 43. 
Here Gerhard, Phoenix von Kolophon, 30 ff , shows that the words r6 /aeiXtx'SSes 
K.a.1 Trpoo-rjvts Si; TOVTO refer to the hypocritical character of the friendship of the 
Further cf. p. 33-35; the cynic's duty towards his neighbor was 
As Gerhard shows by many examples, sweetness, over-consideration, 

126 George Converse Fiske [1909 

however, has failed to notice that Persius himself in the first 
satire assumes the critical attitude of the verus amicus, while 
assigning to his shifting adversaries a part corresponding to 
the mendax amicus of Lucilius, the flattering derisor of 
Horace's Ars Poetica. I must content myself here with 
pointing out that in lines 44-62 Persius is the type of a more 
brutally frank Quintilius Varus l or Aristarchus. 2 Seeing 
through the rich dilettante with his pretended desire for 
truth, he tells him (55 if.) that he is a walking paunch mocked 
behind his back with the gestures of the donkey's ears, the 
pecking stork, the protruding tongue of the dog. His lauda- 
tores cenis empti, if I may coin a phrase, 3 play precisely the 
part of the derisor of Horace. 4 The true friend and critic 
will rather adopt the attitude of Lucilius, 953 : 

Homini amico et familiari non est mentiri meum. 

I omit further Horatian parallels to turn directly to Lucilius. 
Notice, however, that Persius fuses his two Lucilian originals 
from book xxvi just as he does his Horatian. 

In i, 14 Persius satirizes the indiscriminate use of the grand 
style of wealthy and tasteless versifiers, who hope to win 
popular applause. The thought of the passage : 

Scribimus inclusi, numeros ille, hie pede liber, 
Grande aliquid quod pulmo animae praelargus anhelet. 
Scilicet haec populo pexus togaque recenti 
Sede celsa leges, 

in spite of its elaboration into a picture modelled on Horace, 
Sat. n, 2, 60, is essentially that of Lucilius, 588 : 

Nunc itidem populo (placere nolo) his cum scriptoribus 
Voluimus capere animum illorum. 

Here Lucilius, like Persius, prefers to the popular judgment 
that of the more discriminating illi. 

flattery, were a bar to the Cynic's mind to the true service of friendship. But so 
far as I have discovered the application of this doctrine to literary criticism was 
reserved to the Roman Satirists, Lucilius (book xxvi), Horace (Ars Poetica}, 
and Persius their imitator (Sat. i). 

1 A.P. 438 ff. 2 Ib. 450. 

3 Cf. Horace, A.P. 423-425, with Persius, 53-54. 4 A.P. 427-433. 

Vol. xl] Liidlius and Per sins 127 

That Lucilius is referring here to the grand style of trag- 
edy, in distinction from the simple language and direct pur- 
pose of his satire, we can see from 587 : 

Nisi portenta anguisque volucris ac pinnatos scribitis. 1 

evidently derived from a polemic against the tragedians, 
probably with special reprobation of Pacuvius. 1 So Persius, 
here following Lucilius rather than Horace, proceeds in lines 
76-82 to attack the swollen tragic diction. First, however, 
in lines closely imitated from Lucilius 632 : 

Evadat saltern aliquid quod conatus sum, 
he sets forth his own unpretentious style (45 ff.): 

Non ego, cum scribo, si forte quid aptius exit, 
Quando haec rara avis est, si forte quid aptius exit, 
Laudari metuam. 

Since Nonius, p. 293, 3, here glosses evadere by exire, the 
paraphrase is obvious. 2 

Proceeding then with his attack on the tragedians, Persius, 
76-78, bases his criticism directly upon the Lucilian attack 
on the Antiope of Pacuvius in fragments 597-598 : 3 

squalitate sum ma ac scabie summa in aerumna obrutam 
Neque inimicis invidiosam neque amico exoptabilem, 

and Persius : 

Sunt, quos Pacuviusque et verrucosa moretur 
Antiopa, aerumnis cor luctificabile fulta. 

1 Evidently the original of Horace's A. P. 11-12: 

Scimus, et hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim ; 
Sed non ut placidis coeant immitia, non ut 
Serpentes avibus geminentur, tigribus agni. 

Cf. with last line the anguis volucris et pinnatos. 

2 Aliquid aliqua is also aptly paraphrased by si quid . . . si quid. 

8 Other fragments showing the discussion of tragedy but not expressly imi- 
tated by Persius are 600, 601, 602, 606. Cf. especially in book xxix, 875, where 
the prologues of Pacuvius are mocked as having harsh inversions : 

verum tristis contorto aliquo ex Pacuviano exordio. 

128 George Converse Fiske [ J 99 

Apparently Lucilius, 597, had satirized the diction of Pacu- 
vius in the Antiope, 356 R : 

quae te adplicasti tamen aerumnis obruta, 

and Persius follows him. Indeed, his essentially Pacuvian 
compound luctificabilis may have been suggested by the 
monstrificabilis of Lucilius, 6O8. 1 
So with oratory. If Lucilius, 603 : 

Si miserantur se ipsi, vide ne illorum causa superior 
E loco conlocavit, 

as Marx shows 2 by comparison with Cicero de Oratore, n, 
196, 197, refers to the winning of cases by the device of com- 
miseratio, Lucilius evidently had a scene in which the rhe- 
torical sophistries of orators were assailed. We then have a 
parallel scene in Persius, 83-86, where Pedius' pride in his 
rhetorical versatility is satirized : 

Nilne pudet capiti non posse pericula cano 
Pellere, quin tepido hoc optes audire " decenter " ? 
" Fur es," ait Pedio. Pedius quid? Crimina rasis 
Librat in antithetis, doctus posuisse figuras 

in language recalling Cicero's : nam qui commiseratione iudi- 
ces movere se student ii argumentis non confidunt, sed ani- 
morum mobilitate. Persius, like Lucilius, and Horace in the 
Ars Poetica, was interested in determining a proper stylistic 
canon for satire, in distinction from comedy, satyr drama, 3 
and tragedy. For this canon all three writers seem to insist 

1 Cf. p. 129 for treatment of this line. 2 Cf. commentary. 

3 I agree essentially with Hendrickson's expression of Horace's conception in 
A, P. 220250 in a letter, from which I quote : " I have read and reread the 
passage in Horace before this with the thought that perhaps Horace had in 
mind an etymological connection between satyri and satura, especially where he 
says satyrorum scriptor, but it will not do to say that he is talking of satire 
directly. At most he may be putting into his account of satyri some things that 
he felt about the style of satura. ... It is more than I should venture to say 
that ignominiosa dicta in Horace implies satire." Here I should perhaps go fur- 
ther than Hendrickson in view of Cichorius's evidence of the Lucilian influence 
upon this part of the Ars Poetica, and the Varronian ( ?) attempt to relate satura 
and satyr drama reproduced in Diomedes. Cf. Reifferscheid's Suet., p. 20. 

Vol. xl] Lucilius and Persius 1 29 

on the importance of sincerity and a greater or less familiarity 
of diction, but all alike seem to fear that satire, a middle genre 
based on the urbane criticism of everyday human experience 
(cf. Horace, A. P. 240, Ex noto fictum carmen sequar), may 
seem to writers of other forms, such as tragedy, an ignobilitas, 
or may indeed actually descend to the lower level of the lan- 
guage of the tabernae. We are dealing here with the free 
expression of a traditional satiric creed, and, while the imagery 
of our three authors varies, one feels that this creed must 
have been first formulated in its essentials by Lucilius and is 
reexpressed and readapted by Horace and Persius. Persius 
in particular, as the third in the tradition, now vacillates 
between the Lucilian and the Horatian formulation, now 
fuses them. The following three quotations show the duty 
of sincerity. Lucilius, 590 : 

ego ubi quern ex praecordiis ecfero versum. 
Horace, A. P. 102-103 : 

si vis me flere, dolendum est 
Primum ipsi tibi. 

Persius, 90 : 

Verum nee nocte paratum 
Plorabit qui me volet incurvasse querela. 

And the two following show the fear that the middle style 
of satire may seem an ignobilitas or actually become so. 
Lucilius, 608 : * 

nunc ignobilitas his mirum ac monstrificabile. 
Horace, A. P. 246-247 : 

Aut nimium teneris iuvenentur versibus umquam, 
Aut immunda crepent ignominiosaque dicta. 

We seem to have no example from Persius of this fear of 

1 In this Lucilian verse I agree with the interpretation of Cichorius rather than 
that of Marx. Cf. op. cit, 130. Contrast with ignobilitas for satire the use by 
Horace, A, P. 259 (in Acci nobilibus trimetris). That ignominiosa verba means 
satire here, though perhaps merely implied in a canon for the related satyr drama, 
is my belief. 

130 George Converse Fiske 

Just as Lucilius would flood the heart of his historian 
Congus with advice, 610 : 

Haec tu si voles per auris pectus inrigarier, 
so in Persius, 79 : 

Hos pueris monitus patres infundere lippos, 

the warnings of the blear-eyed fathers sink into the minds of 
their sons. 

In Persius, as in Lucilius and the Ars Poetica of Horace, 
422, the praise of the crowd is won by a rich banquet. There 
is evidence of a banquet in Lucilius, 662, 664, 665, from this 
same book xxvi. 1 Fragment 664 particularly suggests a 
wealthy patron : 

munifici comesque amicis nostris videamur viri. 

This passage is surely as close to the concrete illustration of 
munificentia given by Persius, 53-54 : 

Calidum scis ponere sumen, 
Scis comitem horridulum trita donare lacerna, 

as the Horatian model in the Ars Poetica, 426 : 

Tu seu donaris seu quid donare voles cui, 
Nolito ad versus tibi factos ducere plenum 
Laetitiae : 

Cichorius 2 would place frr. 651, 652 at the close of the 
literary polemic, satire i of book xxvi : 

At enim dicis : ' clandestine tibi quod commissum foret, 
Neu muttires quicquam, neu mysteria ecferres foras,' 

and refers them to the charge that Lucilius had in satiric 
frankness betrayed some secret. To my mind we have a 
recollection of them in the secret of Persius 3 all but uttered 
in line 8, and finally revealed in verses 119-122 : 

Men muttire nefas? nee clam? nee cum scrobe ? nusquam? 
Hie tamen infodiam. Vidi, vidi ipse, libelle : 

1 Marx, however, to my mind with less plausibility in view of 665, interprets 
these lines of a prodigal whose bounty is imposed upon. 

2 Op. cit., p. 132. 3 Cf. also Juvenal, I, 153, 154. 

Vol. xl] Lucilius and Persius 131 

Auriculas asini quis non habet? Hoc ego opertum 
Hoc ridere meum, tarn nil, nulla tibi vendo 

Notice that the movement of men muttire preserves that of 
the Lucilian neu muttires. 

I am tempted to connect lines 653 and 654 of Lucilius with 
Persius. Marx interprets the words : 

Di monerint meliora, amentiam averruncassint tuam, 

as those of an interlocutor, who with mock solemnity and 
parodying the diction of Pacuvius, endeavors to persuade the 
poet Lucilius not to write satire. 1 Compare the words of the 
interlocutor in Persius, 108 : 

Vide sis, ne maiorum tibi forte 
Limina frigescant, sonat hie de nare canina 

It may be that Persius' assertion of satiric independence 
and of scorn for the Iliad of Attius was in part, at least, 
suggested by some such line as 654 : 

Ego enim contemnificus fieri et fastidire Agamemnonis. 

Agamemnon would then be the stock tragic character upon 
whom Lucilius visits his scorn. Certainly the emphatic ego 
enim at the beginning of the line suggests rejoinder. But 
these last two passages are clearly less certain than the others 
from xxvi. 

Finally in line 97 we have the rare Lucilian and non-Hora- 
tian words vegrandis from this same book xxvi, line 631, and 
suber (L. suberies, 1302). Thus: 

Ut ramale vetus vegrandi subere coctum ? 

The appearance of these two rare Lucilian words is, then, of 
importance as reemphasizing the fact, which I have tried to 

1 Cf. the warning of Trebatius Testa to Horace, Sat. n, I, 60, 

' O puer, ut sis 

Vitalis metuo, et maiorum nequis amicus 
Frigore te feriat, ' 

the linguistic model for the line of Persius, just as the idea in both authors per- 
haps came from Lucilius. 

132 George Converse Fiske L 1 99 

set forth, that the Lucilian coloring of this first satire is not 
derived at second hand from Horace, but comes from direct 
use and study of Lucilius himself. These fourteen l quota- 
tions, all from book xxvi, and involving identity of theme and 
sequence of argument, as well as verbal imitation and adapta- 
tion, seem to me to afford conclusive evidence that the first 
two satires of Lucilius, book xxvi, were with the Ars Poetica 
and Sat. n, I, of Horace, the direct models of Persius in his 
first satire. 

As we find reminiscences from other parts of the works of 
Horace than the Ars Poetica and Sat. u, I, so in this satire 
we have echoes from other books of Lucilius than xxvi. 
These are in the first place instances of direct imitation as 
follows i 

(1) The very first line of Persius : 

O curas hominum, o quantum est in rebus inane ! 

is expressly attested as Lucilian by the scholiast. As Cicho- 
rius 2 suggests, it probably stood in a proem to the second 
Lucilian corpus, books i-xxi, where it was uttered by some 
satirist-philosopher, lamenting the emptiness of human en- 
deavor. Hence its appropriateness at the beginning of the 
first satire of Persius. 3 

(2) En pallor seniumque ! (26) 

Persius mocks the pallor and premature old age of misguided 
scholarship. Here we have an imitation or adaptation of 
Lucilius, 1117 : 4 

Es, ait quidam, senium, atque, insulse, sophista. 

(3) In line 27 of Persius the word play on scire, nescire : 

Scire tuum nihil est, nisi te scire hoc sciat alter? 

1 Marx's frr. 953, 588, 587, 632, 597, 608, 603, 590, 608, 610, 665, 651, 653, 
654, arranged in the order in which I have discussed them in my preceding 

2 Op. cit., 233-234. 

3 And also in the proem of Lucretius, book u, 14, where it seems to be imi- 
tated (O miseras hominum mentes, o pectora caeca). 

4 Lucilius uses senium again in 494. 

Vol. xl] Lucilius and Persius 133 

is clearly from Lucilius, 1344, 1345 : 1 

Ut me scire volo, dum mimi conscius, sum (mum) 
Ne damnum faciam, scire hoc se nescit, 

as recognized by the scholiast on Persius. 

(4) In the description of the dinner with its sow's paunch set 
by the rich man covetous of literary fame, there seem to be 
traces of the influence of the banquet of Granius, the subject 
of book xx. Compare 53 : 

Calidum scis ponere sumen 
with 1 1 74 ff . : 

Fingere praeterea, adferri quod qnisque volebat. 
Ilium sumina ducebant atque altilium lanx, 
Hunc pontes Tiberinus duo inter captus catillo. 

(5) Unquestionably 87 : 

"Bellum hoc." Hoc Bellum? An Romule ceves, 

is a direct imitation of Lucilius, xxix, 805 : 

Aetatem istuc tibi laturam et bellum, si hoc bellum putas. 

(6) In line 109: 

sonat hie de nare canina 

we have a clear recollection of R, "the dog's letter," first 
treated in Latin by Lucilius, fr. 2 : 

Irritata canes quam homo quam planius dicit, 
and fr. 378 : 

(a) r(e) : non multum (ab)est, hoc cacosyntheton atque 

Si lingua dico : nihil ad me, nomen enim illi est. 

Turning to free adaptations: (A) if Nemethy's interpre- 
tation of the famous characterization of Lucilius in line 1 1 5 
be correct, we have a comparison of the attack of the satirist 
to the rush of an angry dog, a comparison probably made by 
Lucilius himself in 1095. 

1 Cf. fr. 33 for a similar word play. 

134 George Converse Fiske [ 1 99 

Persius : 

Secuit Lucilius urbem, 

Te Lupe, te Muci, et genuinum fregit in illis ; 

and Lucilius : l 

Involem inde canino ritu oculisque. 

(B) In the second satire of book xxx, if we accept the 
reconstruction of Cichorius, 2 Lucilius, in a literary contro- 
versy, was evidently sharply blamed for upholding a standard 
of frank and severe personal criticism. Persius, by a bitterly 
sardonic acquiescence in the social and moral " whitewashing " 
of a corrupt age, seems to give us a free adaptation of the 
spirit of the Lucilian passage. Persius, iio-in : 

Per me equidem sint omnia protinus alba. 
Nil moror. Euge, omnes, omnes bene mirae eritis res. 

and Lucilius, 1026 : 

Omnes formonsi, fortes, tibi, ego improbus. esto. 

Finally, I am tempted to compare the fling at the pride of 
the petty local official in Persius, I29-I3O: 3 

Seque aliquem credens, Italo quod honore supinus 
Fregerit heminas Arreti aedilis iniquas, 

with the slur on the man who prided himself on his member- 
ship in the classis quintana y for this was probably the mean- 
ing of Festus, p. 257, 23 : 

Quintanam classem . . . Lucilius sic meminit 
Quod adeptus. 4 

The second satire in which Persius followed the Pseudo- 
Platonic Second Alcibiades affords no evidence of Lucilian 

1 Involo in the sense of to "fly at." 

2 Op. cit, 193-202, Die Polemik mit dem Komodiendichter. 

3 I recognize that this conjecture lacks the support of even the usual frag- 
mentary Lucilian context. 

4 Cf. Horace, I, 5, 34-36; Juvenal, 10, 101-102, for other echoes of this Lucilian 
original, Marx, 1287. Evidently we have a stock satiric type here. 

Vol. xl] Lucilius and Persius 135 

The third satire was believed by the scholiast 1 to be de- 
rived from Lucilius, book iv. With the exception of one 
fragment, 166, 167, in which Lucilius satirizes the gift of 
thirty fishes brought by the clients to their wealthy patron, 
we have no direct evidence of the use of this book, which is 
preserved, however, only in meagre fragments. The passage 
of Lucilius : 

Hi prae se portant ingentes munere pisces 
Triginta numero. 

This passage, Persius, 3, 73-76, in accordance with his love 
for concrete details, elaborates into a picture of the pepper, 
ham, and jar of sprats, presented by fat Umbrians and the 
Marsian client: 

Disce, nee invideas, quod multa fidelia putet 
In locuplete penu defensis pinguibus Umbris, 
Et piper et pernae, Marsi monumenta clientis, 
Maenaque 2 quod prima nondum defecerit orca. 

Besides this characteristic Persian adaptation from book iv> 
we have three instances of imitation from other satires of 
Lucilius, and one of detailed appropriation of a satiric scene. 3 
The imitations are as follows : 

(i) In 16-18, where the tutor complains of the childishness 
of the young philistine : 

A, cur non potius teneroque columbo 
Et similis regum pueris pappare minutum ? 
Poscis et iratus mammae lallare recusas? 

1 Cf. p. 3. 2 For maena as a Lucilian word, cf. p. 136. 

8 I lay no great stress on the similarity between Lucilius, 971 : 

Quae quondam populi risu res pectora rumpit, 
and Persius, 86-87 : 

His populus ridet, multumque torosa iuventus 
Ingeminat tremulos naso crispante cachinnos. 

Any two poets must necessarily describe " guffaws " in much the same terms. At 
the same time, if (cf. Marx's comment, and Cichorius, op. cit., 215-219) this line 
comes from a camp anecdote of the roistering socius Troginus, we do have a type 
closely allied to the centurion of Persius. Notice that Lucilius uses the words 
pulmentarium and maena found in this same satire. 

136 George Converse Fiske [ 1 99 

Here we have a direct working-over of Lucilius, 1045-1046. 
In that scene the young mother hopes her delicate baby boy 
will live, and hands him over to the nurse, who gives him 
chewed pap (mansum is exactly pappare minutum) from her 
own lips : 

sperans aetatem (item) eandem 
hanc proferre potesse et mansum ex ore daturum. 

(2) From Lucilius, 1076-1077, the description of the meal 
of Troginus, 1 the camp roisterer, presumably on the morning 
after a debauch, 

Pulmentaria, ut intubus aut aliquid id genus herba, 
Et ius maenarum. Bene habet se, mictyris haec est, 

Persius derived presumably the two words pulmentarium* 
and maena. He, however, distributes them between two 
scenes, using the maena in 1. 76, the scene of the officious 
clients, and the pulmentarium in 1. 102, of the gluttonous 

(3) In lines 54 and 55 the pulse and pearl-barley porridge, 
the simple fare of the Stoic disciples, are clearly in imitation 
of the lines of book xv on the physical hardship inseparable 
from the pursuit of philosophy. 3 For we know that the sub- 
ject of this book was the power of philosophy to free men 
from the vices of superstition, avarice, and anger. 4 Line 501 
says of philosophy : 

Quae gallam bibere ac rugas conducere ventris 
Farre aceroso, oleis, decumano pane coegit. 

and Persius, 54-56 : 

Quaeque docet sapiens bracatis inlita Medis 
Porticus insomnis quibus et detonsa iuventus 
Invigilat, siliquis et grandi pasta polenta. 

1 Cf Cichorius, op. cit., 217. 

2 Pulmentarium is used also once by Horace, II, 2, 20. Maena is non-Horatian. 

3 Cf. Paulus-Festus, 96, 3, on this place : Gallam bibere ac rugas conducere 
ventri cum ait Lucilius praemonet parsimonia esse utendum, etc. 

4 Cf. Marx's summary of contents in commentary on 515. 

Vol. xl] Luci lilts and Persius 137 

And the Horatian version of the Lucilian original in Ep. n, i, 
123 transferred, to be sure, to the poet: 

vivit siliquis et pane secundo. 

Now the panis acerosus of Lucilius is exactly the pants 
secundus of Horace. 1 

This passage illustrates Persius' method of contamination. 
He keeps the siliquae of Horace, which Horace had in turn 
substituted for the far acerosum of Lucilius, and as a variant 
both from the panis decumanus of Lucilius and the panis 
secundus of Horace, he substitutes the grandis polenta, coarse- 
ground pearl barley. 2 

Much more striking, however, is the scene in Persius, 
88-109, which is, I believe, based on Lucilius, xxvi, 638, 
640, 643, 641, 645, 647, 648, 642. 3 The sick glutton consults 
a doctor (88-90) and is ordered to rest. When the third day 
passes with no fever, he forgets the deadly quartan, seeks a 
draft of mild Surrentine, goes to the bath, where in a chill 
the warm glass falls from his hand (90-100). Then come in 
a trice nausea (101) and (101-105) death. The familiar lines 
of Persius must be omitted, but compare the picture in Lu- 

1 As is shown by Nonius, p. 445, 18, on this passage : Acerosum namque panem 
farre minus purgato nee sordibus a candido separatis dicendum veteres putave- 
runt. . . . Hunc Graeci avT6wvpov vocant. 

2 A Greek, not a Roman, dish ; cf. Conington's note. 

3 While the general similarity in sequence of argument and the detailed 
linguistic similarity of the two passages prove that Lucilius was the immediate 
source of Persius, it seems equally clear that we are in the case of both authors 
dealing with a philosophical commonplace. The rich glutton was a favorite 
T6?ros of the cynic philosophers. Cf. K. Joel, Der Rchte und der Xenophontische 
Sokrates, II, 454, middle, and n. 2, and especially his summary of the Cynic theory 
of diet, which reads like a commentary on our passage : " Wie die Einfachheit 
der Speisen natiirlicher ist, so ist sie auch gesiinder ; die TroXirrAeto, aber bewirkt 
beschwerliche Corpulenz, geistige Stumpfheit, Krankheit, friihen Tod." For Hora- 
tian use of the Cynic rbiros, cf. Sat. II, 2, 70 ff., and II, 7, 107. Also Gerhard, op. 
cit., 73, n. 4. Indeed, belching and vomiting were so typical of the rich (cf. 
passages cited by Gerhard, 109 and 287) that the e^ert:6s, as a synonym for the 
rich man, is sometimes contrasted with the weivaTiK6$. Cf. also Lucilius, 647-648, 
with Gerhard, op. cit., 109, on x^ LV - 

In both Lucilius and Persius this typical rich glutton of the Cynics is used as a 
text for some such related Cynic discourse, as we may trace in Plutarch's irbrepov 
TO. r?5 

138 George Converse Fiske 

cilius, 638 ; the effect of an overmastering passion reacts on 
the body : 

anirao qui aegrotat, videmus corpora hunc signum dare. 

When temporarily improved, all think they will escape men- 
tal and physical pain, 640 : 

idcirco omnes evasuros censent aegritudinem. 

The Lucilian patient, in a reaction of joy, goes to the stadium 
and gymnasium, 641 : 

Cum (in) stadio, in gymnasio, in duplici corpus siccassem pila. 
Then a line from Lucilius, in, 136, of the sickness : 
exhalas turn acidos ex pectore ructus. 

Here, with customary heightening of effect, acidos becomes 
sulpureas, ructus, mefites, in Persius. 

For the effect of the measure of wine, cf. xxvm, 923 : 

At cui ? Quern febris una atque una aTre^ta, 
Vini, inquam, cyathus unus potuit tollere. 

The doctor tries to drive out the chill with warm clothes, 643 : 
vestimentis frigus atque horrorem exacturum putet. 

The patient with swollen body may by an eluvies ventris 
relieve the overburdened stomach, but let him beware lest 
he die, Lucilius, 645 : 

\j w, ut si eluviem facere per ventrem velis, 

Cura, ne omnibus distento corpore expiret viis. 

The coarse picture 1 of Lucilius, 647-648, is by Persius soft- 
ened to nausea : 

Si hie vestimenta . . . elevit luto, 
Ab eo risum magnum imprudens ac cachinnum subicit. 

In the end the doctor feels the pulse, only to find that life 
has departed, 645 : 

Neque priusquam venas hominis tetigit ac praecordia. 2 

1 Cf. on this coarseness p. 137, n. 3. 

2 One is tempted to believe that the relation between the irdOij <r 6 paras and 
the irdd-r) ^i>x?7$ was in Lucilius also (e.g. 635), but here our ground is less cer- 

Vol. xl] Lucilius and Persius 139 

The correspondence between these two satiric scenes in 
subject matter, illustrative examples, and in what we may 
call direct and heightened imitation of language is too close 
to be fortuitous. 1 I, therefore, conclude, (i) that the loci 
here developed in both poets are the Cynic commonplaces, 
on simplicity of diet, and the relation between the Trdfrrj o-to/xa- 
ro9 and iraQj) ^W%T}?, but that (2) the literary form of the scene 
in Persius is directly based on his study of Lucilius. 

tain. At any rate we have next in both writers a discussion on the ird0T] ^ux^s. 
(i) Avarice and (2) simplicity of diet, Lucilius, 659: 

Mordicus petere aurum e flamma, expediat, e caeno cibum. 

Persius simply says, 109 : 

Visa est si forte pecunia. 

(2) In e caeno cibum we have an allusion to the ideal simplicity of diet advo- 
cated by the Cynics. (I should place no period after cibum and should construe 
cibum with some verb like capiat in the next line.) Persius expands this into a 
picture of the disinclination of the wealthy man for the simple fare of the people 
(and we may add), of the Cynic, their philosopher, 111-114: 

Positum est algente catino 
Durum olus et populi cribro decussa farina : 
Temptemus fauces ; tenero latet ulcus in ore 
Putre, quod baud deceat plebeia radere beta. 

(3) Lust is responsible for tearing Cassandra from the holy statue, 656: 

nee minimo est (nee) prosperatur pax, quod Cassandram (Locrus). 
Persius uses an every-day illustration, no: 

Candida vicini subrisit molle puella, 
Cor tibi rite salit ? 

(4) For anger, however, Persius has the stock tragic example of Orestes, 

Nunc face supposita fervescit sanguis et ira 
Scintillant oculi, dicisque facisque, quod ipse 
Non sani esse hominis non sanus iuret Orestes. 

Lucilius, 658, only : 

Facile deridemur. Scimus capital esse irascier. 

(5) The only passion not found in both writers is fear, absent from the frag- 
ments of Lucilius, but found in Persius, 115 : 

cum excussit membris timor albus aristas. 

1 Especially when we consider the fact that these similarities are all found in 
twelve lines of a poet only preserved in fragments, and reproduced by Persius 
within a compass of thirty lines (88-118). 

140 George Converse Fiske 

In the fourth satire the evidence of Lucilian influence is 
scanty. We seem to have but one passage. The coarse 
lines, 36-41, smack of Lucilian frankness. Lumbus} gausape, 
nates, and inguen in sense of membrum virile are all found in 
Lucilius, and two lines, 38 and 40, seem to be recollections 
of Lucilius. Persius, 38, runs : 

Inguinibus quare detonsus gurgulio exstat? 
Its model is evidently Lucilius, 1 195 : 2 

Inguen ne existat, papulae, tama, ne boa noxit. 

The passage is interesting as illustrating the self-conscious- 
ness of Persius' imitations, if indeed after his Horatian imita- 
tions further illustration was needed. Persius uses inguen in 
the ordinary sense of groin, and substitutes gurgulio for the 
Lucilian inguen in the sense of membrum virile. Finally he 
shifts the position of existat, changed to exstat, from near the 
beginning to the end of the line. 
Line 40 : 

Elixasque nates labefactent forcipe adunca 

is probably from Lucilius, 404 : 3 

et uncis 
Forcipibus dentes evelleret. 

And here again Persius seeks variety by uniting into a ' verse 
tag ' the adjective and noun, divided between two lines in 

The fifth satire of Persius is dedicated to Cornutus on true 
freedom. It gives evidence of Lucilian influence, though 
unlike the first and the third the use of the Lucilian material 
is mainly external. We have five cases of the use of rare 
Lucilian words, one instance of direct imitation of a passage 
and four instances of free adaptations of general themes from 

1 Lumbus 278 and 1347; gausape 568; nates 72, 1363; inguen 1195. 

2 For tama and a second use of this line cf. 6, 73, p. 146. 

3 Cichorius, op. cit., 304, shows from lines 401-402 that these forcipes were a 
part of the equipment of the luxurious officers at Numantia and used for purposes 
of depilation also, when Scipio " cleaned out the camp." 

Vol. xl] Lucilius and Persius 141 

Lucilius. Let us consider these in order. The words are as 
follows : 

(1) Ludus used of the informal language and aim of satire 

in 16: 

Doctus et ingenuo culpam defigere ludo. 

This seems to be derived from Lucilius' characterization of 
his satires in 1039-1040: 

Cuius vultu ac facie, ludo ac sermonibus nostris 
Virginis hoc pretium atque hunc reddebamus honorem. 

Horace 1 uses the verb ludo of his satires, but nowhere the 
noun ludus in this sense. 

(2) Oenophorus, I39, 2 which the scholiast believed came 
from Lucilius, 139 : 

(3) The rare word cannabe of a twisted rope, 146,2 from 


vidimus (vine turn} (thomice cann)abina.. 

(4) Varicosus, of the varicose veins of the centurion. A 
Lucilian word, 3 used to describe one called Varicosus Vatax 
in Lucilius, 1801. 

(5) Centussis is, perhaps, a recollection of the centussis 
misellus of Lucilius, 1 1 /2. 3 

Persius, 191 : 

Et centum Graecos curto centusse licetur. 

Next the imitations. In lines 56-59 we have described the 
evil physical effects in old age, with its sexual impotency and 
gout, of a youth spent in excessive exercise, gaming, or licen- 
tiousness. The passage, which is evidently a composite of 
Horatian and Lucilian elements, is extremely interesting as 
illustrating the subtle ingenuity of Persian imitations : 

Hie satur inriguo mavult turgescere somno, 
Hie campo indulget, hunc alea decoquit, ille 
In Venerem putris ; sed cum lapidosa cheragra 
Fregerit articulos, veteris ramalia fagi, etc. 

1 Sat. i, 10, 37. 

2 These words all occur in the scene 131-156, which seems to have Lucilian 
coloring. Cf. p. 143. 

8 Non-Horatian; cf. p. 147. 

142 George Converse Fiske [ I 99 

The model of Persius is clearly Lucilius, 331 : 

Quod deformis, senex arthriticus, ac podagrosus 
Est, quod mancus miserque, exilis, ramice magno. 

From arthriticus came the Persian articulos ; podagrosus was 
purposely changed to lapidosa cheragra ; and the hint of im- 
potency contained in ramice magno, a hernia, was expanded 
into in Venerem putris. 1 But this was not enough for the 
subtle Persius. Since ramex came from ramus* mental sug- 
gestion led Persius to return to the original sense of the word, 
and we have ramalia, applied, not to physical weakness, but 
used as a metaphor, made concrete by the addition of vetcris 
fagi, in apposition with articulos? 

The slave who thinks he is free because he is not ready to 
receive his master's commands, a common type in the argu- 
ments of the Stoic philosophers, occurs in Lucilius, xxx, 1002 : 

Quom me hoc tempore, nugator, cognoscere non vis, 
and Persius, 125-127: 

An dominum ignoras, nisi quern vindicta relaxat? 
" I puer et strigiles Crispini ad balnea defer " 
Si increpuit, cessas nugator, servitium acre 
Te nihil impellit, etc. 

The recurrence of the abusive nugator in Persius and the 
slave's feint of not recognizing his master's commands, shows 

1 That the reference is to loss of virility is even more clear when we compare 
the preceding line 330 : 

Crisabit ut si frumentum clunibus, 

and note Juvenal's two recollections of these passages. Thus compare with 331, 
Juvenal, 6, 322 ff. and with 330, Juvenal, 10, 204 ff. : 

Nam coitus iam longa oblivio, vel si 
Coneris, iacet exiguus cum ramice nervus 
Et quamvis tota palpetur nocte, iacebit. 
Nunc aliquid sperare potest haec inguinis aegri 

2 Ramus itself is even used of membrum virile in the Exodium of Novius ; cf. 
Nonius, 1 1 6, 28 M. 

3 For the Horatian elements in the Persian passage which cannot be discussed 
here cf. Nemethy's notes ad loc. 

Vol. xl] Lucilius and Persius 143 

that Lucilius was the immediate source from which Persius 

True freedom is of the soul. We who have civic freedom 
may be the slaves of passions. From the same, xxx, satire I, 
990, we read : 

Sic laqueis, manicis pedicis, mens inretita est, 
and in Persius, 11. 129-131 : 

sed si intus et in iecore aegro 
Nascuntur domini, qui tu impunitior exis 
Atque hie, (juem ad strigiles scutica et metus egit erilis? 

In view of the close sequence of these lines with 125-127 in 
Persius, and in view of the fact that 1. 990, like 1001, occurs 
in the same (xxx) book of Lucilius, it seems not unreasonable 
to suppose that here again Lucilius was the immediate source 
of the commonplace. 

From the eighth book of Lucilius, Persius probably derives 
some hints for the scene 131-156, in which Avarice and 
Luxury debate over their slave, the human soul, who owes 
them alternate allegiance. Thus Lucilius, 317: 

Sallere murenas, mercem in frigdaria ferre, 

is similar in tone to Persius, 132 ff., which also speak of the 
products of a trading voyage : 

" Surge " inquit Avaritia " heia 
Surge ! 

. . . En saperdam advehe Ponto." 
Again, the line 318 seems to speak of the profits of trading : 

Verum et mercaturae omnes et quaesticuli isti; 
and Persius in greater detail, 149-150: 

Quid petis? Ut numrni, quos hie quincunce modesto 
Nutrieras, pergant avidos sudare deunces ? 

In this connection it is worth noting that the cercurtis, the 
swift ship of the trader, appears in Lucilius, 315, as a simile 
of speed. We may compare Persius, 146 : 

Tu mare transilias? 

144 George Converse Fiske [ 1 99 

The Lucilian coloring of this scene is also aided by the use 
of a number of Lucilian words, where no direct imitation is 
implied. There are baro (I38), 1 oenophorus (i4o), 2 and can- 
nabe (146). It is especially unfortunate in the last case that 
more of the context has not been preserved to us. Festus, 
P- 356, 3, under the lemma Thomices : (Thomices Graeco} 
nomine appellantur (ex cannabi inpolita) et sparto leviter 
tortae restes (ex quibus funes) fiunt. Lucilius vidimus . . . 
abina. Cichorius regards this as referring to ropes used to 
bind the hands of prisoners, but it is quite as possible to 
take it of a coil of rope, as indeed PersJus seems to have 
done. In any case it seems clear that this rare word, found 
only in Lucilius, Persius, Pliny the Elder, and the Scriptores 
Rustici, is Lucilian. Finally the conclusion of 11. 189-191, 
as has been noticed, contains the Lucilian words varicosus 
and centussis? 

i Cf. p. 147. 2 C f. p . 141. 

3 In addition to the passages mentioned, we have three others in which simi- 
larity between Lucilius and Persius undoubtedly exists, but to which, in the absence 
of a fuller Lucilian context, I can attach no very great importance, since thty 
each contain commonplaces. It is perhaps worth quoting them here, for they 
have at least the cumulative value of showing that Lucilius and Persius were 
attracted by similar philosophical themes and popular wisdom. 

(1) The nose as the seat of angry scorn, Lucilius, 574: 

eduxi animam in primori(s fauc)ibus naris. 
Persius, 9 1 : 

Disce sed ira cadat naso rugosaque sanna. 

(2) The stoic commonplace that the sage alone is free, king, etc. This is 
found in Lucilius, 1225, and Persius, 113-114. As it is common literary property, 
the line need not be quoted. 

(3) The less usual r67ros, which distinguishes between the external act, which 
in a given case may be checked, and the besotted ignorance of the soul, the great- 
est obstacle to philosophic freedom, through knowledge. In this last case, with 
a fuller context, it would be tempting to regard the Lucilian passage as a model, 
but with our scanty fragments the only safe course is to group the passage with 
the other two. Lucilius, 807 : 

cupiditas ex homine \j \j w \^ 

\j \j cupido ex stulto numquam tollitur. 

Persius, 120: 

Sed nullo ture litabis, 
Haereat in stultis brevis ut semuncia recti. 

Vol. xl] Lucilius and Persius 145 

Turning now to the sixth satire, we find one instance of the 
use of a rare Lucilian word, one instance of adaptation of a 
Lucilian scene, one instance of the use of a Lucilian Verse tag,' 
and one instance of direct imitation. 

In 1. 46 recurs gausapa (compare Lucilius, 586) r 1 

lam chlamydas regum, iam lutea gausapa captis 
Essedaque ingentesque locat Caesonia Rhenos. 

In 1. 50 we have the description of a visceratio bestowed 
upon the people, consisting of bread and meat, and oil : 

Oleum artocreasque popello 

As Cichorius 2 has pointed out, we have precisely such a vis- 
ceratio described in Lucilius, book xiv, 474 : 

Cenam, inquit, nullam neque divo prosiciem ullam? 

In Persius, however, the gladiatorial show is substituted for 
the presides, the portion due to the gods. 3 Compare 48 : 

Dis igitur, genio ducis centum paria ob res 
Egregie gestas induce. 

Again, Lucilius, 474-475, in lines closer still to Persius, em- 
phasizes the share of the people : 

Idne aegre est magis, an quod pane et viscere privo? 
'Quod viscus dederas tu quidem, hoc est : viscera largi.' 

To make the evidence for the essential similarity of the pas- 
sages more certain, we find in CGL, vn, 422, artocreas, the 
very Greek word used by Persius (1. 50) as the gloss on 

In line 71 the 'verse tag' anseris extis is, I believe, derived 
from the anseris collus of Lucilius, 268, a cadence which in 
spite of the complete difference of context remained in the 
memory of Persius. Lucilius speaking of a woman : 

Calda siem ac bene plena, si olorum atque anseris collus. 
And Persius of a banquet : 

Ut tuus iste nepos olim satur anseris extis. 

1 Cf. Persius, 4, 37, p. 140, for use of this word. 

2 Op. cit., 325. 3 Cf. divo in Lucilius, 474. 

146 George Converse Fiske [1909 

Finally in Persius, 72 : 

Cum morosa vago singultiet inguine vena, 
Patriciae immeiat vulvae ? Mihi trama figurae 
Sit reliqua, ast illi tremat omento popa venter? 

I am bold enough to believe we have a most curious working 
over of Lucilius, 1 195 : 1 

Inguen ne existat, papulae, tama, ne boa noxit. 

Inguen is in both passages used in the sense of membrum 
virile. In the Persian passage trama, a rare word meaning 
the woof of cloth, which when the nap is worn off shows the 
threads, is, by a bold metaphor, applied to the " worn-down " 
appearance of the old man. This word I believe to have been 
suggested to Persius 2 merely by the resemblance in sound to 
tama, which means a tumor or swelling on the leg. With 
this curious and baffling fragment, I have completed the 
analysis of the individual satires. 

If the result of this analysis justifies us in assuming the 
widest familiarity of Persius with the satires of Lucilius, a 
brief comparative study of the vocabularies of the two authors 
should afford confirmation of my thesis. Such an examina- 
tion, excluding as far as possible words which form the warp 
and woof of satiric diction, and thus reducing the element of 
possible coincidence to a minimum, should concern itself with 
rare or unusual words peculiar to the two authors. Naturally 
the weight of proof will be increased in proportion to the 
number of rare words found common to Lucilius and Persius ', 
but absent from Horace, for this will exclude the possibility 
that Horace was a mediating agency between Lucilius and 
Persius. Again, in the case of Horace the value of the proof 
will be still further enhanced in proportion to the number of 
words found both in Persius and Horace in which Lucilian 
imitation can be proved. In view of the meagre extent of the 
average Lucilian fragment and the brief compass of the sat- 

1 Cf. p. 140 for another use of this passage. 

2 Cf. p. 142 on somewhat similar case of ramex and ramalia. 

Vol. xl] Lucilius and Persius 147 

ires of Persius (664 lines) the two following lists are signifi- 
cant. The first list contains rare words found in Lucilius and 
Persius, but not in Horace. The second contains rare words 
found in Lucilius, Persius, and Horace, where Lucilian imita- 
tion is clearly present. 


baro, L. 1121 = P. 5, 38. 

braca, L. 409 = P. 3, 53. (bracatus) 

caninus, L. 377, 1095 = P. I, 109. 

cannabina, L. 1325 = P. 5, 146. (cannabe) 

centussis, L. 1172 P. 5, 191. 

cribrum, L. 68 1 = P. 3, 112. 

forceps, L. 401 = P. 4, 40. 

insulsus, L. 1 1 16 = P. 5, 9. 

monstrificabilis, L. 608 = P. I, 78. (luctificabilis) 

ludus, L. 1039 P- 5> T 6- 

maena, L. 1077 = P. 3, 76. 

muttio ) L. 652 

mu facto ) L. 426 = P. I, 119. (mutio) 

pinso piso, L. 359 = P. I, 58. 

pubno, L. 1 06, 155, 169 = P. I, 14 ; 2, 30 ; 3, 27 ; 5, 82. 

pultis, L. 196, 711 = P. 6, 40. 

rudo, L. 261 = P. 3, 9. 

suberies, L. 1302 = P. i, 97. (suber) 

sumen, L. 1175 = P. I, 53. 

supplanto, L. 915 = P. I, 35. 

varicosus, L. 800 = P. 5, 189. 

vegrandis, L. 631 = P. I, 97. 


diuS) L. 1316 = H. S. i, 2, 32 = P. i, 31. 

gausapa(e), L. 568 = H. S. n, 8, 1 1 = P. 4, 37 ; 6, 40. 

testis &* testiculus, L. 281, 535 = H. S. i, 2, 45 = P. i, 103. 

&* vappo, L. 1358 = H. S, i, i, 104 ; i, 2, 12 P. 5, 77. 1 

1 The following words in these lists occur in passages treated in this paper : 
caninus, cannabina (cannabe), centussis, forceps, monstrificabilis (luctificabilis), 
ludus, maena, mutio, pultis, suberies (suber}, sumen, varicosus, vegrandis, gau- 
sapa. While in the case of the other words express Lucilian imitation cannot be 
shown, their rareness and the strong cumulative evidence of Persius' familiarity 
with Lucilius justifies the inference for the words of both classes that the mind 
of Persius is suffused with Lucilian imagery and diction, which consciously and 
unconsciously appeared in his satires. 

148 George Converse Fiske D99 

It remains to summarize briefly the results of this study. 
The external evidence, 1 meagre but definite, shows that the 
scholars of the ancient world were well acquainted with the 
close relation existing between Lucilius and Persius. In this 
evidence we find specific proof of that relationship in the 
statements of the Probus life, and the quotation by the Scholi- 
ast of Persius of parallels from Lucilius. In the similarity 
between the Petronian schedium in the Lucilian manner, and 
the prologue of Persius, and in the probable identity of literary 
form of Lucilius' Journey to the Sicilian Straits and Persius' 
Hodoeporicon Liber we have further indirect reinforcement of 
this external evidence. The effect of all this external testi- 
mony is, therefore, to confirm whatever evidence of imitation 
and influence is disclosed by the comparative study of the two 

Turning now to the internal evidence, I have found it con- 
venient to distinguish between the use of Lucilian material in 
the first satire and the remaining five satires. In the first 
satire the use of fourteen fragments, 2 all from xxvi, and still 
more the evident identity of formal argument, as well as the 
appearance of verbal imitation and adaptation, seem to me to 
afford conclusive proof that in thought, form, and sequence 
the first two satires of Lucilius, xxvi, were with the Ars 
Poetica and Horace, Sat. n, i , 3 the direct models of Persius 
in his first satire. Moreover, this satire is peculiarly Lucilian 
in tone, as is shown by the frequency of reminiscences from 
the other satires. Of these I have considered six instances 
of direct imitation, 4 three of free adaptation, 5 and in my 
word lists 6 there are found eleven Lucilian words used in 
this satire : caninus, dins, monstrificabilis (luctificabilis\ mut- 
tio, pinso {piso\ pulmo, suber, sumen, supplanto, vegrandis. 

In none of the other satires is the Lucilian tone so perva- 
sive. In the second, indeed, we seem to have no evidence of 
the use of Lucilius, while in the fourth satire we have but one 

1 Cf. pp. 121-123. 2 Cf. pp. 124-132. 

3 For the relation between these two Horatian productions and Lucilius, cf. 
pp. 124-126, and Marx, commentary on Lucilius, vol. II passim. 

4 Cf. pp. 132-133. ^ Cf . p. I34 . e Cft I47 . 

Vol. xlj Lucilius and Per sins 149 

passage. 1 In the case of the third, fifth, and sixth satires the 
case is clearer. Thus, in the third satire we have three cases 
of imitation, one of adaptation, and one of detailed study of a 
Lucilian scene. 2 In the fifth satire the imitation is mainly 
external. We have five rare Lucilian words, one case of 
direct imitation, four cases of free adaptation. 8 In the sixth 
satire 4 we find one rare Lucilian word, one case of direct 
imitation, one of the use of a Lucilian ' verse tag,' and one of 
free adaptation. While such a quantitative test is not final 
in itself, its evidence cumulatively has much significance. 
We have, then, in summary for the satires n-vi : 

Direct Imitation 6 

Free Adaptation 6 

Lucilian < Verse Tag ' I 

Lucilian Words 6 

Lucilian Scene j_ 


The peculiar qualities of Persius' use of Lucilius it has been 
my effort to point out in the preceding pages. Two points 
deserve final notice here, (i) As is shown by the compara- 
tively large number of free adaptations, both in the last five 
and especially in the first satire, Persius is novator semper. 
As the scholiast well says of an Horatian reminiscence: 5 Per- 
sius autem ut aliquid scilicet novaret, etc. Indeed, the gen- 
eral truth of my thesis receives indirect confirmation from this 
very fact of a habit of free adaptation, for we have seen with 
Lucilius also that Persius uses the same method of condensation, 
of amplification, of heightened expression, which appears in his 
use of Horace. (2) It has not been the purpose of this paper 
to discuss the Greek sources of Persius. It is obvious, how- 
ever, that in several cases we are dealing with philosophical 
commonplaces. Where there seemed to be evidence that 
Lucilius was the immediate source of Persius, I have included 
the passage in my text ; where both seemed to go back to 
a common original without clear evidence of interrelation^ 

1 Notice that both satires are said to be modelled on Greek sources : 2 on the 
Second Alcibiades and 4 on the First Alcibiades. 

2 Cf. pp. 135-139. 8 Cf. pp. 140-144. 4 Cf. pp. 145, 146. 5 Cf. on 5, 22. 

150 George Converse Fiske [ r 99 

I have preferred a reference in a footnote, and have not 
included the passages in my final summary. 

The two word lists are important as showing, as Gilder- 
sleeve 1 points out, that Persius " has enriched his vocabulary 
from Lucilius's store of drastic [I should perhaps be inclined 
to substitute popular] words," and that even where there is no 
question of conscious imitation, the mind of Persius was so 
suffused with the verses, the diction, the arguments of Lu- 
cilius, that they became a part of the texture of his satire. 

Finally, I desire to call attention to the cumulative force of 
an argument, based on the precise testimonia of the ancients, 
and on the comparative study of the imitations, and vocabu- 
laries of Lucilius and Persius. In view of the fragmentary 
condition of Lucilius, I feel that the mass of evidence becomes 
all the more striking, and forces us to the conclusion evidently 
made by the ancients themselves, that Lucilius is a source for 
Persius second only to Horace in importance. 


Just as this article goes to press the " Persius Probleme," Wiener Studien, 
xxxi, 128-135, 233-243, and "Persius und Lucilius," ib. 244-249, of Emil Gaar 
become accessible to me. I entirely agree to Gaar's argument for the close con- 
nection between the prologue and the first satire. Cf. above, pp. 141-142. To 
my mind the relation between the 8 choliambics and the 14 hexameters in Petro- 
nius, 4, affords material confirmation for this same argument. 

I find myself unable to subscribe to Gaar's view of the relation between the 
tenth book of Lucilius and the prologue. In the first place, Buecheler's article, 
Rh. Mus. xxxix, 287, proves rather a connection between the first satire and the 
tenth book. Moreover, the scanty surviving fragments of Book x in no way sug- 
gest the prologue. In the second place, though unquestionably the scholiast on 
line 2, and the Persius vita, as Gaar convincingly shows, refer to different pas- 
sages, all the facts of the case are satisfied by the inference (i) that the scholiast 
was referring to Persius, 1. I ; (2) that the sibi primo mox omnibus detrectaturus 
of the vita refers to the general tone of the first satire. Thus the detrectatio sui 
would be lines 1-4, followed by the insectatio poetarum et oratorum. At least 
the scholiast felt this, for he says, 1. I : Semetipsum redarguit, quod ipse relinquit 
carmina, quae volgus lecturum non sit, quoniam non sint vulgaria, etc. 

1 Introduction to Persius, pp. xxiii and xxv. 

Vol. xlj On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 151 

X. On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 1 


IN Love's Labour s Lost, iv, 2, 95, the schoolmaster Holo- 
fernes quotes the Latin words " Fauste, precor, gelida quando 
pecus omne sub umbra Ruminat, and so forth," and then 
exclaims : " Ah, good old Mantuan ! I may speak of thee 
as the traveller doth of Venice ; 

Venetia, Venetia, 

Chi non ti vede non ti pretia. 

Old Mantuan, old Mantuan ! who understandeth thee not, 
loves thee not." Here the modern reader is apt to think of 
the Eclogues of Virgil ; but the reference is to another and 
much later poet who was likewise a native of Mantua, and 
likewise the author of ten Latin eclogues. This was Baptista 
Spagnolo, or, as he was commonly called, Baptista Mantuanus. 2 
This later Mantuan was born about I448. 3 He was a pupil 
of Gregorio Tifernate and of Georgius Merula ; 4 and he after- 
wards studied philosophy at Padua. 5 Early in life he entered 

1 A part of this article, with some additional notes on Mantuan's life and works, 
will form the introduction to a forthcoming edition of the Eclogues. 

2 In one of the letters of Isabella d' Este (Aug. 23, 1504) he is called " R. do 
frate Bap. ta Spagnolo " ; see Romanische Forschungen, XXVI, 813. In a proclama- 
tion of the Marquis of Mantua (June 25, 1514) he is " R. do mag. ro Bap. ta Spag- 
nolo " ; see Giornale storico della letteratura ilaliana, XXXIV, 57. In the closing 
novel of Sabadino's Porretane he is " maestro Baptista Spagnolo Mantoano." 

3 In a little poem Vitae suae Epitome, he states that he was born in the reign 
of Pope Nicholas V "istius accepi lucis primordia, quintus | in solio Petri cum 
Nicolaus erat " which probably means soon after March 6, 1447, and certainly 
means not earlier than that date. In the dedicatory epistle prefixed to his 
Eclogues, Sept. I, 1498, he calls himself " quinquagenarius." 

4 He seems to have studied under both of these teachers at Mantua : F. Ga- 
botto, Ancora un letter ato del Quattrocento, 1890, pp. 22-23. Gregorio was at 
Mantua from April 1460 to December 1461. 

5 See the dedication of his Eclogues : " ante religionem, dum in gymnasio 
Paduano philosophari inciperem." The Catholic Encyclopaedia (1907), n, 276, 
says " at Pavia." 

152 Wilfred P. Mustard [1909 

a Carmelite monastery. 1 In 1472 he was made professor in 
a monastery at Bologna ; and he seems to have maintained 
some connection with Bologna for many years after his pro- 
fessorship was terminated. In 1483 he was elected Vicar- 
general of the Carmelite Congregation of Mantua, which was 
at that time a semi-independent body. And to this office he 
was reflected five times, each time for a period of two years, 
with an interval of four years, in 1489, 1495, 1501, 1507, 

The first term of his office, and the first interval, were 

spent mainly at Rome, where he secured for his Congre- 
gation the church and monastery of S. Crisogono. In 1489 
he went to Loreto, at the head of a company of Carmelite 
friars who were to be put in charge of the Santa Casa. 
In 1490 at least from March to October his corre- 
spondence shows that he was in Bologna. But he prob- 
ably spent most of his remaining life at Mantua. In 1513 
he was elected General of the entire Carmelite Order ; and 
he seems to have held this office until his death. 2 He 

1 " Religio placuit iuveni," etc., Vitae suae Epitome. The date usually assigned 
is 1464, and both Mantua and Ferrara are named as the place. " In a letter 
addressed to his father (ist April, 1464), and in his first publication, De Vita 
Beata, he gave an account of his previous life and of the motives which led him 
to the cloister." So the Catholic Encyclopaedia. But the De Vita Beata con- 
tains nothing of the sort, and one would like some other authority for the letter 
and its date. The first eight Eclogues were written " ante religionem " ; the 
fourth (at least, in its revised form) laments the death of Gregorio Tifernate; and 
Gregorio seems to have lived till about 1466. Firmin-Didot makes him professor 
of Greek at Venice, 1460-1466 (Aide Manuce et rHellenisme a Venise, Paris, 
1875, xliii). 

2 Florido Ambrogio, De rebus gestis ac scriptis operibus Baplistae Mantuani, 
Turin, 1784, pp. 96-99. Many modern accounts say that Mantuan soon resigned 
his high office because his reforms were opposed, or in order to devote himself 
entirely to literature. And there is a similar statement in G. J. Voss, De Histori- 
cis Latinis, ill, 2, n. Possibly the tradition is based upon a remark by Seb. 
Murrho, in the preface to his commentary on the first Parthe nice : "audivimus 
ex Conrado Leontorio, quo a secretis familiariter utimur, magistratu se quern in 
eo ordine summum gessit abdicavisse, ut liberius humanis divinisque litteris vacare 
posset." This preface is not dated, but it was printed in 1513 (at the beginning 
of Ascensius' Paris edition), and it may have been taken to refer to that year. 
But Murrho died in 1495 > anc ^ his report must refer to Mantuan's office of Vicar- 
general, not to his office of General at all. 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 153 

died at Mantua in 1516. He was beatified, December 17, 
I885. 1 

As a member of a monastic order Frater Baptista Man- 
tuanus our author never calls himself by his family name. 
He was .the son of Pietro Spagnolo, a Spanish nobleman from 
Granada, who had himself lost his family name of Moduer 
(or Modover), and received the name Spagnolo from the 
name of his own country. His grandfather, " Antonius Cor- 
dubensis," took part in the naval battle off Gaeta in 1435 
when Alfonso V of Aragon was defeated by the Genoese. 
Being taken prisoner along with his king, he spent some 
time at Milan ; and he remained in Italy after Alfonso was 
released. Pietro went to Mantua, and there rose to high 
favor with the ruling house. In 1457 he appears as steward 
(sescalco) of the Marquis Lodovico, who in 1460 conferred 
upon him and his children the citizenship of Mantua. He 
enjoyed the favor of the next two marquises also, Federico 
and Francesco Gonzaga. He died early in 1494. 

Baptista had several brothers and sisters. The eldest, 
Tolomeo, 2 became the confidential secretary of the Marquis 
Francesco ; and by 1 507 he had risen to such favor that 
he was even allowed to take the name of Gonzaga. 
But he grossly abused this confidence by forgery and 
fraud and trafficking in justice and after the death of 
the Marquis (in 1519) he was forced to flee from the 

In form and feature Mantuan was not very handsome or 
imposing. One of his admirers who visited him in 1500 can 
only say with Odysseus that "the gods do not give every 
gracious gift to all, neither shapeliness nor wisdom nor skilled 

1 The Catholic Encyclopaedia says " 1890." Dr. E. A. Loew has kindly exam- 
ined for me the official document at the Vatican. He reports that the date of 
the Decretum is December 17, 1885 ; also, that the poet's name is there given as 
" Baptista Spagnolus." 

2 Tolomeo seems to have been of illegitimate birth ; and Baptista himself was 
perhaps " ex damnato coitu natus," as Paulus Jovius puts it : S. Davari, Delia 
famiglia Spagnola, quale risulta dai documenti dell" 1 archivio storico Gonzaga, 
Mantua, 1873 (cited by Luzio-Renier, Giorn. stor. d. left, ital., XXXiv. 59, and by 
F. Gabotto, Un poeta beatificato, Venice, 1892, p. 4). 

154 Wilfred P. Mustard [!99 

speech" 1 " scias id rectissime posse de Baptista dici quod 
Homerus et ceteri vates de Ulysse rettulerunt, qui corpore 
parvus et forma indecorus sed ingenio maximus et animo 
speciosissimus fuisse perhibetur." 2 So Luca Gaurico calls 
him " parvus et modicae staturae," in his Tractatus Astrologi- 
cus? And Bandello says that he was very ugly : " era brutto 
come il culo, e pareva nato dai Baronzi." 4 

From his own writings we can collect a long list of his 
friends and patrons in various cities. It must have meant 
much to him in his later years that he enjoyed the favor and 
the patronage of the Gonzagas especially of the Marquis 
Francesco, the Marchioness Isabella (who is better known as 
Isabella d' Este) and the Cardinal Sigismondo. And he had 
other good friends at Mantua, in Paride Ceresara, Baptista 
Fiera, and Andrea Mantegna. But he had already made 
many friends in Bologna and Florence and Rome. At 
Bologna he had received much kindness from Gio. Baptista 
Refrigerio and Lodovico Foscarari ; and he was on intimate 
terms with the novelist Sabadino, with Count Andrea Ben- 
tivoglio, Antonio Fantuzzi, and Filippo Beroaldo. Of his 
friends made at Rome, he mentions Filippo Baveria, Falcone 
de' Sinibaldi, Oliviero Carafa, Cardinal of Naples, Pompo- 
nius Laetus, Gio. Gioviano Pontano, Alessandro Cortese, and 
Petrus Marsus. At Florence he had very distinguished 
friends in Pico della Mirandola (both the uncle and the 
nephew) and Angelo Poliziano; and his correspondence 
shows that his friendship with these men (as with Beroaldo) 
was not merely a formal matter, but something very real and 
intimate. And still others who may be mentioned here are 
Carforo Machiavelli, of Ferrara, Bernardo Bembo, of Venice, 
Hermolaus Barbarus, Georgius Merula, Gio. Pietro Arriva- 
bene, Bishop of Urbino, Pamphilo Sasso, of Modena, and the 
German scholar Thomas Wolf, Jr. 

1 Homer, Od. vm, 167. Cf. Ov. A.A., n, 123,11011 formosus erat, sed erat facun- 
dus Ulixes. 

2 Letter from Thomas Wolf, Jr., to Jacob Wimpheling, February 24, 1503. 

3 Quoted by F. Gabotto, op. cit., 8. 

* Novelle, in, 52, Jin. (quoted by Luzio-Renier, op. cit., 66). 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 155 

Mantuan achieved distinction in various fields " sacrae 
theologiae doctor, philosophus insignis, poeta et orator cele- 
berrimus," as Trithemius, Abbot of Spanheim, could say in 
1494. 1 Trithemius mentions also his proficiency in Greek 
"Latinae linguae decus et Graecae clarus interpres " 
and Paulus Jovius makes especial mention of his interest in 
Hebrew. Indeed, Jovius says that his interest in Hebrew - 
" insatiabilis Hebraicorum studiorum cupiditas " interfered 
with the fullest exercise of his poetic gift : " ut . . . in exco- 
lendis Musis curam ac diligentiam remittere cogeretur." 2 

His writings were exceedingly numerous, and included 
both prose and verse. 3 Sabadino, writing apparently about 
1479, mentions his work in philosophy 4 and gives a list of his 
earlier Latin poems. 5 Trithemius, writing in 1494, has a 
longer list, and adds : " vivit adhuc in Italia celeberrima 
opinione ubique nominatus et varia conscribit." 

Apart from his Eclogues, his poems include eight books of 
Silvae? or " subitaria carmina," written at various times and 

1 Catalogus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum, per Johannem a Tritenheim, Cologne 

2 Elogia virorum liter is illustriiim, Basel ed., 1577, p. 117. 

8 Dr. H. H. Furness, the editor of the Variorum Shakespeare, gives it as his 
opinion that Mantuan "wrote nothing but eclogues" (LLL, iv, 2, 95). But 
Filippo Beroaldo could say of him in 1502: " fecundus prorsus artifex, utpote qui 
versuum millia plurima condiderit, adeo ut Musae, ut Apollo, ut Dionysus, ut di 
omnes poetici nullum hoc saeculo indulgentius fovisse videantur" (Letter to 
the editor of the collected poems, Bologna, 1502). Lilio Giraldi says " extant 
illius versus paene innumerabiles " (De poetis nostrorum temporuni). And the 
amount of his literary output came to be almost proverbial ; cf. Les Apres-Dinees 
du Seigneur de Cholieres (1587) : " Direz vous que Baptiste Mantouan n'ait este 
habile homme, qu'il n'ait fait aucune chose? Ses oeuvres le nous tesmoignent 
treslaborieux, et neantmoins il estoit carme" (Paris ed., 1879, p. 57). Indeed, 
his brother Tolomeo could say of him : " qui tanta conscripsit (de poetis loquor) 
quanta nemo alius Latinorum" (De licentiis antiquorum poetaruni}. 

" El quale, seguendo in li studii della sacra philosophia la doctrina del subti- 
lissimo Scoto, ha scripto in quella opre eximie et prestante " {Novella LXI). 

5 " El Suburbano, la Presidentia de 1' oratore et del poeta, Lociamo, la Morte 
contemnenda, el Cola, la Porreta, opre tutte scripte et dedicate al suo carissimo 
Refrigerio, similmente la Calamita di nostri tempi, la Vita della regina di cieli et 
altre sue excellentissime opre, quale sarebbeno troppo lungo a numerare." 

6 The Silvae are arranged in eight books in the Bologna edition of 1502. 
Earlier editions of his collected poems had been printed c. 1499 (place and date 

156 Wilfred P. Mustard [1909 

on various subjects ; three books De suortim temporum Calami- 
tatibus ; and seven poems each entitled Parthenice, of which 
the first contains three books on the life of the Blessed 
Virgin, and the second devotes three books to the story of 
St. Catharine of Alexandria. The other poems of the series 
deal with St. Margarita, St. Agatha, St. Lucia, St. Apollonia, 
and St. Caecilia. And there are similar poems on the lives 
of Dionysius the Areopagite, St. George, St. Blaise, and 
St. Nicholas of Tolentino. There is a book of Epigrammata 
ad Falconem ; six books entitled Alfonsus, pro rege Hispaniae 
de victoria Granatae ; five books of a Tropkaeum pro Gallis 
expulsis ; six books entitled Agelarii ; an address to the vari- 
ous Christian potentates urging them to take up arms against 
the Turk ; a poem De Bello Veneto anni MDIX ; and twelve 
books De Sacris Diebns, which set forth and explain the vari- 
ous Saints' Days of the Roman year. 

Of his prose works, the most popular seem to have been 
the De Vita Beata (written in dialogue form, after the manner 
of Cicero) and the three books De Patientia. Trithemius 
mentions also an Introductorium subtilis Scoti, a book of 
" Orationes elegantissimae," an Apologia pro f. Petro (in 
three books), and u Epistolae multae ad diversos." Among 
his later tracts there are a Dialogus contra Dctractores, an 
Apologia pro Carmelitis, and an Epistola contra Calumniatores. 

He wrote with the greatest fluency and rapidity, 1 and is 
even said to have published more than 55,000 verses. He 
tells us himself that his poem on the Blessed Virgin a 
poem of about 2900 lines --was the work of two years, 
" duorum annorum lucubratio " ; and that his 2100 lines on 
St. Catharine of Alexandria were written in forty days - 
merely by way of improving the time in an enforced summer 
vacation. 2 But in spite of this rapid production his writings 

not stated), and in 1500 (at Cologne). Another edition (incomplete, but with 
copious commentaries) was published by Badius Ascensius, Paris, 1513. The 
most complete edition of his works was issued at Antwerp in 1576. 

1 " Poema omne carptim composui, cursim absolvi, non fere aliter quam canes 
aiunt bibere in Aegypto" {Epislola contra Calumniatores}. 

2 "Quadraginta enim et non amplius diebus opus absolutum est, dum propter 
aestivum iustitium negotiis intermissis curamus otia canicularia salubriter cum 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 157 

were very popular, and he was hailed by many of his contem- 
poraries as a second Virgil. 1 Even before his death, a por- 
trait bust of him was set up at Mantua, beside one of Virgil 
and one of the Marquis Francesco. 2 His works were carried 

aliqua studiorum fruge transigere." So, too, his three books on Dionysius the 
Areopagite were written in a year : " lucubrationi huic annum impendi." 

1 Thus Sabadino could say of him (c. 1479) : " che e iuclicato essere emulo e, 
se cossi e licito dire, equiperare el divin Marone suo conterraneo " (Novella i.xi). 
Sebastian Murrho could write, in the preface to his commentary on the first Par- 
thenice (c. 1493) : " e ^ us me delectatum ingenio (quo concivem suum Andinum 
Vergilium facile consequitur et aequat)," etc. Trithemius considered him the 
equal of Cicero in prose, of Virgil in verse (Florido Ambrogio, op. cit., 103). 
Thomas Wolf, Jr., had a high opinion of the Eclogues in particular : *' quae erudi- 
torum sententia totae sunt aureae. in quibus videre licet id quod in Theocriti et 
Maronis carmine maxime admiramur " (Letter to Jacob Wimpheling, Feb. 24, 
1503). Filippo Beroaldo ranked him next to Virgil : " proximus longo quidein 
intervallo, sed tamen proximus " (Letter to the editor of the collected poems, 
Bologna, 1502). The respective merits of the two poets are discussed in the 
third Idyl of Helius Eobanus Hessus (first printed in 1509, but here quoted from 
the third revised edition, Frankfort, 1564) : 

Cyg. ergo age, in hoc gelido postquam consedimus antro, 

uncle pecus patet atque oculis vicinia nostris, 

estne aliquis gelida Faustus tibi lectus in umbra? 

Phil, vidimus audaci fluidum pede currere Faustum, 

cui nihil invideat noster nolitque secundum 

Tityrus, et patria natum patiatur eadem. 

Cyg. atqui pastores quosdam contentio nuper 

ilia diu tenuit, paribusne in carmina surgant 

viribus alteriusne an deferat alter honori. 

Phil, ut lentas corylos damnosa securibus ilex, 

quantum humiles superat cornus ramosa genistas, 

tarn meus in versu praecedit Tityrus ilium 

qui Faustum gelida cecinit resupinus in umbra. 

ah, male quorundam trivialis iudicat error. 

And Teofilo Folengo (' Merlinus Cocaius') could write just how seriously, it is 

hard to say 

mons quoque Carmelus Baptistae versibus altis 
iam boat, atque novum Manto fecisse Maronem 
gaudet, nee primo praefert tamen ilia Maroni, 
namque vetusta nocet laus nobis saepe modernis. 

Macaronea, xxv fin. 

2 By Baptista Fiera, in 1514. They were set on an arch which joined Fiera's 
house to the Convent of S. Francesco (Luzio-Renier, op. cit., 56-57). They 
are mentioned in Scipio Maffei's account of the Marquis Francesco, Annali di 
Mantova, XI, 6 (quoted by Florido Ambrogio, op. cit., 103) : " e presso S. Fran- 

158 Wilfred P. Mustard [1909 

abroad, often by members of his own order, 1 and promptly 
reprinted in many European cities. And the canons of an 
Augustinian monastery in Westphalia could say, shortly 
before 1 500 : " ut vere de vobis David prophetasse putetur 
ubi inquit, in omnem terram exivit sonus eorum et in fines 
orbis terrae verba eorum, re vera in fines orbis terrae egressa 
sunt verba (super mel et favum dulciora) vatis praestantissimi 
sacri ordinis Carmelitarum Baptistae Mantuani." 2 The high 
esteem in which he was held is pleasantly indicated in one of 
the Epistolae Obscurorum Virorum, n, 12 (Guilhelmus Lamp 
to Ortuinus Gratius, c. 1517) an account of a journey from 
Cologne to Rome. The traveller stops at Mantua : " et dixit 
socius meus, hie natus fuit Virgilius. respondi, quid euro 
ilium paganum ? nos volumus ire ad Carmelitas et videre 

cesco fu scolpita la sua immagine tra quella di Virgilio e di Battista Carmelitano 
con questo verso : 


And an English traveller could report in 1608: "Over the gate of the Francis- 
cans Church is to be seen the true statue of that famous Poet and Orator Baptista 
Mantuanus a Carmelite Frier borne in this Citie, who flourished Anno 1496 " 
(Coryat's Crudities, Glasgow ed., 1905, I, 267). Paulus Jovius has what looks 
like an inaccurate story of the same monument: "Federicus autem Princeps 
marmoream effigiem cum laurea posuit, quae in arcu lapideo iuxta Virgilii Maro- 
nis simulacrum, pia hercle si non ridenda comparatione, conspicitur " {Elogia 
mrorum literis illustrium, Basel ed., 1577, p. 118). Cf., further, Lilio Giraldi's 
remark : " quas ei statuas Mantuani erexerunt " {De poetis nostrorum temporum, 
ed. K. Wotke, Berlin, 1894, p. 25). 

1 A letter from Badius Ascensius to the Carmelite Laurentius Burellus (Lyons, 
July 26, 1492) states that the latter has brought to Lyons many excellent Italian 
books among them, various works of Baptista Mantuanus (Philippi Beroaldi 
Oratione* et Poemata, Lyons, 1492, fol. 2). 

2 Letter to the Carmelite Prior at Bologna, printed in the edition of 1502. 
The date is mutilated by the printer : " anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo 
pridie Nonas Februarias "; but the writers mention a Deventer reprint of the 
De Patientia (first printed at Brescia, 1497). Cf. Mantuan's Epistola contra 
Calumniatores : " leguntur ubique libelli mei, et videntur esse totius orbis iudicio 
approbati ; non omnes tamen, sed qui iam pridem sunt editi ac Bononiae per 
Benedictum Hectoris impressi ; fere enim in totum Christianismum pervenerunt, 
quacumque Latina lingua est diffusa . . . veniunt ad me crebro epistolae ex 
Galliis, ex Britanniis, a Germania, ex Dacia, ab oceano usque Cimbrico, quibus 
intelligo opuscula mea illic esse in pretio^ ab omnibus legi, ab omnibus laudari " 
(Lyons ed., 1516, fol. Aa, viii). 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 159 

Baptistam Mantuanum qui in duplo est melior quam Virgilius 
. . . et quando venimus ad Claustrum Carmelitarum, dice- 
batur nobis quod Baptista Mantuanus est mortuus ; tune dixi, 
requiescat in pace." And about the same time Erasmus 
could speak of Mantuan as a " Christianus Maro " and add : 
" et nisi me fallat augurium, erit, erit aliquando Baptista suo 
concive gloria celebritateque non ita multo inferior, simul 
invidiam anni detraxerint. 1 habet, habet fortunatissimus 
Carmelitarum Ordo quo sibi placeat, quo cunctos provocet." 2 
But there arose other critics who were less partial, or less 
sympathetic. Ludovicus Vives called him " magis copiosus 
et facilis quam tersus et sublimitati argumentorum respon- 
dens." 3 Lilio Giraldi was moved to say : 

Laudo institutum piumque propositum, verum extemporalis magis 
quam poeta maturus. extant illius versus paene innumerabiles, ex 
quibus apud vulgus et barbaros quosdam laudem tantam est adeptus, 
ut unus prope poeta et alter paene Maro haberetur. at bone Deus, 
quam dispar ingenium ! nam ut ubique Maro perfectus, ita hie 
immodica et paene temeraria ubique usus est licentia, quam et magis 
atque magis in dies auxit. . . . iuvenis ille quidem laudabilior poeta 
fuit ; cum vero ei desedit calor ille et fervor iuvenilis, tamquam amnis 
sine obice extra ripas sordide diffluens coerceri non potuit. vix 
enim ea legere possumus, quae longius ille aetate provectus carraina 
scripsit. 4 

1 Letter to Henricus a Bergis, Opera omnia (Leyden, 1703), in, 1783. This 
amazing judgment suggests that Erasmus like the worthy Guilhelmus Lamp 
was more concerned with Mantuan's religious tone than with his workmanship. 
So, in another letter (in, 808), he contrasts the Carmelite poet with the "pagan" 
Marullus ; and in a third he writes : " malim hemistichium Mantuani quam tres 
Marullicas myriadas." This last letter is addressed to Jacob Wimpheling 
(" Basileae postridie Purificationis. Anno xvn "). It is apparently not included 
in the Leyden edition of the Opera omnia, but is prefixed to Mantuan's De Sacris 
Diebus in the Strassburg edition of 1520. 

2 Mantuan was promptly accepted as an authority on poetical usage by "Joannes 
Despauterius, Ravisius Textor, Hermannus Torrentinus," and others (Florido 
Ambrogio, op. cit., 124). He is often quoted in a Gradus ad Parnassum 
printed at London, 1773. And the Christian Remembrancer for 1847 ( XIV > 3 2 3) 
says : " and even now, in such dictionaries as Ainsworth and Young, Mantuan 
stands as an authority." 

8 De tradendis disciplinis, in (quoted by Florido Ambrogio, op. cit., 127). 
4 De poetis nostrorum temporum, ed. K. Wotke, Berlin, 1894, p. 24. 

160 Wilfred P. Mustard [1909 

The great champion of Virgil, Julius Caesar Scaliger, was 
stirred to very vigorous language : 

mollis, languidus, fluxus, incompositus, sine numeris, plebeius ; non 
sine ingenio, sed sine arte. dum modo scribat quod in mentem 
venerit, edat quod scripserit, susque deque habet. 

And as for the Eclogues in particular, he could express him- 
self only by a parody of what Horace had said of Virgil : 

putri atque caduco 
Carmelum imbuerunt sordentes rure cicadae. 1 

After this outburst we hear much less about the " pagan " 
and the "Christian" Virgil. One man did revive the com- 
parison, but he was a Carmelite historian. 2 

The Eclogues are ten in number, making a total of 2063 
lines. The author tells us, in his dedicatory epistle, that the 
first eight were written while he was a student at Padua, 3 and 
that the last two were added after he had joined the Carmelite 
Order. He tells us, also, that he revised these youthful com- 
positions when he was about fifty years old ; and we may be 
sure that this revision added much to the value of the poems. 
But even after their revision he seems to have regarded them 
as a rather frivolous and unimportant piece of work ; and he 
probably never dreamed that his ten Eclogues were to con- 
tribute more to his fame and to his influence than all the rest 
of his 55,000 verses. 

They were first printed, at least in their revised form, in 
I4Q8. 4 They were very popular from the beginning, and soon 

1 Poetice, vi, 4. 2 See >z.\\\zt, Jugemens des Savans (ed. 1722), iv, 324. 

3 " Quendam libellum meum quern olim ante religionem, dum in gymnasio 
Paduano philosophari inciperem, ludens excuderam et ab ilia aetate Adolescen- 
tiam vocaveram." 

4 " Mantuae Impraessum per Vincentium Berthocum Regiensem Anno domini 
MCCCCLXXXXVIII." So the colophon of my own copy. The dedicatory epistle is 
addressed to a friend at Mantua, and dated Sept. I. Both Brunei's Manuel and 
Graesse's Tresor mention an edition printed at Poitiers in 1498 ; and both Graesse 
and Hain cite even an edition with a few notes by Joh. Murmellius printed at 
Strassburg in the same year. Graesse calls the Mantua edition a reprint of the 
Poitiers edition. The Dictionary of National Biography (s.v. Alexander Barclay) 
says that Mantuan's Eclogues "appeared about 1400." Mr. C. S. Jerram gives a 
definite date, 1402 {Virgil, Bucolics, Oxford, 1887, p. 13). 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 161 

came to be widely read not only in Italy, but in France and 
Germany and England. 1 They were immediately provided 
with a commentary, by lodocus Badius Ascensius, 2 and for 
nearly two hundred years they were commonly used, both on 
the Continent and in England, as a text-book in schools. 

Their use as a school-book is attested by countless editions 
of Ascensius' commentary ; but it is also definitely stated at 
times, or clearly implied. There is a letter of Thomas Wolf, 
Jr., to Jacob Wimpheling, written at Strassburg, Feb. 24, 1503, 
which speaks of a school edition of a thousand copies : 3 

Aeglogas Baptistae Mantuani (sicut audio) tradidisti loanni Preusz 
chalcographo communi nostro amico, ut in mille exemplaria transcrip- 
tae latissime diuulgentur. debet profecto tibi plurimum Germana 
iuuentus, quae diligentia tua multis doctorum uirorum monumentis 
facta est opulentior. semper enim ex officina tua literatoria aliquid 
depromis quod iuuet, quod delectet, quod linguas iuuenum reddat 

And Wimpheling's reply, dated March I, 1503, emphasizes the 
fitness of Mantuan for school use : 

Baptistam Mantuanum extollo, turn in poematibus suis tersis et puris, 
quae absque ueneno a mature praeceptore iuuentuti tradi possunt, turn 
quod amor poeticae in eo non extinguit studium sacrae paginae et phi- 
losophiae, nam ex eius libello de patientia magnum eum et philoso- 
phum et theologurn esse liquido constat. 

1 The catalogue of the British Museum contains copies printed at Erfurt in 
1501, at Bologna and at Paris in 1502, at Venice and at Strassburg in 1503, at 
London in 1519, etc. 

2 Both Graesse and Hain say that this commentary was printed at Strassburg 
in 1500. It was printed at Paris in 1502 (with a dedicatory epistle dated March 
27), at Strassburg in 1503, at Deventer in 1504, at Tubingen in 1511, etc., etc. 
It was printed in London at least as late as 1676, and at Cologne at least as late 
as 1688. 

3 Wolfs letter and Wimpheling's reply are quoted in the Tubingen edition of 
the Eclogues, 1515. Wimpheling preferred the Eclogues of Mantuan to those of 
Virgil, " propter Latinitatis copiam, propter stili planam dulcedinem, propter 
utiliora argumenta, propter pudicitiam et honestatem," J. Vodoz, Le Theatre Latin 
de Kavisi^ls Textor, Winterthur, 1898, p. 149. Other references which are prob- 
ably of interest in this connection are " Klette, Beitr'dge, III, 2O," and " Knod, Aus 
der Bibliothek des Beatus Rhenanus, 1889, pp. 9-10." 

1 62 Wilfred P. Mustard 

In St. Paul's School, London, Mantuan was prescribed by 
statute, in I5I8. 1 For Colet would have his "scolers" taught 
in " goode auctors suych as haue the veray Romayne eliquence 
joyned withe wisdome, specially Cristyn auctours that wrote 
theyre wysdome with clene and chast laten other in verse or 
in prose." And among such authors he names " lactancius 
prudentius and proba and sedulius and Juuencus and Baptista 
Mantuanus." This passage may suggest some of Mantuan's 
religious poems rather than the Eclogues? though some of the 
latter may very well have been included. And there may be 
a like uncertainty in the statute which prescribed " B. Man- 
tuanus, Palingenius, Buchanani Scripta, Sedulius, Prudentius " 
for the Free Grammar School of St. Bees in Cumberland, in 
But the Eclogues are specifically fixed by school orders 

1 J. H. Lupton, Life of Dean Colet, London, 1887, p. 279. 

2 About 1493 Seb. Murrho wrote a commentary on the first Parthenice : " cum 
maxime trivialium ludorum magistris consulere statuerim iuvenilique aetati." 
About 1502 Filippo Beroaldo says of Mantuan: " nee solum habetur in manibus 
et ediscitur, verum etiam in scholis enarratur, et inde saluberrima tirunculis dic- 
tata grammatistae praescribunt " (Letter prefixed to the Bologna edition of the 
collected poems, 1502). In one of the Epistolae (XLI) of Ravisius Textor, one 
of Mantuan's epic poems is mentioned as a school-book : " testatus Lucanum, 
Silium, et Statium, ut duriusculos ; Mantuani Carmen, ut paulo flaccidius, a 
plerisque non usquequaque probari" (London ed., 1683, p. 33). Cf. also the 
Elegiac Morales of Johannes Murmellius (printed in 1507), I, i, 53-60: 

nobilis aethereo plenus Baptista furore 

heroicam inflavit me moderante tubam; 
virgineis libros infersit laudibus almos, 

lucida belligeros vexit in astra duces. 
ille graves huius deflevit temporis aestus, 

ille Cupidineos vitat ubique iocos. 
ergo frequentatis divina poemata ludis 

dictantur summi non sine laude viri, 
and in, i, 47-52 : 

gloria Carmeli veteres Baptista poetas 

gymnasiis pellens pulpita celsa tenet. 
dum pia virginibus solventur vota sacratis, 

dum populi flentes tristia fata gement, 
crescet honor vatis maiorque videbitur annis, 

rectius arbitrium posteritatis erit 

(Munster ed., by A. Bomer, 1893, pp. 9, 75). In a letter of May i, 1518, Jacob 
Wimpheling suggests a school edition of the De Sacris Diebits. 

3 T. Spencer Baynes, Shakespeare Studies, London, 1894, p. 174. 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptist a Mantuanus 163 

at the King's School, Durham, in 1593 ; 1 they were in use in 
the Free School of St. Helens, c. 1635 ; 2 and they were recom- 
mended for the third form in Charles Hoole's New Discovery 
of the Old Art of Teaching School, 1660 : 

For Afternoon lessons on Mondayes and Wednesdayes let them 
make use of Mantuanus, which is a Poet, both for style and matter, 
very familiar and gratefull to children, and therefore read in most 
Schooles. They may read over some of the Eclogues that are less 
offensive than the rest, takeing six lines at a lesson, which they should 
first commit to memory, as they are able, etc. 3 

And as Hoole records, they were used in the Rotherham 
Grammar School (in the fourth form) before he became head 
master : 

For afternoon lessons they read Terence two dayes, and Mantuan 
two dayes, which they translated into English, and repeated on 
Fridayes, as before. 4 

Julius Caesar Scaliger complained that some teachers actu- 
ally preferred them to the Eclogues of Virgil: "hoc prop- 
terea dico, quia in nostro tyrocinio literarum triviales quidam 
paedagogi etiam Virgilianis pastoribus huius hircos praetu- 
lere." 5 There is a similar complaint in the preface of Thomas 
Farnaby's edition of Martial, London, 1615: " quando ipsis 
paedagogulis Fauste precor gelida sonet altius quam Arma 
virumque cano" And Dr. Samuel Johnson states that 
" Mantuan was read, at least in some of the inferior schools 
of this kingdom, to the beginning of the present century." 6 
For Spain also we have the statement of an Italian historian 

1 Foster Watson, The Beginnings of the Teaching of Modern Subjects in Eng- 
land, London, 1909, p. 187. 

2 Id., The English Grammar Schools to 1660, Cambridge, 1908, p. 486. 

8 This was an exercise in "metaphrase," T. Spencer Baynes, op. cit., 186. Pro- 
fessor Baynes says (p. 161) that Hoole's New Discovery "was not published till 
1659, but, as the title-page states, it was written twenty-three years earlier." Pro- 
fessor Watson says, "published in 1660, written twenty years earlier." 

4 T. Spencer Baynes, op. cit., 172. 

6 Poetice, VI, 4. 

6 Lives of (he Poets, Ambrose Philips. 

164 Wilfred P. Mustard 

that about 1615 the poems of Mantuan were read "a' giovani 
publicamente nelle scuole d' umanita." 1 

In 15/9, Thomas Lodge could say, in his Defence of 
Poetry : " Miserable were our state yf we wanted those 
worthy volumes of Poetry : could the learned beare the losse 
of Homer ? or our younglings the wrytings of Mantuan ? " 
And so Drayton tells us that, when he expressed a boyish 

wish to become a poet, his tutor 


And first read to me honest Mantuan, 
Then Virgil's Eclogues. 2 

It will be observed that Shakespeare's quotation from Man- 
tuan is put into the mouth of a schoolmaster ; and it may be 
suggestive for our estimate of Holofernes' learning that he 
quotes the first line of the first Eclogue as it were, the 
opening phrase of his First Latin Reader. At any rate, the 
same phrase is used to indicate a very little learning in one 
of Gabriel Harvey's gibes at poor Greene : " he searched 
euery corner of his Grammer-schoole witte (for his margine is 
as deepelie learned as Fauste precor gelida)" 3 And it is used 
in the same way in one of the pleasant tales of Bonaventure 
des Periers : " II y avoit un prebstre de village qui estoit tout 
fier d'avoir veu un petit plus que son Caton. Car il avoit leu 
De Syntaxi et son Fauste precor gelida" ^ 

And this common use as a school-book may help to explain 
some other references in English, French, and German authors. 

In Robert Greene's Tritameron of Love (ed. Grosart, in, 
100) there is a mention of " Mantuans principle . . . that 
weal is neuer without woe, no blisse without bale, ech sweete 
hath his sower, euery commodity hath his discommodity 
annexed." This alludes to Eel. n, 25-26, 

commoditas omnis sua fert incommoda secum, 
et sorti appendix est illaetabilis omni. 

1 Donesmondi, Stor. eccles. di Mantova, quoted by Luzio-Renier, op. cit., 68. 

2 To my dearly loved Friend, Henry Reynolds Esq., of Poets and Poesy. 

3 Foure Letters (1592), ed. Grosart, I, 195. 

4 Nouvelles Recreations etjoyeux Dems, Nouvelle XL. 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 165 

In the Historic of Orlando Furioso, n, I (671), Greene quotes 
Eel. iv, no, 

femineum servile genus, crudele, superbum ; 

and in the ' Epistle to the Gentlemen Schollers of both Uni- 
versities,' prefixed to his Mourning Garment (ix, 124), he 
quotes the "semel insanivimus omnes " of Eel. i, 118. In 
the first part of Mamillia (n, 107) he has an allusion to the 
famous diatribe against women, in the fourth Eclogue: "I 
would correct Mantuans Egloge, intituled Alphus : or els if 
the Authour were aliue, I woulde not doubt to perswade him 
in recompence of his errour, to frame a new one." And in 
the second part (n, 226) he returns to the same subject : " yea 
the railing of Mantuan in his Eglogs, the exclaiming of Eu- 
ripides in his Tragedies, the tants of Martiall, and prime 
quippes of Propertius, are more of course then cause, and 
rather inforced by rage than inferred by reason." 

The "semel insanivimus omnes" of Eel. i, 118, is twice 
quoted by Thomas Nashe in the Prologue to Summer's 
Last Will and Testament (1600), and in Have ^vitJl you to 
Saffron -Walden (1596): "and he replied with that wether- 
beaten peice out of the Grammer, Semel insanivimus omnes, 
once in our dayes there is none of vs but haue plaid the 
ideots." And in the Anatomie of Absurditie (1589), Nashe 
has his allusion to the fourth Eclogue : 

To this might be added Mantuans inuectiue against them, but 
that pittie makes me refraine from renewing his worne out complaints, 
the wounds wherof the former forepast feminine sexe hath felt. I, 
but here the Homer of Women hath forestalled an obiection, saying 
that Mantuans house holding of our Ladie, he was enforced by mel- 
ancholic into such vehemencie of speech, and that there be amongst 
them as amongst men, some good, some badde, etc. 1 

1 Fd. R. B. McKerrow, London, 1904, I, 12. This seems to be an inaccurate 
reference to a passage in Robert Greene's Mamillia (ed. Grosart, II, 107) : "I 
would correct Mantuans Egloge, intituled Alphus . . . for surely though Eu- 
ripides in his tragedies doth greatly exclaim against that sexe, yet it was in his 
choller, and he infered a generall by a particular, which is absurd. He had an 
euyll wife, what then?" Mr. McKerrow explains Nashe's phrase " Mantuans 
house holding of our Ladie " to mean " his wife having the upper hand of him, 

1 66 Wilfred P. Mustard L 1 99 

Eel. i, 52, " nee deus, ut perhibent, Amor est," is quoted in 
one of Gabriel Harvey's letters to Spenser, i5/9(ed. Grosart, 
I, 25). And the whole line appears as a motto on the title- 
page of Alcilia: Parthenophirs Loving Folly (1595): 

Nee Deus (ut perhibent) amor est, sed amaror et error. 1 

The story of Amyntas, Eel. ii-ni, is introduced, as thor- 
oughly familiar matter, in the first eclogue of Francis 
Sabie's Pan's Pipe (1595), 11. 76-93.2 And it seems to be 
alluded to in Thomas Randolph's Eclogue occasioned by Two 
Doctors disputing upon Predestination : 

Love-sick Amyntas, get a philtre here, 
To make thee lovely to thy truly dear. 

The motto at the end of Three Pastoral Elegies, by William 
Basse (1602), is taken from Eel. i, 9-10: 

quando vacat, quando est iucunda relatu, 
historiam prima repetens ab origine pandam. 

Eel. v, 63-64 : 

sidera iungamus : facito mihi luppiter adsit, 
et tibi Mercurius noster dabit omnia faxo, 

is the motto on the title-page of Thomas Middleton's Familie 
of Love (1607). And Eel. in, 87, " regia res amor est," is 
set in like manner on the title-page of Richard Brome's The 
Queenes Exchange. 

The phrase "semel insanivimus omnes," Eel. i, 118, served 
as the motto of Samuel Nicholson's Acolastus his After-witte 

and ruling his household," and quotes Ascham's Scholemaster (ed. Wright, 
p. 205), " if the house hold of our Lady." And he very justly insists that Greene 
is here referring to the wife of Euripides, " and not to Mantuan's wife at all." 
A bit of gossip in one of the novels of Bandello (in, 52) offers a little dif- 
ferent explanation of Mantuan's bitterness : " Intendo anche che il mio compatri- 
otta, il poeta carmelita, ha fatta un' ecloga in vituperio delle donne, ove general- 
mente biasima tutte le donne. Ma sapete cio che ne dice Mario Equicola segre- 
tario di madama di Mantova? Egli afferma che il nostro poeta era innamorato 
d' una bella giovane, e che ella non lo voile amare ; onde adirato compose quella 
maledica ecloga" (quoted by Luzio-Renier, op. cit., 66). 

1 Arber's English Garner, TV (1882), 253. 

2 Reprinted, by J. W. Bright, in Modern Philology, VII, 446. 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 167 

(I6OO); 1 and it is quoted in The Return from Parnassus 
(printed in 1606), iv, 2. 

The quotation in Wily Beguiled (printed in 1602 ), 2 "optatis 
non est spes ulla potiri," comes from Eel. i, 53. 

In Thomas Heywood's Challenge for Beautie, i, i, there is 
an allusion to the famous fourth Eclogue. Here the " proud 
Queen " Isabel says, of the compliments due to women : 

Such as would give us our full character 
Must search for Epithites and studie phrase ; 

and the honest Lord Bonavida replies : 
Examine but plaine Mantuan, and hee'l tell you, what woman is. 

The phrase "melior vigilantia somno," Eel. i, 5, is quoted 
in William Martyn's Youth's Instruction (i6i2). 3 
In Drayton's Owl, the playful mention of the lark, 

And for his reverence, though he wear a cowl, 
alludes to Eel. vn, 4, 

bardocucullatus caput, ut campestris alauda. 

And in his Epistle of Mrs. Shore to Edward IV. there is an 
allusion to the fourth Eclogue: 

Nor are we so turn'd Neapolitan, 

That might incite some foul mouth'd Mantuan 

To all the world to lay out our defects, 

And have just cause to rail upon our sex, etc. 

Eel. m, 8 1, is quoted, freely, in Beaumont and Fletcher's 
Wit at Several Weapons, i, 2 : Ut nocte mecum pernoctet cges- 
tas, luce quotidie paupertas habitet. This is quoted by " Pris- 
cian, a poor Scholar" much as Shakespeare's quotation 
from Mantuan is put into the mouth of " Holofernes, a school- 

In Witfs Recreations, the phrase " sorte tua contentus," 
Eel. v, 46, is used as the title of two separate epigrams. 

1 J. P. Collier, Biographical Account of Early English Literature, ill, 58. 

2 Dodsley's Old English Plays, ed. Hazlitt, IX, 232. 

8 Report of U. S. Commissioner of Education for syoj, I, 664. 

1 68 Wilfred P. Mustara [1909 

And the "semel insanivimus," or " semel insanivimus omnes," 
of Eel. i, 1 1 8, serves as the title of two others. 

In Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy there are a whole score 
of quotations. The phrase " semel insanivimus omnes," Eel. 
i, 1 1 8, appears three times. The chapter on Symptoms of 
Love-Melancholy has eight quotations: Eel. i, 38; i, 100; 
n, 104-6; i, 14-18; n, 107-8; i, 114-15; i, 47; i, 108. The 
chapter on Artificial Allurements of Love quotes three pas- 
sages : Eel. i, 104; i, 73; iv, 218. And the first of these is 
introduced as very familiar matter ; " and Gallons sweet smile 
quite overcame Fatistus the Shepherd : 

me aspiciens motis blande subrisit ocellis." 

The section on Beauty as a Cause of Love-Melancholy quotes, 
and translates, Eel. i, 48-51, " ludit amor sensus," etc. : 

Love mocks our senses, curbs our liberties, 

And doth bewitch us with his art and rings, 

I think some devil gets into our entrails, 

And kindles coals, and heaves our souls from the hinges. 

Other scattered quotations in the earlier part of Burton's 
work are, Eel. i, 71 ; i, 174; i, 61 ; v, 46. 

Indeed, some of Mantuan's phrases are repeated so often 
that they have earned a place in our dictionaries of Latin 
quotations. So, in particular, the " semel insanivimus 
omnes," of Eel. i, 118, which has acquired a special interest 
from a passage in Boswell's Life of Johnson: 

When I once talked to him of some of the sayings which every 
body repeats, but nobody knows where to find, ... he told me that 
he was once offered ten guineas to point out from whence Semel in- 
sanivimus omnes was taken. He could not do it ; but many years 
afterwards met with it by chance in 'Johannes Baptista Mantuanus.' * 

One or two other quotations may be added here, to illustrate 
the popularity of Mantuan's Eclogues in England. 2 He is 

1 London ed., 1890, ill, 266. 

2 The first nine were translated into English fourteeners by George Turbervile, 
in 1567. And this translation was reprinted in 1572, 1594, and 1597. "The 
whole ten Eclogues did not find a translator till 1656, when Thomas Harvey pub- 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 169 

mentioned in the prologue to the Egloges of Alexander Bar- 
clay (c. 1514) named after Theocritus and Virgil 

As the moste famous Baptist Mantuan, 

The best of that sort since Poetes first began. 

His name appears again in ' E. K.'s ' famous epistle to Ga- 
briel Harvey (1579). He is mentioned in William Webbe's 
Discourse of English Poetrie (1586) : "Onely I will add two 
of later times, yet not farre inferiour to the most of them 
aforesayde, Pallengenius and Bap. Mantuanus" And again 
(of pastoral poetry) Webbe says : " After Virgill in like sort 
writ Titus Calphurnius and Baptista Mantuan" In George 
Puttenham's Arte of English Poesie (1589), i, 18, we read: 
"These Eglogues came after to containe and enforme morall 
discipline, as be those of Mantuan and other modern Poets." 
In Francis Meres' Sketch of English Literature (1598) Man- 
tuan is named among the " Neoterics " (Jovianus Pontanus, 
Politianus, Marullus Tarchionota, etc.) who " have obtained 
renown and good place among the ancient Latin poets." 
And in the same sketch it is stated that " Theocritus in Greek, 
Virgil and Mantuan in Latin, Sannazar in Italian, . . . are 
the best for Pastoral." 

In Germany, Mantuan's Eclogues are quoted as early as 
1508, in Helnrich Bebel's Ajdagia Germanica, No. 246 : " Catti 
invalidi longius vivunt; dicitur in eos qui minus grati diu 
vivunt, dum optati saepe cito moriantur, nam : 

si qua placent, abeunt : inimica tenacius haerent."^ 

This is Eel. i, 1 74. And in the Lamentationes novae Obscuro- 
nwi Reuchlinistarum (1518), No. 118, there is an echo of the 
dedicatory epistle : " Quid, obsecro, tanti facis philosophi in 
physicis aenigmata, quae Oedipodes ipse non solverct?" 

In the Pappa Puerorum of Johannes Murmellius (1513) the 
sentence, "Vadam ad levandum ventrem post dumeta," is 
probably due to Eel. iv, 87. And two of his " protrita pro- 

lished a version in decasyllabic couplets " (Walter W. Greg, Pastoral Poetry and 
Pastoral Drama, London, 1906, p. 78). 
1 Ed. Suringar, Leiden, 1879, p. 69. 

170 Wilfred P. Mustard 1 1 99 

verbia " are, "semel insanivimus omnes " (Eel. I, 118), and 
" amor est amaror " (cf. Eel. i, 52). 1 

In the second Eclogue of Euricius Cordus there is a com- 
plimentary reference to Mantuan, and his first Eclogue : 

omnes non unum facitis quotcumque poetam 
qualem ego in Ausoniis audivi finibus olira. 

One of the singers professes to have seen him at Mantua 
during the year of jubilee : 

hie nivei dominus pecoris prope flumina pastor 

ad viridem recubans in opaco frigore clivum 

sustulit argutos altum super aethera cantus, 

quos non fagineae superent dulcedine glandes, 

non raixtus butyro favus, et non molle colostrum. 

Aeg. iam scio qui fuerit ; quo, die, indutus amictu ? 

Mop. quo pecus, hoc etiam fuit illi palla colore. 

Aeg. Candidus est, gelida qui Faustum lusit in umbra, 

ut retulit veteres Gallam quibus arserat ignes. 

Mop. nunc age, die, isto tibi quid de vate videtur ? 

Aeg. omnia consequitur magnas per ovilia laudes. 2 

There are eleven quotations in the locoseria of Otho Me- 
lander: Eel. vi, 203-207; vi, 181-182; vi, 198-202; v, 136; 
", 91-93; i, 48-5i; i, 81-84; i, 114-116; n, 66-67; x, 193; 
n, 66-67 (again). 3 

Eel. iv, no ff., is quoted, and refuted, in one of the epi- 
grams which go under the name of Crepundia Poetica (ed. 
1648, p. 54): 

Cur mala femineo de sexu, Rustice, prefers, 
et bona quae confert non reticenda taces ? 

femineum est servile genus, crude le, superbum ? 
nobilis et clemens Virgo humilisque data est. 

lege, modo, ratione caret, rectum abicit, inquis ? 
at placet huic rectum, lex, ratio atque modus. 

1 Ed. A. Bomer, Minister, 1894, pp. 16, 34. In his Scoparitis (1517), Mur- 
mellius discusses the " patinam Aesopi " and the " clipeum Minervae " of Ed. v, 
98 (ed. Bomer, p. 50). 

2 Leipsic ed., 1518. 

8 Frankfort ed., 1626, pp. 2, 14, 36, 133, 137, 161, 177, 423. 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Bap tista Mantuanus 171 

extremis ea gaudet, ats, mediae ria vitat ? 

haec extrema fugit, sed mediocre tenet. 
decepit ludaea virum prolemque Rebecca ? 

concipit alma virum Virgo paritque Deum. 
Eva genus nostrum felicibus expulit arvis ? 

in meliora facit nos ut eamus AVE. 
cur bona femineo de sexu, Rustice, celas, 

et mala si qua facit non referenda refers ? 

In France, 1 Eel. ix, 24-31, is quoted and discussed by Ravi- 
sius Textor, Epistolae, 42, 43. 2 And the Eclogues and other 
poems of Mantuan are occasionally quoted in the same writer's 
Officina and Epitome? 

There are four quotations in the learned commentary 
which Benedictus Curtius composed on the Arrets cT amour 
of Martial d'Auvergne : 4 Eel. I, 114-116; vi, 198-202; in, 
83-87; i, 118 (" Et Baptista Mantuanus nos insanivisse om- 
nes semel dicit : et ipsum cucullatum insanivisse eius opera 
ostendunt "). 

Fontenelle was offended by the coarseness of Eel. iv, 87 : 
" on ne s'imaginerait jamais quelle precaution prend un autre 
berger avant que de s'embarquer dans un assez long discours." 
And he had little sympathy with those who had compared 
Mantuan with Virgil : " quoique assurement il n'ait rien de 
commun avec lui que d'etre de Mantoue." 5 

Mantuan's Eclogues were very promptly imitated in Eng- 
land, in the five Egloges of Alexander Barclay (c. I5I4). 6 
Barclay's fourth is a paraphrase of Mantuan's fifth ; his fifth 
is a paraphrase of Mantuan's sixth, with the insertion of a 
long passage taken from Mantuan's seventh (9-56). And 
even in his other eclogues a part of the pastoral setting is 

1 The ten Eclogues were translated into French by Michel d'Amboise, Paris, 
1530, and by Laurent de la Graviere, Lyons, 1558. 

2 London ed., 1683, pp. 35, 36. 

8 Venice ed., 1566-1567, I, 23, 88 ; n, 126 ; in, 13, 15, 20, 22, 23, etc. 

4 Paris ed., 1566, pp. 137, 574, 725, 728. 

5 Discours sur la nature de I 1 Eglogue. 

6 Printed in Publications of the Spenser Society, No. 39 (1885). 

172 Wilfred P. Mustard [1909 

borrowed from his Carmelite model. 1 The beginning of the 
first is due to the beginning of Mantuan's third (1-37), and 
the punning allusion to Bishop Alcock (p. 5) is adapted from 
Mantuan's allusion to Falcone de' Sinibaldi (ix, 213 ff.). The 
beginning of the second repeats a passage from Mantuan's 
second (1-16) ; the beginning of the fourth reminds one of 
Mantuan's ninth (i 17-1 19) and tenth (137-141, 182-186); and 
toward the close of the fifth (p. 45) there is a passage which 
comes from Mantuan's second (66-78). 2 

In Barclay's ' Prologe,' too, there is an interesting parallel 
to a passage in Mantuan's dedicatory epistle. This epistle, 
dated 1498, begins with a playful riddle: 

Audi, o Pari, aenigma perplexum, quod Oedipodes ipse non solueret. 
ego quinquagenarius et iam canescens adolescentiam meam reperi, 
et habeo adolescentiam simul et senectam. 

The explanation is, that in the previous year he had found a 
certain youthful composition of his own, consisting of eight 
eclogues and, " ab ilia aetate," entitled Adolescentia. And 
now he sends it forth again, in revised and augmented 
form. But history repeats itself, and it was not long before 
Barclay could report a similar experience : 

But here a wonder, I fortie yere saue twayne 
Proceeded in age, founde my first youth agayne. 
To finde youth in age is a probleme diffuse, 
But nowe heare the truth, and then no longer cause. 
As I late turned olde bookes to and fro, 
One little treatise I founde among the mo : 
Because that in youth I did compile the same, 
Egloges of youth I did call it by name. 

1 For details, see O. Reissert, Neuphilologische Beitrdge, Hannover, 1886, 
pp. 14-31 ; W. P. Mustard, Modern Language Notes (1909), xxiv, 8-9. One 
item which is taken bodily from Mantuan (vn, 42-54) is a " detailed notice of 
a mural painting in Ely Cathedral, which has long since disappeared" a paint- 
ing which struck one of Barclay's editors as " very curious," Publications of the 
Percy Society, XXII, 43. It is cited also in the Dictionary of National Biography 
(s.v. Alexander Barclay) as a proof that Barclay's Egloges were written at Ely. 

2 Not that Barclay translated " six of Mantuan's Eclogues," as Professor C. H. 
Herford says in his edition of The Shepheards Calender (p. xxxiv). The 'Pro- 
loge ' carefully states that " fiue Egloges this whole treatise doth holde." 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 173 

And now he too has " made the same perfite " 
Adding and bating where I perceyued neede. 1 

In 1563 we have eight English eclogues by Barnabe Googe. 
Here again the model is Mantuan, though there is very little 
verbal imitation or borrowing in detail. 2 The lines at the 
close of Eel. vm, 

and Phoebus now descends, 
And in the Clowdes his beams doth hyde, 
which tempest sure portends, 

come from the close of Mantuan's third, 

et sol se in nube recondens, 
dum cadit, agricolis vicinos nuntiat imbres. 

And perhaps the ram whose battered condition symbolizes 
his owner's fortunes (Eel. in) should be compared with 
Mantuan's ram, EcL ix, 46-47: 

hie aries, qui fronte lupos cornuque petebat, 
nunc ove debilior pavidoque fugacior agno est. 

Spenser's Shepheards Calender ( 1579) owes a large debt to 
Mantuan, especially in the eclogues for July, September, and 
October. This was pointed out by F. Kluge, Anglia, in, 266- 
274, and O. Reissert, ib. ix, 222-224 5 an d it is now set 
forth in C. H. Herford's edition of the poem. 3 Perhaps one 

1 It is interesting to notice that Professor ten Brink found in these lines the 
explanation of a peculiar quality of Barclay's Egloges, namely, their combination 
of the freshness of youth with the maturity of manhood : " So erklart es sich, 
wenn diese Dichtungen in hoherem Grade als andere Werke Barclay's jugendliche 
Frische mit mannlicher Reife in sich vereinigen " {Geschichte der englischen Lit- 
ter atur, II, 455). 

2 " The pastoral came first into England in eclogue form, in Googe's translation 
of Mantuan's Latin imitations of Virgil," F. E. Schelling, Elizabethan Drama, 
II, 139. But Googe's Fglogs are not a translation of Mantuan in any sense ; they 
are not even close imitations. Moreover, the Egloges of Alexander Barclay had 
been written about fifty years earlier. 

8 Mantuan's seventh and eighth eclogues were not written " after he entered 
the monastic order," as Professor Herford implies (p. xxxi). And none of his 
hill-sanctuaries, Ed. vm, 51-55, is "pagan" (p. 143); " Laverna " (or La 
Verna), which puzzled the early commentatcr, is the site of a monastery founded 
by St. Francis of Assisi (Dante, Par. XI, 106). 

1/4 Wilfred P. Mustard [1909 

further parallel should be suggested ; compare ' October/ 


The vaunted verse a vacant head dematmdes * 
Ne wont with crabbed care the Muses dwell, 

with Eel. v, 18-19, 

laudabile carmen 

omnem operam totumque caput, Silvane, requirit, 
and Eel. v, 90-91, 

pannosos, macie affectos, farragine pastes 
Aoniae fugiunt Musae, contemnit Apollo. 

In Robert Greene's Orpharion (ed. Grosart, xn, 22) we have 
an unusual version of the story of Orpheus and Eurydice : 

False harted wife to him that loued thee well, 
To leaue thy loue and choose the Prince of hell, 

and, again, 

She slipt aside, backe to her latest loue. 

His authority for this bit of mythology was probably Man- 
tuan, Eel. iv, 178-179: 

potuit, si non male sana fuisset, 
Eurydice revehi per quas descenderat umbras. 

In 1595 we have three "pastorall eglogues " by Francis 
Sabie, entitled Pan's Pipe. The first of these is practically a 
cento made up from the first four eclogues of Mantuan. 2 
And in the third, Damon's " dittie " of the " stately progeny 
of heardsmen " is a paraphrase of Eel. vn, 9-39. 3 

In Milton's Lycidas, 128-129, 

Besides what the grim wolf with privy paw 
Daily devours apace, and nothing said, 

1 ' E. K.' says that line 100 " imitateth Mantuanes saying, ' vacuum curis 
divina cerebrum Poscit.' " But the ' saying ' is hard to find ; it is not in the 
Bologna edition of the collected poems, 1502, or in Ascensius' edition, Paris, 
1513, or in the later poems published at Lyons in 1516. 

2 See Modern Philology, vn, 433-464, where Sabie's three Eglogues are re- 
printed, with some notes on his sources, by J. W. Bright and W. P. Mustard. 

8 K. Windscheid, Die englische Hirtendichtung von 1379-1625, Halle, 1895, 
p. 41. 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 175 

there seems to be an echo of Eel. ix, 141-147, 

mille lupi, totidem vulpes in vallibus istis 

lustra tenent, 

factum vicinia ridet 
nee scelus exhorret nee talibus obviat ausis ; 

reminds one of Mantuan's closing line, ix, 232, 

Candide, coge pecus melioraque pascua quaere. 

On Paradise Lost, vi, 871, "Nine days they fell," the com- 
mentators might perhaps quote Eel. n, 112-114, 

immo Satanum 

pessimus ex illis quos noctibus atque diebus 
ter tribus in terras fama est ex aethere lapsos 

as well as the description of the fall of the Titans in Hesiod. 

The influence of Mantuan's Eclogues in sixteenth-century 
Germany would be an interesting subject, but that must be 
left to some one who has access to the necessary books. 
Some traces of it may be found in the Latin eclogues of 
Eobanus Hessus and Euricius Cordus. 

Eobanus could claim to be a pioneer in the German field : 
" primi Latias in Teutona pascua Musas | ducimus," Idyl vui, 
2-3. 1 In his third /^/(quoted above, p. 157) his shepherds 
discuss the respective merits of Virgil and Mantuan ; and in 
his Adnotationes on the Bucolics and Georgics of Virgil he 
pays some attention to the later bucolic writers among 
them " Petrarca, Pontanus, Baptista (Mantuanus)." 2 The 
beginning of his fifth Idyl, 

Montibus his mecum quondam, Philereme, solebas 
pascere, et alternis nostras concentibus aures 
mulcere, etc., 

1 Frankfort ed., 1564, p. 44. 

2 C. Krause, Helius Eobanus Hessus, Gotha, 1879, II, 26. In an unfortunate 
footnote, Krause explains that the Pontanus referred to is " Petrus Pontanus 
(aus Brugge)," and that "Baptista Mantuanus " means " Joh. Baptista Fiera." 

176 Wilfred P. Mustard [1909 

reminds one of the beginning of Mantuan's fifth ; and the 
close of his tenth, 

tempestas oritur, pastu discedere tempus, 

is like the close of Mantuan's second or third. Idyl I, 72, 
" iam lectas omnis grex ruminat herbas," and Id. vi, 19, 

et pecus ilicea dum ruminat omne sub umbra, 

may be compared with Mant. I, 1-2 ; Id. vn, 135, 
quisquis amat iacet, et presso fert vincula collo, 

with Mant. I, 114-116; Id. xi, 68, " non tibi cum puero cer- 
tandum impubere," etc., with Mant. x, 124; Id. xi, 73-74, 

est aliquid magno barbam attrectare prophetae ; 
dicere sed volui (lapsa est mihi lingua) ' poetae,' 

with Mant. x, 126-127. The "ventrosus bufo " of Id. v, 55, 
the "multiforem buxum " of Id. xi, 18, the " impatienter 
amantis" of Id. vn, 146, and the " somnolenti " of Id. xn, 6, 
may be compared with Mant. x, 140 ; i, 163 ; vn, 65 ; nr, 59. 
In Euricius Cordus 1 the imitation is still closer. The com- 
plimentary reference to Mantuan in his second Eclogue has 
been quoted above, p. 170. The historic dignity of the shep- 
herd's calling, Eel. in, is set forth as in Mantuan's seventh, 
23 ff. ; and the contrast between the shepherd's lot and that 
of the farmer, in the middle of Eel. iv, reminds one of the 
beginning of Mantuan's sixth. Compare, further, Eel. i, 36, 
for the intransitive " secundat," with Mant. v, 29; Eel. n, 82, 
"luxati . . . cultri," with Mant. v, 140; Eel. n, 91, " nuda 
rigent genua," etc., with Mant. v, 23; Eel. n, -118, 

pollicitos plures vidi, qui multa dedissent 

with Mant. v, 105-106; Eel. in, 34, 

dum satur in gelidis grex pabula ruminat umbris, 

1 He, too, has been called a pioneer : " fu lodato, e vero, per le ecloghe, ma 
codesti componimenti, ch' egli introduce per la prima volta in Germania, e imita 
da G. B. Mantovano, gia per lui cadono in vuota pastorelleria," G. Manacorda, 
Delia poesia latina in Germania durante il Renascimento, Rome, 1906, p. 280. 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 177 

with Mant. i, 1-2; Eel. in, 115, 

sum puer, at memini quo magnum tempore munus 
esse putabatur, si textam flore corollam 
quis daret, etc., 

with Mant. in, 85-86; Eel. in, 148, 

inter tot iuvenes quot festa luce sub ulmum 
conveniunt, ducuntque leves de more choreas, 

with Mant. n, 63-65 ; Eel. iv, 33, 

non sapies, nisi torva pedum tibi cornua frangat, 
with Mant. iv, 91 ; Eel. iv, 48, 

in grandique mihi legisse volumine dixit, 

with Mant. vn, 155; Eel. iv, 64 (and v, 26), "quando va- 
cat," with Mant. I, 9; Eel. iv, 69, " desidiosa sumus pastores 
turba," with Mant. vi, 19-20; Eel. vi, 68, " qui nostra piacula 
solvunt," with Mant. vni, 162; Eel. vi, 142, 

interea in pluvia pastor sitit, esurit aura, 
with Mant. v, 12; Eel. vn, 32, 

versaque dormit humus, missum requiescit aratrum, 

with Mant. vi, 2-3; Eel. vn, 71, "grata laborantum requies," 
with Mant. vm, 150; Eel. vm, 64-65, 

succede sub ulmum, 
dum redeo ; mih'i quid post saepta parumper agendum est, 

with Mant. iv, 87-88; Eel. vm, 102, " inscius et nihil hoc 
ratus," with Mant. iv, 54-55 ; Eel. vm, 109 (and ix, 65), 
"cariceam casulam," with Mant. ix, 18; Eel. ix, 98, 

me mea, te tua spes et opinio stulta fefellit, 

with Mant. ix, 192 ; Eel. x, 6, 

sed melior lento praestat vigilantia somno, 

with Mant. I, 5 ; Eel. x, 22, 

utile servitium fuit illius atque fidele, 
donee, etc., 

178 Wilfred P. Mustard [1909 

with Mant. iv, 22 ; Eel. x, 28, 

et nentes inter medius sub nocte puellas, 
with Mant. v, 85 ; Eel. x, 123, 

o quoties patriae moesti reminiscimur orae, 

with Mant. ix, go. 1 

The famous diatribe against women, Eel. iv, no ff., has a 
rather close parallel in one of the Dialogues of Ravisius 
Textor, Troia, Salomon, Samson? And it is very clearly 
echoed in Larivey's comedy, Le Fide lie, in, 6. 3 Compare 
with lines 124 ff., 

mobilis, inconstans, vaga, garrula, vana, bilinguis, 
imperiosa, minax, indignabunda, cruenta, etc., 

Fortune's speech : 

elles sont de nature superbes, vaines, inconstantes, legeres, ma- 
lignes, cruelles, ravissantes, meschantes, envieuses, incredulles, trom- 
peuses, ambitieuses, frauduleuses, desloyalles, ingrattes, impetueuses, 
audacieuses et desreiglees (infida, ingrata, maligna, impetuosa, audax), 
faciles a faire place a la haine et a 1'ire, dures a s'appaiser ; ou elles 
vont, elles portent la rebellion et les debats (litigiosa, rebellis) ; elles 
sont coustumieres a mal dire, a allumer des noises et querelles entre 
les amis (accendit rixas), et a semer infamie sur les bons ; sont 
promptes a reprendre les fautes d'autruy et negligentes a cognoistre 
leurs propres vices (exprobrat, excusat tragica sua crimina voce} ; 
etc., etc. 

Larivey's Le Fidelle is said to be itself a translation of 
Luigi Pasqualigo's // Fedele (Venice, 1579)* which gives 
us one welcome instance of Mantuan's influence in his own 
country. There is probably another in Mario Equicola's 
Libra de natura de amore, which collects the opinions of vari- 

1 These passages of Euricius Cordus are quoted from the " secunda aeditio," 
Leipsic, 1518. 

2 "Apud lacobum Stoer," 1609, pp. 192-202. A part of the Dialogue is 
quoted by J. Vodoz, Le Theatre Latin de Ravisius Textor, Winterthur, 1898, 
pp. 149-15 1. 

3 Ancien Theatre fran^ois, VI, 397. 

4 Viollet le Due, Ancien Theatre franfois, V, p. xx. 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Manttianus 179 

ous. authors Mantuan among them on the subject of 
love. 1 But there must be many such echoes in the literature 
of Germany and France and Italy. One poem which will at 
least serve to illustrate the fourth Eclogue is Tasso's Aminta. 
The chorus at the close of the first act, 

Ma sol perche quel vano 
Nome senza soggetto, 
Quell' idolo d' errori, idol d' inganno ; 
Quel che dal volgo insano 
Onor poscia fu detto 
(Che di nostra natura '1 feo tiranno), 
Non mischiava il suo affanno 
Fra le liete dolcezze 
Dell' amoroso gregge, etc., 

may be compared with Eel. n, 161-166, 

qui non communicat usum 
coniugis invidus est ; livorem excusat honestas 
introducta usu longi livoris iniquo. 
nam dum quisque sibi retinet sua gaudia,- nee vult 
publica, communis mos ac longaevus honestas 
factus, et hunc morem fecit dementia legem ; 

and the passage in n, 2, 

Or, non sai tu com' e fatta la donna ? 
Fugge, e fuggendo vuol ch' altri la giunga ; 
Niega, e negando vuol ch' altri si toglia ; 
Pugna, e pugnando vuol ch' altri la vinca, 

with Eel. iv, 216-218, 

currit, ut in latebras ludens perducat amantem, 
vult dare, sed cupiens simplex et honesta videri 
denegat et pugnat, sed vult super omnia vinci. 

And with Eel. n, 25, 

commoditas omnis sua fert incommoda secum, 

we may compare Guazzo's Civil Conversation, Bk. i, 2 " anzi 
si ha da ricordare di quella sentenza : ' Ogni agio porta seco 

1 F. Flamini, // Cinquecento, p. 378. 2 Venice ed., 1590, p. 12. 

i8o Wilfred P. Mustard [1909 

il suo disagio.' ' The sentiment was doubtless a common- 
place, but Mantuan may have helped to make it so. 

Mantuan's chief model in his ' Eclogues was of course 
Virgil, and the influence of Virgil may be traced on almost 
every page. He has occasional phrases which seem to come 
from other Roman poets : Lucretius, Horace, Tibullus, Ovid, 
Lucan, Persius, Martial, Juvenal (especially in the fifth Ec- 
logue}, and possibly Calpurnius. 1 And he certainly knew 
the Latin eclogues of Petrarch and Boccaccio. Eel. i, 12-13, 

sedi iacuique supinus 
cum gemitu et lacrimis mea tristia fata revolvens, 

is an echo of Petr. vi, 78-79, 

sedeo iaceoque supinus 
multa canens quae dictat Amor, nee crastina curans. 

Two bits of Eel. v are borrowed from Petrarch's fourth ; 
compare line 46, 

sorte tua contentus abi, sine cetera nobis, 
with Petr. iv, 68, 

sorte tua contentus abi, citharamque relinque ; 
and line 136, 

consilii locuples ego sum, pauperrimus auri, 
with Petr. iv, 70, 

posceris auxilium ; tu consulis ? 

In Eel. in, the complaint of Fortunatus (17-27) may be com- 
pared with Petr. Eel. ix, 6-27, 

rastra manu versans rigida scabrosque ligones 
urget in arva boves sulcoque annixus inhaeret. 
postquam sudore exhaustus anhelo 

1 Cf. Eel. vi, 157, " cum lac vociferans ibam venale per urbem," with Calp. iv, 
25, " et lac venale per urbem | non tacitus porta;" IX, 107, " cui sunt longa 
internodia crurum," with Calp. I, 26, " tibi longa satis pater internodia," etc.; 
IX, 133, " defende galero | lumina," with Calp. I, 7, " defendimus ora galero." 
Professor Mahaffy says that the works of Calpurnius and Nemesianus "were not 
unearthed till the year 1534" {Rambles in Greece, chap. XII, p. 354). But they 
were printed at Venice in 1472, and perhaps even earlier at Rome. 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus 181 

spes cernit florere suas iamque horrea laxat, 
ecce, fremens sata culta truci vertigine nimbus 
obruit, et longos anni brevis hora labores 
una necat, etc. ; 

and the reply of Faustus (32-33), " scelus nobis haec omnia 
nostrum | ingerit," with Petr. ix, 81-82, 

falleris, ah, demens ; nam iusta et sera merentes 
pastores ferit ira Dei populumque rebellem. 

As for Boccaccio, his phrase " ruminat omne pecus," * Eel. vi, 
81, is repeated in Mantuan's opening line, " pecus omne sub 
umbra | ruminat." And his fourteenth Eclogue seems to be 
reflected in several of Mantuan's poems. Compare his de- 
scription of the Earthly Paradise, xiv, 170 ff., 

est in secessu pecori mons invius aegro, 
lumine perpetuo clarus, quo primus ab imis 
insurgit tern's Phoebus, cui vertice summo 
silva sedet palmas tollens ad sidera celsas, etc., 

with Mant. vm, 45, 

esse locum memorant, ubi surgit ab aequore Titan, 
qui, nisi dedidici, contingit vertice lunam ; 

his reference to the Redeemer, xiv, 207, 

inde salus venit nobis et vita renatis, 
with Mant. iv, 184, 

et noster Deus unde salus et vita resurgit ; 
and his description of the heavenly choir, xiv, 213 ff., 

stat Satyrum longaeva cohors hinc undique supplex, 
omnis cana quidem, roseis ornata coronis, 
et citharis agni laudes et carmine cantat, etc., 

with Mant. vn, 137 ff., 

immortalis eris divum comes, ire per astra 
inter Hamadryades et Oreadas atque Napaeas 
flore coronatas caput et redolentibus herbis 
fas erit, etc. 

1 The phrase " ruminat omne pecus " occurs in the Ecloga Theoduli t 248. 

1 82 Wilfred P. Mustard [1909 

And it may be worth noticing that his ninth Eclogue (like 
Mantuan's tenth) has a speaker named ' Batracos.' 

Another Latin poet who should be mentioned here is 
Prudentius. 1 Compare Eel. iv, 212, 

nee formae contenta suae splendore decorem 
auget mille raodis mulier, etc., 

with Prud., Ham. 264-265, 

nee enim contenta decore 
ingenito externam mentitur femina formam ; 

and Eel. vi, 199, " causidici latratores," with Ham. 401, 
inde canina foro latrat facundia toto. 

Eel. vin, 162, 

quando sacerdotes commissa piacula solvunt, 
may be compared with Prud., Apoth. 543-544, 

Christique negati 
sanguine respersus commissa piacula solvit 

as well as with Virgil, Aen. vi, 569. And Eel. ix, 126-127, 

aliis vestigia filum 
illaqueat, retinent alias lita vimina visco, 

1 In an apology for poetry prefixed to his first Parthenice, Mantuan cites several 
of the Ecclesiastical Writers : Prudentius, Paulinus of Nola, Ambrosius, Beda, and 
Juvencus. And of these his favorite would seem to be Paulinus: "quid de 
Paulino Nolanae urbis episcopo Hieronymo contemporaneo et familiari ? nonne 
pulcherrima quae adhuc extant, et semper extabunt, excudit poemata? cum adhuc 
adolescentulus essem et a studiis ecclesiasticis more illius aetatis abhorrerem, 
forte in ea poemata incidi, et carmmis suavitate delectatus animum ad res divinas 
paulatim appuli, et ex illo tempore sacrarum litterarum studiosior fui." Cf., also, 
what his brother Tolomeo reports of him : " dicebat autem poeta se de industria 
quaedam vocabula ecclesiastica suis inseruisse opusculis, sicut etiam res et his- 
torias sacras inseruit, ut pro virili portione satageret et conaretur religionem 
Christianam illustrare ac, quoad posset, celeberrimam reddere; raaluisseque se 
hoc pacto minorem gratiam consequi apud homines gentilitatis studiosos et cum 
aliquo suae gloriae detrimento sanctorum patrum vestigia potius sequi quam de 
religione in qua salvamur male meritum videri " {Apologia contra detrahentes 
operibus B.M., Lyons ed., 1516, fol. Gg, iii). 

Vol. xl] On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuamts 183 

seems to be a reminiscence of Prud., Cath. HI, 41-45, 

callidus illaqueat volucres 
aut' pedicis dolus aut maculis, 
illita glutine corticeo 
vimina plumigeram seriem 
impediunt et abire vetant. 

And along with Prudentius we should mention the Latin 
Bible. Eel. n, 138, "in foveam cecidit quam fecerat," repeats 
the figure oiPsa. vii, 16, "incidit in foveam quam fecit"; and 
Eel. in, 188, " patriae melioris," reminds one of Heb. xi, 16, 
" meliorem (patriam) appetunt, id est, caelestem." Eel. v, 129, 

inveniam qui me derideat et subsannet, 

has its parallel in 2 Par. xxx, 10, "illis irridentibus et sub- 
sannantibus eos" ; and the phrase " militiam caeli," Eel. vin, 
222, may be compared with Acts, vii, 42, or Deut. xvii, 3. 
Eel. vm, 85-86, 

sacram bisseno sidere frontem 
cinxit et adiecit subter vestigia lunam, 

is adapted from Apocal. xii, i, "mulier amicta sole, et luna 
sub pedibus ejus, et in capite ejus corona stellarum duodecim." 

Vol. xl] 4>v0Y9, MeXer?;, ^Tna-r^fjirj 185 

XI. 4>u<m, MeXeV?;, ' 



PHILOSOPHY delivers us from the illusion of metaphysics. 
We are freed from rhetoric only by the study of its history. 
And similarly the history of commonplaces must be written, 
if only to prevent us from mistaking a commonplace for a 
new and epoch-making thought. 

The commonplace concerning the respective contributions 
of talent, study, and theory to successful virtuosity is known 
to every schoolboy in the formulations of Cicero, Horace, and 
Quintilian. 1 These ideas did not, of course, originate with 
Cicero and Horace. They had had a long history and were 
familiar not only to the pupils of Plato and Isocrates but to 
the sophists of fifth-century Athens. My reason for recalling 
this somewhat obvious fact is that the neglect of it has intro- 
duced no little confusion into recent discussion of the relation 
of Plato's Phaednts to Isocrates' "Against the Sophists," and 
has led scholars of the eminence of Professor Saintsbury and 
Professor Sandys to attribute a purely imaginary significance 
to some clever verses of the comic poet Simulus. I propose, 
then, to sketch the history of the topic with special reference 
to these two questions. The verses of Simulus, which are 
simply a lively resume of the conditions of success for a play- 
wright, run as follows in Stobaeus, 60, 4, Meineke, n, 352 : 

i ovre (f>v<ri<s LKavr) ytyvcTCU re'^i/rys are/o 
Trpos ouSei/ eTrir^Sev/xa TrapaTrav OVOZVL, 
ovre TraAt re^yrf /u,r) <f>v<riv 
6/xotoj? TOIV Svotv 

1 Cicero, Arckias, I, (i) ingenii (2) exercitatio dicendi ... (3) ratio aliqua. 
Ib. 15 cum ad naturam eximiam atque illustrem accesserit ratio quaedam confor- 
matioque doctrinae, turn illud nescio quid praeclarum ac singulare solere existere. 
Horace, A. P. 408 Natura fieret laudabile carmen an arte | quaesitum est; ego 
nee studium sine divite vena | nee rude quid possit video ingenium. Quintil. I, 
prooem. 26 Nihil praecepta atque artes valere nisi adiuvante natura. Cf. the 
discussion in II, 19. 

1 86 Paul Shorey [1909 

5 ets TOLVTOV, crt Set 7r/oo<rAa/?eiV 
/30>Ta, fji\.Tr]V) Kaipov ev(j>vfj, 
KpLrrjv TO p-rjOfV Svvdpevov <7wa/07racr<u 
ev <S yap av rovrwv rts a7roAei<$eis 

OVK ' 

TiOr)<ri Kayadovs ' erwv Se rot 
Sev aAAo 7rA.?)v yfjpas Trotet. 

Professor Saintsbury, of course, knows that the ideas of the 
first three lines are commonplace. But their combination 
with the less obvious truisms of the remaining lines so struck 
his fancy that he pronounced the whole passage (History of 
Criticism) vol. I, p. 25) "not only a theory of poetry and 
poetical criticism, but one of such astonishing completeness 
that it goes far beyond anything that we find in Aristotle and 
is worthy of Longinus himself in his happiest moments." He 
adds that he finds it "very hard to believe that this was said 
in the fourth century before Christ. . . . The experience," 
he says, "is that of a careful comparer of more than one 
literature . . . ; it is the voice of Aristotle speaking with the 
experience of Quintilian." * 

1 For the date of " Simulus" see Meineke, I, xiii; Kock, II, 444. There was a 
comic poet Simulus who brought out a play (title uncertain) Olym. 106, 3 B.C. 
354. See CIG. I, no. 231, p. 353. Pollux, x, 42, speaks of the Meyapiicri, a play 
of Simulus. Demosthenes, de Corona, 262, refers to a tragic actor Simukkas, 
which, on the basis of Harpocration, Suidas and S(7p.), has been changed to Simu- 
lus, and is now so written in some texts of Demosthenes. Athenaeus, vin, 348, 
quotes from Theophrastus a criticism aimed at this Simukkas or Simulus. The 
comic poet and the tragic actor have sometimes been identified, but without reason, 
thinks Meineke, who cites contra Plato's discussion in the Republic, in, 359 A. 

There is further the Simulus of Stobaeus, who quotes from him two fragments 
the one in question, and another of ten lines in which the superiority of hear- 
ing over the other senses as a teacher of the good is affirmed. 

There is a Simulus quoted by Theophilus of Antioch in his letters to Autoly- 
cus, in, 7, p. 208 (Otto) 

TroiTfjras eOos karlv Ka\eiv 
7re/>tTTOi)s r% <j)ij(rei K<tl TOI)S 

Finally, there is a " Simulus the poet " quoted by Plutarch (about ten lines) 
in his Romulus, 17. Kock, n, 444, and Meineke think that the fragments of 
Stobaeus are not from Simulus the comic poet. 

Vol. xl] <u<r*5, MeXerTj, 'E7r<7T?7/-i?7 187 

Professor Sandys, who as an editor of Isocrates must be 
aware that there is nothing really new or especially note- 
worthy in these ingenious verses, is nevertheless so carried 
away by Professor Saintsbury's enthusiasm that he spares a 
page of his closely measured space for them and translates 
them in full thus : 

Nature of Art bereft will not suffice 
For any work whate'er in all the world ; 
Nor Art again, devoid of Nature's aid. 
And, e'en if Art and Nature join in one, 
The poet still must find the ways and means, 
Passion, and practice ; happy chance and time ; 
A critic skilled to seize the poet's sense. 
For, if in aught of these he haply fail, 
He cannot gain the goal of all his hopes. 
Nature, good will, and pains, and ordered grace 
Make poets wise and good, while length of years 
Will make them older men, but nothing more. 

Such are the accidents and ironies of history. Simulus 
himself would have been intensely amused could he have 
foreseen that his plausible resume of current truisms would 
after two thousand years give him a place among the great 
thinkers of antiquity in the history of philosophic literary 
criticism. But since the thing has happened, I propose to 
reestablish the true character of these verses, first by a some- 
what broader study of the whole question concerning nature, 
theory, and practice, and lastly, at the close of this paper, by 
a commentary on the terms of rhetoric or literary criticism 
found in the remainder of the passage. 1 

The opposition of talent and teaching is evidently a sub- 
division of the general antithesis of nature and art or nature 
and convention. We find traces of it already in the more or 
less authentic sayings of fifth and sixth century poets and 
sages, and the Sophists who succeeded them. We may find 
a hint of it, if we please, in Hesiod's 

OUTOS fikv Trava/HOTOs os cu>Ta> 7ravTa voTq<Tr], etc. 
( Works and Days, 293. Cf. also 410 with Find. hthm. 5, 67.) 
1 Cf. infra, p. 197 sqq. 

1 88 Paul Shorey L I 99 

Theognis' apparent self-contradiction 1 was the text of the 
later debate on the possibility of teaching " virtue," with which 
we are not directly concerned. 2 Pindar's exaltation of covert?, 
and his contempt for the SiBatcral aperai are well known. 3 
Yet in his praise of the trainer he almost anticipates the later 
formulas of the rhetoricians. O. 10, 22 : 

s 82 KC (}>VVT dpexa TTOTI 

Bacchylides also has a word to say for the /-teXer?? of the 
trainer (12, 192). To Periander is attributed the saying 
/jLeXerr) TO TTCLV (Diog. Laert. I, 99). Epicharmus (Diels, fr. 
40, p. 99 1 , p. 96 2 ) perhaps repeats Hesiod when he says : 

<f>v(TLv X etv a/HOTOv tern Szvrtpov St [/xav$aviv] . 5 

In which case there is perhaps no contradiction when he says 
(fr. 33.): a e pc\ra <iWo? ayaOds 7r\eova Scopelrai,, c 
which may be compared with Critias (fr. 9): e/c /xeXer?;? 

T) <uo-e&>9 ayaQoi, and with Democritus (fr. 242, Diels) : 
ej; acr/cricrecDS ayaOol ^ivovrai ?) CLTTO (frvcrios. To 
Democritus is also attributed the saying that teaching creates 
(a second) nature : SiSa^rj . . . (frvo-ioTroiel. This thought, 
repeated in the well-known lines of Euenos ( Ar. Eth. Nic. vn, 
1 1 52 a, 32): 

<j>rj[JU TroXv^poviov fJi\Tr)V e/xcvai, t^t'Ae, Kai 0^ 
reAevrcotrav <>VTIV eivat, 

has a long history. 6 

1 35~36 an d 435-8. Cf. Schmidt, Ethik der Griechen, I, 158. 

2 Cf. Plato, Meno, 95 D. Introduction to Fritzsche-Stallbaum, Meno, pp. 11-13. 
8 Cf. commentators on O. I, 94 ; 10, 107 ; Nem. 3, 41. 

4 See Isthm. 5, 73 and my note on Horace, Odes, IV, 4, 33. The image of the 
whetstone is made explicit in A. P. 304 Ergo fttngar vice cotis, acutum | reddere 
quae ferrum valet exsors ipse secandi. It is attributed to Isocrates by [Plutarch] 
Orat. Vitae, 838 E. Sextus Empiricus (Bekker, p. 678, 14) refers to it as a com- 
monplace of teachers who cannot speak. And Chaucer, Troihis and Criseyde, 
I, 631, puts it quaintly : 

" A wheston is no kerving instrument, 
But yit it maketh sharpe kerving tolcs." 

6 Cf. Xen. Cyn. 13, 4. 

6 Cf. perhaps et's ?j6os, Empedocles, Diels, no, 5; Plato, Rep. 395 D cu /xi 

Vol. xl] 4>u<n?, MeXer?;, 'ETT^T^/AT; 189 

With the advent of professional teachers of medicine or 
sophistry these ideas are more fully developed. One of the 
completest statements is found in the w'/xo? (Littre", iv, 638): 

r) jap ocrrt? (j,e\\ei lr)Tpi(cf)<> %vve<nv arpe/cecos ap/jid^ecrOai 
7njj3o\ov yevecrOai. c^ucrto?, BiBaa-tca\ir)S, TOTTOU ev- 
oiJLa0ir)S, %pdvov. Upwrov pev ovv TTCLVTW Bel cfrvcrios 
. . . erl Be <j>t,\OTrovir)v trpoaeveyicacrOat, e? ^povov TrovXvv otccos 
r) /jidOrjcris e^vaiwOelfra Se^to)? re Kal evaXBews rou? 
egevey/crjrai. To Protagoras is attributed (Diels, fr. 10) 
elvai /JLtjre re%vr)V avev fjLeXerrjs fJLtjre fJLeXerrjv avev Te^z^?, and 
(Diels, fr. 3) ^>vcreo>9 Kal aaicrjcrew^ Bi,BacrKa\ia BeiTai . . . airo 
vedrrjros Be ap^afievov^ Bel pavQaveiv, which in the English 
edition of Gomperz (i, 441) is misleadingly rendered "Teach- 
ing requires natural disposition and exercise, and must be 
begun in youth." The BiBao-tcaXia, of course, refers to the 
instruction of the recipient, not the profession of the teacher. 
The necessity of 7ratBofjia0Lrj we have just met in the PO'/AO?. 
Plato emphasizes it in Rep. 467 A and Laws 643 B. There 
is a hint of it in Phocylides, fr. 1 1 ^prj TralB* eY eovra tca\a 
BiBdcrKeiv epya. And it became a commonplace, 1 cf. Anon. 
Iambi, infra, p. IQ2. 2 

Euripides played with these ideas as with all ideas of the 
Zeitgeist. After Decharme, Nestle, and Masqueray it is 
hardly necessary to enter into details. But Dummler's at- 
tempt to point out Euripides' precise Sophistic "sources" 
may complete our list of preliminary illustrations and at the 
same time serve to exemplify a too prevalent philological 
method. The Sophist Antiphon (fr. 134 Bl.) says: 

Oifjua.1 rwv v fpo)7roi? CCTTI Tratoevcri?' orav yap ns 7rpay/xa- 
}]V a.px*iv opO^ TroiYjo-rjTai, etKos Kal rr)V reXevrrjv o/o^ui? 
ytyveovat. Kat yap Trj.yrj otov av TI? TO (nrepfjia tvapocry, rotavra /cat ra 

. . . ets 6^77 re /cat tybaiv KaOicrTavrai ; Nauck, fr. adespot. 516 
ets <J>6<rii> Ka6l<rTa.Tai; Plut. de San. 18; Aristotle, de Mem. 452 a 30 rb d wo\\d- 
/cts <t>ti<rii' Trote?; Theophr. C. P. IT, 5, 5 rb yap edos titnrep <(>ti<ris y^yove; Longinus, 
22, i; Cic. de Fin. v, 25; Quintil. I, 2, 8 fit ex his consuetude, deinde natura ; 
Montaigne, Essays, ill, 10; Pascal ap. Matthew Arnold, God and the Bible, p. 125. 

1 Cf. Klein, Praxiteles, p. II. Quintil. I, 12, 10. 

2 The comic poets applied the principle to Lucian's "Art" of the parasite. 
See Antidotus in Athen. VI, 240 B, and Sosipater, ib. IX, 377 F. 

190 Paul Shorey L 1 99 

Set Trpo<T&OKav, KCU ev vo) crto/xaTt orav TIS TT)V 7rai'8cvo-ij/ yf.vva.iav 


TOVTO Kai 0aAA.ei 8ta Trai/ros TOV 3tov /cat avro ovre 

Diimmler (Proleg. to Plato's -/v^/. p. 23) finds a close parallel 
to this in the lines of Euripides (Hec. 592 sqq.) : 

OVKOVV 8etVOV 1 yfj fJiV KaKT] 

rv^ovcra /catpov 0o0ev ev (rra^v 
Xprjcrrrj 8* d/xa/3Tou(r* wv xpewv avr-qv 

VCN/CJ / V/l 5>N 

KU.KOV ot Owen Kapirov ', avupMTTOi act 
6 />t]/ Trovrjpbs ov&ev dAAo TrAryv KUKO? 

6 8' (7^AoS <T0Ao O^Sc (7V/i<^O/Oa5 V7TO 

<f>v(nv SuffrOtip', dAAa ^O^CTTOS ecrr' act'} 
a/a' ot TCKOVTCS 8ta<^/3ovo"tv ^ Tpo<J>a.L ; etc. 

The acceptance of such parallels is the end of all serious 
criticism. Euripides finds a paradox in the fact that the 
crops of good or bad soils are changed by circumstances, but 
the fruits of a good character are constant. Antiphon illus- 
trates the importance of education, and .especially early edu- 
cation, by the example of the soil in which good seed is sown. 
The two passages have nothing in common except the com- 
parison of man to the soil, which is a commonplace in Pindar 
(Nem. n, 39) and is elaborately worked out in the Hippo- 
cratean vopos 3. The true parallels to Antiphon Diimmler 
overlooks altogether. They are for the thought Plato, Rep. 
377 B OTI apx^) vrai'TO? epyov yueytcrroz/ aXXa>9 re Kal ve'qy /cal 
aTrdXo) OTWOVV, and 453 A; and for the almost proverbial 
turn "a good beginning is likely to bring a good ending," 
Rep. 453 A a/o* ov% o#ra>9 av /cd\\to-rd rt? ap^o^evo^ w? TO 
Kal icd\\L(na TeXevrrjo-eiev, with Pindar, Pyth. I, 34 apx- 
. . . eoL/cora jap Kal reXevra (jyeprepov VOCTTOV TV^elv. 
Plato's and Antiphon's thought is very nearly that which 
Pope expresses with a still different image : 

" 'Tis education forms the common mind : 
Just as the twig is bent the tree's inclined." 

All the ideas and distinctions, then, which we have been con- 
sidering were perfectly familiar to the fifth century, and any 
writer might allude to them or play upon them. The sophists 

Vol. xl] 4>u<rt9, MeXer?;, 'ETrto-TTJ/XT; 191 

and rhetoricians, however, made special use of them in the 
protreptic and apologetic literature in which they defended 
the new learning or vindicated the profession of teacher from 
misconceptions. They had first to prove the utility of any 
theoretic teaching against the practical men and conserva- 
tives, of whom the Platonic Laches is a type. By a sort of 
malicious fatality 1 it often happened that the professor of 
fencing could not fight, and the prize pupil of the rhetorical 
school could not make a speech. The Platonic Laches antici- 
pates the arguments of the self-made millionnaire who " has 
no use " for a college education. Have you not seen, he 
asks, men without teaching prove better craftsmen than those 
who had been taught ? And Isocrates candidly admits the 
fact. 2 Similar arguments were used to disprove the reality 
of an art or science of medicine, as appears from Trepl re^i/?;? 
5 and 6. 

In the second place, the more sober teachers guarded them- 
selves against the accusation of charlatanism by the warning 
that they did not promise impossibilities and did not claim to 
be able to make a silk purse out of a sow's ear. Protagoras, 
in the dialogue that bears his name, says (328 B) a\\a /cav 
el 6\iyov Htm rt? o<TTt? Siacfrepei rjfjL&v 7rpo/3ij3d<Tai ek apcTijv, 
aya7rr]r6v. And Isocrates protests against excessive expec- 
tations in the same vein in 13, 2-5 and n,and in 15, 193. 
The rational conclusion of the whole matter we shall find in 
Isocrates. But it is evident both a priori and from the frag- 
mentary tradition that he was not the originator of the argu- 
ments to which he gives so systematic and so convincing a 
form. The combinations by which scholars have attempted 
to reconstruct and assign names to early apologetic and pro- 
treptic literature may be more ingenious than convincing. 
But that such a literature existed is abundantly evident from 
the allusions in Plato's Sophist and Euthydemus* in Isocra- 
tes' Demonicus (3),* in the "Apology for Medicine" which 
Gomperz on inadequate evidence attributes to Protagoras, 

1 Plato, Laches, 183 C &<rirep yap tirlrrj&et. Cf. Cicero's dedita opera. 
* 13, 14. * Euthyd. 275 A, 282 U ; Sophist, 246. 

4 Cf. Leipziger Studien, XI, 210 sqq. 

Paul Shorey [ : 99 

and from passages in the so-called Anonymus lamblichil 
The Anonymus says (Diels, p. 57/ 1 ): If a man desire to 
work out anything to the end in the best manner, 2 alike 
whether it be wisdom, bravery, eloquence, or virtue in whole 
or any part, these are the conditions of success. Natural 
capacity for it ((f>vvat) is the first requirement, and this must 
be attributed to fortune. This assumed, the conditions that 
depend upon the man himself are that he should be a lover 
(eTTiOv/jLijTris) of things fair and honorable, fond of toil, a 
learner early in life, and abiding in the pursuit a long time. 
If even one of these conditions shall be lacking it is not pos- 
sible to bring anything to the highest perfection. But where 
all are united, whatever a man practises is unsurpassed. 

In this passage, then, we have c^vtm, hnBvpla (Simulus' 
e/oo)?), %pdvos, TTOiBeta, TraLSo/jbadir) implied in irpwiairara fjiav- 
OdvovTa and /-teXer?; implied in cf)i\o7rovov and acr/crj. Lastly 
note I socrates' word avvTrep/BXrjrov, 3 corresponding to Cicero's 
nescio quid praeclarum ac singulare and to Sir Thomas 
Browne's " When industry builds upon nature, we may ex- 
pect pyramids." Further on the writer adds with some repe- 
tition that a man may equal his teacher in the mere theory 
of the T^VT) in brief space, but real excellence (aperrf) is the 
product of long training begun in youth. 

In the irepl Te%^9 (9) the apologist for medicine says in 
effect : There is such a thing as a scientific treatment of dis- 
ease. Not that it is easy, but that the cures have been dis- 
covered. They have been discovered not for every one who 

1 It is the general opinion that we have imbedded in lamblichus' Protrepticus 
a genuine piece of fifth-century prose. But the original "fragments" collected 
by Blass contained much that was obviously taken directly from Plato and Iso- 
crates. Since then, the lines have been more sharply drawn. But I still scent 
" Reminiscenz Greek" here and there. E.g., the words oSros OVK dXXoTpiif) /c&r/uy 
irpLKtfjL^v(f) TTJV 56av 6r)pa,Tai, dXXa rrj avrov apery (Diels, p. 578 1 , 39) remind 
me of Phaedo, 114 E Kal /cocr/u^cras TTJV ^vx^v OVK d\\orpi(p dXXa T^ avrys K6<r/j.<^, 
ffbxfipotTvvr], etc. I think we must limit the amount of directly quoted fifth-century 
prose still further, and admit the hypothesis that what there is came to lambli- 
chus through an intermediate Platonizing source. 

2 t!;epvd<ra<Tdai, Isoc. 2, 2$ ; 4, IO. 

8 15, 191 d/m.(f)6Tpd re yev6^va irepl rbv avrbv dvvirepj3\r}TOv SLV roZs &\\ois 

Vol. xl] 4>u<n5, MeXerr/, 'ETrterTT^t?; 193 

may merely desire to know them, but for those who are able 
to learn. And those are able who have not lacked the oppor- 
tunity of education and whose nature is not incompetent. 
Here egevprjvrai postulates a body of doctrine (eVtcmj/xT;). 
The terms Traibeia and </>u<n? complete the trinity, and /3ov\rj- 
Oelcnv implies eiriOviiia. The phrase rd re rrjs Traibeias /JLT) 
eV7ro&6v may refer to the indispensable %oprjryia, or more gen- 
erally to such opportunities as the presence in the city of a 
good teacher. 

We are now prepared to see that Isocrates' admirable sum- 
ming up of the whole question offered nothing new to any 
well-informed fourth-century reader. In the Kara rcov crofyi- 
ar&v, after satirizing quite in the Platonic vein the preten- 
sions of the Sophists who profess to teach all "virtue" for 
a few minae, and take pledges for the payment of their 
fees from the very men to whom they have imparted justice, 
Isocrates adds sensibly (14-15) : " If it is not enough to cen- 
sure others, but if I must set forth my own views, I think 
that all reasonable men will agree with me that many profes- 
sional students have failed to become experts, while others 
who have never gone to school to any Sophist have turned 
out able speakers and politicians. The reason is that the 
actual faculty and ability to do things is developed only in 
those who are endowed by nature and exercised by experi- 
ence. Education, theoretic instruction, will make men of this 
sort more scientific and more fertile in resource. For what 
they now hit upon tentatively it teaches them to apprehend 
more readily. But instruction can never make able contest- 
ants (aywvio-rds) or artistic writers out of men of inferior 
natural capacity, though it will bring them to surpass their 
natural selves and improve their intelligence in many ways." 

To make his meaning more explicit he adds that it is easy 
to learn the general theory of rhetoric, if one applies to the 
right teacher (cf. the Anonymus above), but that the practical 
application of the precepts, the recognition of the iccupos or 
opportune season for their employment, and the mastery of 
a finished style, demand much care and attention (e 
and are the task of a strenuous and sagacious spirit 

IQ4 Paul Shorey [!9 9 

Kal Sofacm*:?)?). To the final result the student 
must contribute 1 his natural capacity, willingness to learn, 
and submission to discipline ; the teacher his science and the 
virtuosity that makes of him a good model of style. Then 
follows the sentence the substance of which we have met in 
the Anonymus and shall find repeated in most later discus- 
sions of the subject. In so far as any of these conditions is 
lacking the result will be inferior when they are all united 
it is perfect : KOI TOVTCOV fjiev CLTTCIVTCOV o-v/jLTrecrovrcov reXeto)? 
e^ovcriv ol <tXocro(o{We? fca@' o 8' av \\ei(f)0rj TL TWV elprjfjte- 
VGDV, avdy/cr) ravrrj ^elpov Siaiceicr0ai, rou? TrX^crm^cwTa?. 

The A ntidosis (194 sqq.) quotes this passage in full with 
further amplifying comment. There Isocrates first lays down 
the three conditions of success irepl ra? aXXa? epyao-tas and 
Kara irav&v . . . TWV re^vwv, and in the case of rhetoric spe- 
cifically affirms that <f>vcris is the most important. Then, after 
quoting the tract against the Sophists to prove that his claims 
were equally modest and reasonable when he issued the first 
programme of his school, he goes on to defend his philosophy 
against all opponents of the higher education. 

A well-known passage of Plato's Phaedrus (269 D) sums up 
all the main points and nearly all the catchwords of Isocrates : 
The practical faculty of the finished contestant(a7ftm(TT77?) may 
and must depend upon the same conditions in rhetoric as in 
other matters. If you have to build upon the natural capacity 
for oratory, you will be an eminent speaker when you have 
added (7r/oocrXa/3o>z/) to this science (eTrtcrr?;^?/) and training or 
study (fjieXerrj). Whichever of these is lacking, you will be 
in that respect incomplete. So far as it is an art or science, 
I do not think the method of Lysias and Thrasymachus the 
true one. To this he adds in 272 A Isocrates' /cat/oo? in the 
words 7rpoa-\a/36vTi /caipovs, etc. ; and fyikojrovia and 
are implied in TroXXr}? TrpayiJiaTeias and fta/cpa 97 
273 -274 A. On account of our natural tendency to regard 
Plato as the more original thinker many scholars have as- 
sumed that the passages which I have quoted from Isocrates 

1 15, 1 88 elffev^Kaffdai TTJV fyixnv oiav Set. Cf. the medical writer in v6/j.os: 
ravra & 

Vol. xl] <J>i*n9, Me\eV?7, 'ETrta-n^T; 195 

are an imitation and expansion of these words. Others think 
that Plato is summarizing the doctrine of Isocrates and ac- 
knowledges his indebtedness by complimenting him by name 
later in the dialogue (278 E). Either view is conceivable, and 
either may be made plausible by special pleading. Neither 
can be proved. As it is not probable that the two passages 
are strictly contemporaneous, one writer was presumably cog- 
nizant of the other's work. But as the passages cited above 
show, as Gomperz points out in his note on irepl re^i/???, and 
as I have argued in Unity of Plato s Thought (note 596, 
p. 78), there is nothing in either of which the sufficient sug- 
gestion is not found in the apologetic and protreptic litera- 
ture of the day. This is perhaps implied in Plato's careless 
phrase &o-7rep ra a\\a. The originality of a work so sur- 
passingly rich in suggestion as is the Phaedrus does not 
depend on these links of commonplace lightly assumed in 
passing. Plato himself mentions the three prerequisites of 
the IKCLVOS aywvicrTris in Rep. 374 D E, and distinctly implies 
them in 535 A D (jraiSeia, Averts, <f)i\o7rovia), and they occur 
also in Thucydides i, 121, not to speak of Euripides. That 
eTrio-TijfjiT) means more for Plato than it does for Isocrates is 
true, but is nothing to the point. For Plato it is the true 
knowledge of the dialectician concerning the question in 
hand, or, as a basis for a science of rhetoric, it is dialectics 
and psychology. For Isocrates it is mainly the precepts of 
his own rhetoric. But Isocrates, when dealing with other 
studies (15, 187), speaks of rrjv eTTLcrrri^v rjris av y Trepl e/cd- 
<TTOV, and Plato contemptuously admits the knowledge of the 
conventional rhetoric in the words (272 A) Tr^oo-Xa/SoWt . . . 
/3pa%v\oyia<; re av fcal eXeeivoXoytas, etc. If the relative dates 
of the treatises are to be fixed at all, it must be by the parody 
of the Panegyricus in the Phaedrus (267 A) and that of the 
Kara rcov VQ$I<JTU>V in the Gorgias, 463 A. 1 Minor disputable 

1 For Isocrates' ^VXTJS dvSpiicTJs ical dofcffTiKrjs Plato maliciously substitutes 
(7Toxo-o"riKT)S. Diimmler thinks it a coincidence in banal commonplace, Gom- 
perz assumes a common source, and Dr. Wilhelm Suss, whose Ethos has just come 
to hand, thinks, p. 20, that both are quoting Gorgias, and can account for the 
variant only by the hypothesis that Gorgias in his rhetorical manner used both 

196 Paul Shorey L 1 99 

parallels and coincidences in commonplace will certainly not 
suffice, if these fail. The question is very slightly complicated 
by the problem of the date of Alcidamas' Trepl cro^o-rwz/, a 
clever plea for ex tempore in preference to written speech. He 
touches our theme but slightly in his frequent references to 
/ou/oo'? (natural in a pupil of Gorgias), and in the argument that 
ex tempore speech demands more both of (f>v<ns and TraiSeia 
than the easier task of leisurely composition. There is further 
coincidence with the Phaedrus in the contrast between the 
living speech and the dead written word and in the sugges- 
tion that formal literary composition is not a serious occupa- 
tion it is either a TraiSid or a irdpepyov. Another passage 
(12) is either the answer to or the provocation of a polemic 
passage in Isocrates' Panegyricus (n). And the remarks on 
the lifelessness of the written letter have been compared with 
Isocrates' attack in the tract against the Sophists on those 
who profess to teach rhetoric as mechanically as men teach 
rypdfjL/jiaTa. 1 These facts hardly suffice to date Alcidamas rela- 
tively to either Plato or Isocrates. If \hzPanegyricus pas- 
sage is, as Blass thinks and as seems probable, a reply rather 
than a challenge to Alcidamas, then Alcidamas would on our 
view a fortiori precede the Phaedrus. But these interesting 
minor questions of philological controversy 2 must not obscure 
the main points, which are : (i) The originality of the PJiae- 
drus as a whole is not involved. (2) If Plato's direct parodies 
are not a proof, no minor coincidences are of any significance 
they may result from the use of older sources or from the 
conversation and gossip of the schools. (3) In any case the 
ideas and terminology of the first half of the Simulus passage 
were common property at the beginning of the fourth cen- 

words : " da ein Grund fiir Anderung weder fur Isokrates noch fur Plato ersicht- 
lich ist." The ground of course is the depreciatory suggestion of <rroxdfeo-0cu. 
Cf. Gorg. 464 C ou yvovffa. X^yw dXXct, ffro-^o.ffo.^vti. 

1 13, 10 dXXd (pacriv o/zotws rrjv r&v \6yuv kiri<Tri\^t]v wffirep rrjv T&V ypa/j./ui.d- 
Td)v irapadua-eiv. Dr. Suss and some other scholars read irpay/jidrcov for 
TWV. But this reading rests on a complete misunderstanding of section 12, which 
rightly interpreted absolutely requires 

2 See now Suss, pp. 30 sqq., Gercke, Hermes, XXXII, 341 sqq., and Rhein. Mus. 
Liv, 404 sqq., and Hubi'k, Wiener StuJien, XXIII, 234 sqq. 

Vol. xl] 4>v<n?, MeXe'r?;, 'ETT^O-T^/AT; 197 

tury. That is enough for our purpose. I will not stop here 
to collect further illustrations from Aristotle, the post-Aristo- 
telians, and the later rhetoric, but will conclude with a brief 
commentary on the other terms found in Simulus' summary, 
beginning with 1. 5, supra, p. 186. 

Hpoa\a/3eiv in 1. 5 we have already met in the Phaedrus, 
269 D. It is almost a vox propria in this connection. Cf. 
Soph. fr. 1019, 4, Nauck, p. 356 TraiBev/JLara 7rpoo-\aiJL/3dviv ; 
[Demosth.] 6l, 42 6'Xft)? fjiev yap ajraaa <f>v(n<; /3eXrtW 7471/6- 
rai TraiBeiav 7rpo<r\a{Bovcra rr)V Trpocrrficovo-av ; the FeVo? 'Azm- 
</>oWo?, Blass, AntipJion, 39 (frvcri/cf) (Be) BeivorijTi TTJV etc -n}? 
a<j/c/7cre&>? fjbeXerrjv 7rpocr\a/3a)V ; Isoc. I, 1 8 7rpocr\a^^dveiv rat? 
eVio-Trj/u-cu?, where, however, the construction is different ; and 
15, 1 8 eireira . . . \apelv rrjv eTrio-Tij/Arjv. 

The word ^oprjjiav may conceivably stand in apposition 
with all that follows. It may simply mean the dramatic 
%opr)yia, or more probably it may be the well-known Aristo- 
telian metaphor derived therefrom. In that case it includes 
the opportunities expressed in the Trepl rfyvifi by the phrase 
ra rr}? Trcu&eta? ^77 e/CTroBcov (supra, p. 193). 

"Epcora, repeated by 6e\r]cris (1. 10), is the enthusiasm or 
love of the subject without which nothing great can be 
achieved. As such it might be referred to the pavta of 
Plato's Phaedrus, 245 A. But here it rather recalls the 
irpoOvfjiia, eTTiOvfjiia, or studium discendi which all teachers 
demand as the first condition of success. Cf. Plato, Theaetet. 
148 D, Rep. 475 C, Epistle 7, 345 D eiriBvpia, with Bertheau's 
note ; Alcinous, elcraycojTj i, nrefyvicevai Be rovrov %pr) Trp&Tov 
. . . 7Tira Be irpbs TIJV a\r)0eiav e^eiv epwriicws ; Quintil. I, 3, 
9 Studium discendi voluntate constat. 

MeXeY?; and its virtual synonym eV^eXeta have been suffi- 
ciently illustrated above (pp. 187 sqq.). We have already met 
with Kcupos in Plato, Isocrates, and Alcidamas (supra, p. 196). 
According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Verb. c. 12) Gorgias 
first wrote Trepl /caipov. 1 The famous first aphorism of Hip- 
pocrates touches on the theme in the words o Be icaipos ofu?. 
Democritus (fr. 226 Diels, if genuine) says /civBwos Be y TOV 

1 Suss accordingly refers everything on the subject to Gorgias as source. 

198 Paul Shorey [1909 

/caipov Bidyvcocris. And, what is more to our purpose, the 
comic poets parodied this favorite catchword of the pro- 
fessors of rhetoric, medicine, and the other arts. In the 
eo>io(/>o/jo9 of Dionysius (Kock, n, p. 424) the learned cook 
declares : 

" The cook book of Archestratos is deemed 
By some most helpful, but I tell you, sir, 
There's nothing in it. Precepts cannot teach 
Things that no art can fix, and cookery 
Cannot be written down in black and white. 
The Kaipo? cannot be defined by rule, 
The opportunity, the happy moment ; 
Observe all precepts of your art and miss 
The season seasoning all, your art is vain." 

Xpdvov, inserted after icaipov instead of immediately after 
fji,e\T7j, probably for metrical convenience, is merely the long 
study that all teachers demand and all great things require. 
Cf. e.g. Anon. Iambi. Diels, 577, 37-42. Epistolae Chionis, 
XI (Hercher, p. 200) ^/-tefc e aperrjv e/jLTropevd/jieOa ovS&Kti 
d\\ov 7r\rjv (uereft>9 /cal <$>i\07rov{a<$ /cal %pdvov wviov. It is 
Dante's lungo studio, Isocrates' (Pan. I4)rov %pdvov firj /JLOVOV 
rov Trepl TOV \djov rj/jilv SiaTpi(f>6evTos, etc. It has of course 
nothing to do with the appeal to time or posterity as the best 
judge, for which, with some remarks on /caipds, cf. Butcher, 
Harvard Lectures, 177, ii7sqq. 

Kpirrjv, etc. The distinction of criticism from creative 
power appears early. It is found in Thucydides, n, 40, and in, 
37, though rather with reference to judging the policies than 
the art of a speaker. The Platonic Hippias invites Socrates 
to bring to his lecture hearers omz/e? l/cavol a/cova-avres icplvai 
ra \eydiJLeva (286 C). Isocrates boasts that his teaching even 
when it fails to turn out professional ay&mo-ra?, makes cul- 
tured laymen, TMV re \djcov KpiTas . . . aicpiftecrTepovs (15, 
204). And Aristotle regards criticism rather than virtuosity 
as the aim of the ordinary man's study of music and painting. 
But we need not follow this line of thought further nor trace 
the meaning of /c/om/eo? among the Alexandrians. (Cf. San- 

Vol. xl] 4>v0-t9, MeXer?/, 'ETT^cm?//.?; 199 

dys, i, 10.) The comic poet is thinking of the judges in the 
theatre, or of the whole audience as judges. For as Aristotle 
says, the Oearrjs of a poem or epideictic speech is the Kpir^ 
on whom its success depends. And the comic poets hardly 
distinguish the appeal to the audience from the appeal to the 
judges. 1 They feel with Touchstone that "when a man's 
verses cannot be understood nor a man's wit seconded with 
the forward child understanding, it strikes a man more dead 
than a great reckoning in a little room." Hence Aristopha- 
nes' many appeals to the intelligence of the audience. Eq. 
233 TO yap Oearpov Sef iov ; Nubes 521 Oearas Sef tot>9 ; cf. 575; 
Frogs 1109, 1115. A stupid hearer in the audience is a 
bad thing, says Philemon (K. 143), for he blames the poet, 
not himself. The work of art must be supplemented by ap- 
preciation, he tells us elsewhere (72, 4) : 

There is no profit in the sculptured stone 
Or glowing canvas, if the artist's work 
Find no discerning eye to feel their beauty, 

av fjbrj TOV alo-Orjcrd/jievov rj re^vrj \d{3rj. So in parody of the 
thought, Alexis ap. Athen. ix, 379 B : 

The cook's sole duty is to cook the dinner. 

Let him who is to eat and judge it (Kptveiv) come 

In season (ei? /ccu/ooV), then art does its perfect work. 

It is not, however, the mere term "judge" but its combina- 
tion with the pregnant word o-vvdpTraaai, that excites Pro- 
fessor Saintsbury's admiration. After translating it in italics 
"a critic able to grasp what is said" he coins the phrase 
"critical avvdpTraa-^a^ p. 198, and alludes to it again as a 
"really 'grasping' judgment," p. 227. In all this he is of 
course pressing the etymology far more than the Greeks did, 
to whom the word signified little more than the quickness of 
apprehension eminently desirable in a student or an audience. 
It is used with comic effect of snapping up what the teacher 

1 So already Cratinus ap. Hephaest. 15, p. 88: 

Xcup', (3 /j^y dx/3et67e\ws 8/ju\e, rcus ^7rf/35cus, 
TT/S i]/j^T^pas <ro<J>tas K/CHTTJS A/ncrre tr&vrwv. 

2OO Paul Shorey [ I 99 

throws out in Aristophanes, Nubes, 775 aye 77 ra^eo)? TOVTL 
%vvdpTra(Tov. In 490 vfyapTrdaei is used and the allusion to 
the dog is explicit. Cf. further, Soph. Ajax 16 
(frpevi', Alexis (Kock, n, p. 311): 

K<U Tr]V rexyrjv /xei/ ou TTO.VV 
Ti)V 8' apTrjpLav o-vvrjp7ra<rev ; 

the phrases crvvap'jrd&iv TO ^Tovfjievov, and (in AmXefet? 5) 
crvvapTrd^ai TCL TroXXa oXiya /jLaOcov. The word plainly con- 
veys no suggestion of a comprehensive critical judgment. 

The next two lines (8, 9) have already received sufficient 
illustration (supra, p. 187 sq.). In the line of recapitulation 
(10) /JLe\6Tr) is replaced by eTrtyu-eXeta, care, painstaking, a fre- 
quent virtual synonym in the earlier rhetorical and ethical lit- 
erature of the subject and especially in Isocrates and Plato. 

Eirra (a seems to introduce a new point naturally suggested 
by eVt/ueXeta, but it may also serve to repeat /caipds. The 
two ideas, though not the terms, are associated in Phaedrus, 
268 sqq. ; e.g. in 268 B oTrore is the icaipds of medicine, and 
in 268 D TTJV TOVTCDV avcTTacriv TrpeTrovo-av aXX^Xot?, etc., im- 
plies the raft? or euTagia of good literature. 1 But this is 
doing Simulus too much honor. He merely catches up a 
familiar term of rhetoric or literary criticism to round out the 
line, and might have used oifcovopta had it fitted the measure. 
It is Alcidamas' ev ra|a Oeivcu (24) and Horace's lucidns ordo 
(A. P. 41). Yet, as the next line shows that Simulus is begin- 
ning to confound literary criticism with ethics, or the general 
conduct of life, it is possible that evTa^ia is to be taken in the 
ethical sense for which alone the lexicons cite it. 2 

The last line adds not very relevantly a Platonic thought 
which became a commonplace of parainetic. Cf. Plato, 
Laches \ 188 B KOI a^iovjrra jJiavOdveiv ecocrTrep av 77, /cal /LIT) old- 
fievov avTo TO yfjpas vovv %ov irpoo-ievat. It is found also in 
a perhaps spurious fragment of Democritus (183 Diels, i) 

1 This also Siiss, p. 90, refers to Gorgias because of the emphasis laid on TCIS 
in the Helena. 

2 It is used of the easily remembered order of rhythmical words by Longinus, 
Spengel, I, 316, 22. 

Vol. xl] <l>i5<m, MeXer??, 'ETTtcrr^/u?; 20 1 

yap ou SiSda/cei (frpovelv a\\' copairj rpO(j)7j Kal 
Cf. Publil. Syrus r Meyer, n. 590 Sensus, non aetas, invenit 

Commentary of this sort might be extended indefinitely, 
and I have already perhaps crossed the line where pedantry 
begins. But a mere statement of opinion would have pro- 
duced no impression against the testimony of the two admira- 
ble and widely known books that have given to these lines a 
factitious significance. It was necessary to prove to super- 
fluity their commonplace quality by a history of the ideas 
which they express. 








Philological Association of the Pacific Coast 



Frank F. Abbott, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

Charles D. Adams, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 

Hamilton Ford Allen, Washington and Jefferson College, Washington, Pa. 

Francis G. Allinson, Brown University, Providence, R. I. 

Andrew Runni Anderson, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. 

R. Arrowsmith, New York, N. Y. 

Sidney G. Ashmore, Union University, Schenectady, N. Y. 

Frank Cole Babbitt, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 

William W. Baker, Haverford College, Haverford, Pa. 

Allan P. Ball, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. 

Floyd G. Ballentine, Bucknell University, Lewisburg, Pa. 

LeRoy C. Barret, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 

John W. Basore, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

Samuel E. Bassett, University of Vermont, Burlington, Vt. 

William N. Bates, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Charles E. Bennett, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 

Charles Edward Bishop, College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Va. 

Maurice Bloomfield, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

George M. Boiling, Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C. 

Campbell Bonner, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 

James W. Bright, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

Demarchus C. Brown, Indianapolis, Ind. 

Miss Mary H. Buckingham, Boston, Mass. 

Harry E. Burton, Dartmouth College, Hanover? N. H. 

Donald Cameron, Boston University, Boston, Mass. 

Edward Capps, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

Mitchell Carroll, The George Washington University, Washington, D.C. 

Charles Upson Clark, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 

Sereno Burton Clark, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 

Hermann Collitz, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

Walter Dennison, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 

Norman W. DeWitt, Victoria College, Toronto, Can. 

Sherwood Owen Dickerman, Williams College, Williamstown, Mass. 

Martin L. D'Ooge, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 

W. A. Eckels, Lafayette College, Easton, Pa. 

Franklin Edgerton, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

Philip H. Edwards, Baltimore City College, Baltimore, Md. 

James C. Egbert, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

Robert B. English, Washington and Jefferson College, Washington, Pa. 

ii American Philological Association 

H. Rushton Fairclough, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford Uni- 
versity, Cal. 

George Converse Fiske, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 
Edward Fitch, Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y. 
Thomas FitzHugh, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. 
Roy C. Flickinger, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. 
Frank H. Fowler, Lombard College, Galesburg, 111. 
Tenney Frank, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 
James M. Garnett, Baltimore, Md. 

Basil L. Gildersleeve, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 
Thomas D. Goodell, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 
Charles J. Goodwin, Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pa. 
Miss Florence A. Gragg, Cambridge, Mass. 

Herbert Eveleth Greene, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 
Charles Burton Gulick, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 
William Gardner Hale, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 
H. A. Hamilton, Elmira College, Elmira, N. Y. 
Albert Granger Harkness, Brown University, Providence, R. I. 
Karl P. Harrington, W T esleyan University, Middletown, Conn. 
Miss Mary B. Harris, Baltimore, Md. 
William Fenwick Harris, Cambridge, Mass. 
J. E. Harry, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, O. 
Harold Ripley Hastings, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 
Joseph William Hewitt, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn. 
Miss Gertrude Hirst, Barnard College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 
W. D. Hooper, University of Georgia, Athens, Ga. 
Joseph Clark Hoppin, Boston, Mass. 

Richard Wellington Husband, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 
J. W. D. Ingersoll, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 
William H. Johnson, Denison University, Granville, O. 
George W. Johnston, University of Toronto, Toronto, Can. 
George Dwight Kellogg, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 
Francis W. Kelsey, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 
Roland G. Kent, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 
J. C. Kirtland, Phillips Exeter Academy, Exeter, N. H. 
Charles Knapp, Barnard College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 
Charles S. Knox, St. Paul's School, Concord, N. H. 
Gordon J. Laing, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 
William A. Lamberton, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Emory B. Lease, College of the City of New York, New York, N.Y. 
Winfred G. Leutner, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, O. 
Herbert C. Lipscomb, Randolph-Macon College, Lynchburg, Va. 
Dean P. Lockwood, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 
Gonzalez Lodge, Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 
George D. Lord, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 
John MacNaughton, McGill University, Montreal, Can. 
Ashton W. McWhorter, Hampden-Sidney College, Hampton-Sidney, Va. 
David Magie, Jr., Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 iii 

Ralph Van Deman Magoffin, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

Herbert W. Magoun, Cambridge, Mass. 

Richard Clarke Manning, Kenyon College, Gambier, O. 

Allan Marquand, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

Henry Martin, Wells College, Aurora, N. Y. 

Elmer Truesdell Merrill, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 

Truman Michelson, Ridgefield, Conn. 

Alfred W. Milden, Emory and Henry College, Emory, Va. 

C. W. E. Miller, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

Walter Lewis Moll, Concordia College, Ft. Wayne, Ind. 

Clifford Herschel Moore, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

Frank Gardner Moore, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 

J. Leverett Moore, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 

Edward P. Morris, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 

Wilfred P. Mustard, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

Barker Newhall, Kenyon College, Gambier, O. 

Marbury B. Ogle, University of Vermont, Burlington, Vt. 

Samuel Grant Oliphant, Olivet College, Olivet, Mich. 

Miss Mary Bradford Peaks, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 

Charles W. Peppier, Emory College, Oxford, Ga. 

Miss Elizabeth Mary Perkins, Washington, D. C. 

Henry Preble, New Brighton, S. I., N. Y. 

Edward Kennard Rand, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

Charles B. Randolph, Clark College, Worcester, Mass. 

Edwin Moore Rankin, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

Kelley Rees, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 

Ernst Riess, Boys' High School, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

John Cunningham Robertson, St. Stephen's College, Annandale, N. Y. 

John C. Rolfe, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Clarence F. Ross, Allegheny College, Meadville, Pa. 

Martin L. Rouse, Toronto, Can. 

J. N. Schaeffer, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

John Adams Scott, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. 

Miss Helen M. Searles, Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass. 

T. Leslie Shear, Barnard College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

Miss Emily Shields, Baltimore, Md. 

F. W. Shipley, Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. 

Paul Shorey, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 

E. G. Sihler, New York University, New York, N. Y. 

Charles F. Sitterly, Drew Theological Seminary, Madison, N. J. 

Charles S. Smith, The George Washington University, Washington, D. C. 

Kirby Flower Smith, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

Herbert Weir Smyth, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

Aristogeiton M. Soho, Baltimore City College, Baltimore, Md. 

Edward H. Spieker, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

R. B. Steele, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn. 

Duane Reed Stuart, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

Wm. Tappan, Jefferson School, Baltimore, Md. 

iv American Philological Association 

Frank B. Tarbell, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 

Glanville Terrell, University of Kentucky, Lexington, Ky. 

LaRue VanHook, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

Miss Alice Walton, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass. 

Andrew P\ West, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

Arthur L. Wheeler, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

James R. Wheeler, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

G. M. Whicher, Normal College, New York, N. Y. 

Miss Mary G. Williams, Mt. Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass. 

Miss Gwendolen B. Willis, Milwaukee- Downer College, Milwaukee, Wis. 

Harry Langford Wilson, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

Henry Wood, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

[Total, 146] 





The arap/xoi oyKot of Heraclides and Asclepiades (read by Professor 

J. W. Hewitt, p. 5 ) 

Lucilius and Persitis (p. 121) 


Certain Linguistic Tests for the Relative Antiquity of the Iliad and 

Odyssey (p. xxxiii) 

A Poetic Source of Tacitus, Agricola, 12, 4 (p. lix) 

The Treatment of Time in the Aeneid (p. xxvi) 

Notes on Some Disputed Passages in Cicero's Letters (read by title) 

The Classical Element in XVIth Century Latin Lyrics (p. xliv) 

Scaenica (p. 109) 


On the Use of the Sign of Interrogation in Certain Greek Mss 

(p. xxiii) 

Cicero de Officiis, n, TO (read by title, p. li) 


(p. 185) 

vi American Philological Association 



The Range and Character of the Philological Activity of America : 
Annual Address of the President of the Association (p. xxxviii) 


The Distribution of the Roles in the New Menander (p. Ixxv) 


The Use of wore in Biblical Greek compared with the Hebrew 

(p. xvi) 

An Interpretation of Ranae, 788-790 (p. 93) 

Quintilian on the Status of the Later Comic Stage (p. xxi) 

Two Notes on the Latin Present Participle (p. xviii) 


Conflicting Terminology for Identical Conceptions in the Grammars 
of Indo-European Languages (p. xl) 

The Article in the Predicate in Greek (p. Ixiii) 

The Theological Utility of the Caesar Cult (p. xvii) 

Some Questions of Plautine Pronunciation (p. 99) 


Some New Material dealing with the Classical Influence on Tennyson 

(read by title, p. xxii) 


The Theory of the Worship of the Roman Emperors (read by title, 

p. xxxix) 

Catullus, 66, 77-78 (read by title, p. xlviii) 

Proceedings for December, 1909 vii 



On the Degree of Stability in the Order of Words, as exhibited by 
the Variant Readings of the Veda 

The Latest Dated Inscription from the Site of Lavinium (p. xxv) 

Early Mediaeval Commentaries on Terence (p. Ixxii) 

On the Eight-Book Tradition of Pliny's Letters in Verona (p. Ixii) 

The Dramatic Satura among the Romans (p. lii) 

Phases of the Diminutiv Suffix -ka in the Veda (read by title, p. xxviii) 

Notes on the Pompeian Election-Notices (read by title, p. Ixx) 

Note on Tacitus, Histories, n, 40 (read by title, p. Ixiv) 

The First Steps in the Deification of Julius Caesar (read by title, p. xxvii) 

Aryan Root Vowels, A Query (read by title, p. Ix) 


Later Literary Tradition of the Stories of Gyges, told by Herodotus 

and Plato (read by title) 

The Local Allusion in Euripides (read by title, p. xxii) 


The Final Monosyllable in Latin Prose and Poetry (p. xliii) 

Three-eight and Other Analyses of Logaoedic Forms (p. Ivii) 

The Pronunciation of c, g, and v in Latin (p. Ixxviii) 

viii American Philological Association 


The Effect of Enclitics on Latin Word Accent, in the Light of 
Republican Prose Usage (p. Ixxxiii) 


Emendations, with a New Interpretation of Aeschylus, Prometheus, 

791-792 (p. xlviii) 

Race Mixture in Early Rome (p. 63) 

The Etruscan aisar, ais, ala-oi (read by title, p. Ixxxviii) 

Sicca Mors, Juvenal, 10, 113 (read by title, p. Ixxvi) 

The Etymology of Sanskrit Punya- (read by title, p. 23) 

The Genitive in Livy (read by title, p. Ixxxvii) 

Pompeian Illustrations to Lucretius (read by title, p. li) 

Aristophanes in the XVth Century (read by title, p. Ivi) 



2.00 O'CLOCK P.M. 

The Major Restrictions on Access to Greek Temples (p. 83) 


The House- door in Greek and Roman Religion and Lore (read by 

title, p. Ixvi) 

The Evolution of the Saturnian Verse (p. xxix) 

Macrobius and the Dusk of the Gods (p. Ixxxv) 

The Story of a Grease Spot (p. Ixviii) 

On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus (p. 151) 

Proceedings for December, 1909 ix 


BALTIMORE, MARYLAND, December 28, 1909. 

The Forty-first Annual Meeting was called to order in the Donovan 
Room, McCoy Hall, of the Johns Hopkins University, at 3.30 P.M., 
by the Praeses iterum, Professor Basil Lanneau Gildersleeve, of the 
Johns Hopkins University. 

The President appointed as a Committee to Audit the Treasurer's 
Accounts : Professors Charles Darwin Adams and Floyd G. Ballentine. 

The Chair further appointed as a Committee on the Place of the 
Next Meeting : Professors Albert Granger Harkness, R. B. Steele, 
and F. W. Shipley. 

The Secretary, Professor Frank Gardner Moore, of Trinity College, 
Hartford, read the list of new members elected by the Executive 
Committee, as follows : 1 

Prof. George O. Berg, Wittenberg College. 

Robert Pierpont Blake, Harvard University. 

Prof. Sherman Campbell, Hanover College. 

Prof. Adam Carruthers, University College, Toronto. 

Wm. Churchill, New York City. 

Dr. Robert Franklin Cooper, Centreville, Ala. 

Prof. Henry L. Crosby, Princeton University. 

Dr. Henry B. Dewing, Princeton University. 

Dr. Franklin Edgerton, Johns Hopkins University. 

Prof. Alvin E. Evans, Washington State College. 

Dr. John Laurence Gerig, Columbia University. 

Prof. John Francis Greene, Brown University. 

Maynard M. Hart, St. Louis, Mo. 

W. O. Hart, New Orleans, La. 

Prof. Robert C. Horn, Muhlenberg, Pa. 

Prof. Samuel A. Jeffers, Central College. 

Prof. James William Kern, Washington and Lee University. 

Prof. Herbert C. Lipscomb, Randolph-Macon Woman's College. 

Dr. Dean P. Lockwood, Harvard University. 

Daniel W. Lothman, Cleveland, Ohio. 

Prof. John MacNaughton, McGill University. 

Prof. Ashton Waugh McWhorter, Hampden-Sidney College. 

Prof. Henry Martin, Wells College, Aurora, N.Y. 

Dr. Charles C. Mierow, Princeton University, Pa. 

Prof. Wm. McCracken Milroy, Geneva College. 

Prof. Walter Lewis Moll, Concordia College. 

Prof. James Raider Mood, Villanova College. 

Frank Prescott Moulton, Hartford, Conn. 

1 Including several names later added by the Committee. 

x American Philological Association 

Dr. Charles J. Ogden, Barnard College. 

W. H. Perkins, Baltimore, Md. 

Prof. Alexander H. Rice, Boston University. 

Prof. Archibald Thomas Robertson, Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. 

Prof. John Cunningham Robertson, St. Stephen's College. 

Fletcher Nichols Robinson, Phillips Exeter Academy. 

Prof. Herbert Victor Routh, Trinity College, Toronto. 

Prof. William Berney Saffold, University of Alabama. 

Winthrop Sargent Jr , Haverford, Pa. 

J. N. Schaeffer, Princeton University. 

Miss Emily Shields, Baltimore, Md. 

David Wilkinson Smith, Brown University. 

Dr. Aristogeiton M. Soho, Baltimore City College. 

Prof. Manson A. Stewart, Yankton College. 

Prin. Wm. Tappan, Baltimore, Md. 

Dr. W T ilmot Haines Thompson, Jr., Yale University. 

Henry B. Van Hoesen, Princeton University. 

Dr. Robert Henning Webb, Harvard University. 

Prof. Boyd Ashby Wise, Oklahoma Agricultural and Mechanical College. 

The Secretary further reported that the TRANSACTIONS and PRO- 
CEEDINGS, Volume xxxix, had been published in September. 
The Treasurer's report was accepted as follows : 


Balance, December 26, 1908 $703.68 

Sales of Transactions $151.75 

Membership dues 1113.00 

Initiation fees 145.00 

Dividends 6.00 

Interest 18.06 

Offprints i.oo 

Philological Association of the Pacific Coast .... 147.00 

Total receipts to December 26, 1909 1581.81 



Transactions and Proceedings (Vol. XXXTX) . . . .$1156.30 

Salary of Secretary 300.00 

Postage 53.67 

Printing and stationery 7^-95 

Telegrams 6.14 

Express 1.15 

Press clippings 5.00 

Printing and secretarial expenses of the Uniform En- 
trance Requirements Commission 50.00 

Total expenditures to December 26, 1909 '. . $1651.21 

Balance, December 26, 1909 634.28 

The reading of papers was then begun. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xi 


Tuesday evening, December 28. 

The Societies met in the large lecture room of McCoy Hall at 
8 P.M., Principal William Peterson, of McGill University, presiding. 

A welcome to the University was extended by William H. Buck- 
ler, Esq., Secretary of the Board of Trustees. Professor Andrew F. 
West, of Princeton University, responded for the Societies. 

The President of the Association, Professor Basil L. Gildersleeve, 
of Johns Hopkins University, delivered the annual address, under 
the title, The Range and Character of the Philological Activity of 


Wednesday morning, December 29. 

The Association was called to order at 9.55 A.M. by the President, 
and this session was devoted exclusively to the reading of papers and 


Wednesday evening. 1 

The Association met at 8.25 P.M., Professor Paul Shorey, of the 
University of Chicago, Vice President of the Association, in the chair. 
This session also was devoted to the reading of papers. 


Thursday morning, December 30. 

The members met at 9.45 A.M., and were called to order by the 
President. A large part of the session was assigned to papers, the 
remainder (from 11.40 A.M.) to business. 

The Commission on Uniform College Entrance Requirements in 
Latin, established by vote of the Association at Toronto, December 30, 
1908, reported by its Chairman, Professor John C. Kirtland, Jr., of 
Phillips Exeter Academy, that it had complied with its instructions 
" to formulate definitions of such requirements " ; that it presented 
the same to the Association, but did not ask that they be formally 
accepted and adopted ; that it was prepared " to further the adoption 
of these definitions by our colleges and universities." 

1 The afternoon had been employed by most of the members with great pleasure and profit in 
visiting the Walters Art Gallery, by the courtesy of Mr. Henry Walters. 

xii American Philological Association 

It was thereupon 

Voted, That the Commission on Uniform College Entrance Requirements in 
Latin be continued, with power to fill vacancies from the membership of the 

Voted, That the Treasurer be authorized to pay not more than twenty-five 
dollars for further expenses of the Commission. 1 

The special order of business, as duly announced in the circulars 
of the Secretary, was then taken up, viz., the question of continuing 
the joint winter meetings with the Archaeological Institute. There 
was no discussion, however, and it was unanimously 

Voted, That the winter meetings with the Archaeological Institute of America 
be continued. 

The Committee on the Place of the Next Meeting, by its Chairman, 
Professor Albert Granger Harkness, reported that invitations had been 
received from Brown University, and from the city of Indianapolis, 
the latter invitation being also extended to the American Historical 
Association. In the animated discussion which followed, Messrs. 
M. L. D'Ooge, Sihler, Harrington, Kelsey, C. H. Moore, Merrill, 
and Bloomfield took part. 

On motion of Professor Sihler it was 

Voted, That the invitation of Brown University be accepted. 
On motion of Professor Elmer Truesdell Merrill, 

Resolved, That the Secretary of the American Philological Association be 
instructed to communicate to the Council of the Archaeological Institute of 
America the decision of the Association to meet one year hence at Brown Uni- 
versity, and to signify the hope and desire of this Association that the Council of 
the Institute may find it agreeable to continue the present plan by appointing the 
session of the Institute at that place. 

On motion of Professor Clifford H. Moore, 

Resolved, That the American Philological Association desires to express to the 
President and authorities of Johns Hopkins University its grateful appreciation 
of their generous hospitality; to the Local Committee for the care and skill with 
which they have provided for the members' comfort and enjoyment; to the Johns 
Hopkins Club, the University Club, the Arundel Club, and the College Club, for 
their kindness in granting to its members the privileges of their homes; and to 
Mr. Henry Walters for his courtesy in opening his rare collections of art. 

The Auditing Committee, by its Chairman, Professor Charles Dar- 
win Adams, reported that it had examined the Treasurer's accounts, 
compared the vouchers, and found the report of receipts and expendi- 
tures correct. 

1 In addition to fifty dollars appropriated by the Executive Committee, October 5, 1909. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xiii 

The Nominating Committee reported by its Chairman, Professor 
Martin L. D'Ooge, the following list of nominations : 

President, Professor Paul Shorey, University of Chicago. 
Vice-Presidents, Professor John C. Rolfe, University of Pennsylvania. 

Professor Thomas D. Goodell, Yale University. 
Secretary and Treasurer, Professor Frank Gardner Moore, Trinity College, 

Executive Committee, The above-named officers, and 

Professor P'rank Cole Babbitt, Trinity College, Hartford. 

Professor Albert Granger Harkness, Brown University. 

Professor William A. Heidel, Wesleyan University. 

Professor Clifford H. Moore, Harvard University. 

Professor Wilfred P. Mustard, Johns Hopkins University. 

The Chair declared the above officers elected. 

The Committee on the Greek Thesaurus reported, by a letter of 
its Chairman, Professor Carl Darling Buck, that it had had some 
correspondence with Professor Kretschmer, secretary of a committee 
appointed by the International Association of Academies ; that the 
British Academy had withdrawn its initiative ; that the proposal of 
the Greek government to commemorate the centenary of Greek inde- 
pendence by publishing a great historical lexicon was of a totally dif- 
ferent character ; that the cost of the preliminary collection of material 
for a Greek Thesaurus was estimated at more than a million marks ; 
finally, that the Committee had no recommendation to propose. 

The report of the Committee was accepted. 

The Committee of Conference with the Carnegie Institution, pre- 
sented by its Chairman, Professor Elmer Truesdell Merrill, a joint 
letter to the Trustees of the Carnegie Institution, signed, on behalf 
of the ten societies named, by their respective committees. 1 

1 The text of the joint letter follows : 

December 10, 1909. 



The undersigned respectfully desire to present for your consideration this memorial on behalf 
of the following learned societies of the United States : 

American Historical Association, Modern Language Association of America, 

American Institute of Architects, National Academy of Design, 

American Philological Association, National Institute of Arts and Letters, 

American Philosophical Association, Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis, 

Archaeological Institute of America, The American Dialect Society. 

With most hearty appreciation of the vast good already accomplished by the Carnegie Institu- 
tion and with high hopes for its even greater usefulness in the future, we ask the privilege of 
expressing the strong desire of these learned societies to cooperate with efforts of the Carnegie 

xiv American Philological Association 

The report of the Committee was accepted. 

The Committee on a Seal made a report of progress, by its Chair- 
man, Professor Frank Cole Babbitt. It was 

Voted, That the Committee on a Seal be continued, to report at the next 

The Chair named Professor Charles E. Bennett, of Cornell Uni- 
versity, member of the Nominating Committee. 
On motion of the Secretary, 

Voted, That the Chair appoint a Committee of three to consider the points of 
disagreement between our former Committee on a Phonetic Alphabet and the 
similar Committee of the National Educational Association, and to report at the 
next meeting. 

The Chair has appointed as members of this Committee : Messrs. 
George Hempl, Charles P. G. Scott and Hermann Collitz. 
On motion of Professor Elmer Truesdell Merrill, 

Resolved, That the President of the American Philological Association be 
requested to appoint a Committee of three to invite conference with represen- 
tatives of the Classical Associations in England and Scotland, of the Versamm- 
lung deutscher Philologen und Schulmanner, and, at their discretion, of other 
associations of similar character, on the subject of holding at regular intervals a 
joint international meeting of these organizations, and to report to this Association 
the result of their consultations, with such plans as they may see fit to recommend. 

To this Committee the Chair appointed Messrs. Merrill, M. L. 
D'Ooge, and Morris. 

Institution for the advancement of knowledge in the fields of literature and art in the broadest 
sense, and also in the humanistic sciences. To this end we respectfully ask that properly approved 
projects of historical, archaeological, philosophical, linguistic, literary, and artistic investigation 
and publication be admitted in the apportioning of grants of the Carnegie Institution to a recogni- 
tion similar to that given approved projects of research in the physical and natural sciences. 

We are encouraged to express this desire by the very liberal provisions of the Articles of 
Incorporation of the Carnegie Institution, especially as stated in the following words of the second 
section of the Articles of Incorporation: 

" That the objects of the corporation shall be to encourage, in the broadest and most liberal 
manner, investigation, research, and discovery, and the application of knowledge to the 
improvement of mankind; and in particular 

(a) To conduct, endow, and assist investigation in any department of science, literature, 
or art, and to this end to cooperate with governments, universities, colleges, technical schools, 
learned societies, and individuals." 

We desire, moreover, to urge our respectful request without the slightest criticism of the 
generous allotments made to projects in the physical and natural sciences, which embrace, as the 
Year Book for 1907 shows (page 21), about five-sixths of all the moneys appropriated, while one- 
sixth has gone to all other projects. We fully realize that very liberal grants have been needed 
to carry out these great projects in the domains of the physical and natural sciences. The sole 
object of our memorial is to plead earnestly that similar recognition may be extended to other 
sciences and especially to all the departments of literature and art. 

[Signed by the members of the committees appointed by the societies named above ] 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xv 



Thursday afternoon, December 30. 

The Societies met shortly after 2 P.M., the President of the Insti- 
tute, Professor Francis W. Kelsey, of the University of Michigan, in 
the chair. 

This session was given to the reading of papers. 

No formal adjournment was taken. 1 

The next meeting of the Association will be held in Providence, 
Rhode Island, December 28-30, 1910. 

1 In the evening the Societies commemorated the forty completed years of the Philological 
Association and the thirtieth anniversary of the Institute by a dinner at the Hotel Belvedere. The 
Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte presided, and among the speakers the Association was represented by 
its President, Professor Gildersleeve, as also by Professors D'Ooge and Bloomfield. 


American Philological Association 


i. The Use of o>o-re in Biblical Greek compared with the 
Hebrew, by Professor Hamilton Ford Allen, of Washington 
and Jefferson College. 

This paper may be summarized in the following table : 

Heb. Bks. or Bks. transl. from Heh. 

orig. in which &<TT is used . . 
Heb. Bks. or Bks. transl. from Heb. 

orig. in which &are is not used . 




Neg. only, ^ with Inf. . . . . 21 

&ffT with finite mood, Pres. Ind. 
&<rre with finite mood, P'ut. Ind. 
&<TT with finite mood, Aor. Imv. 

with Inf. (51 infinitives) Pres. 
wore with Inf. (77 infinitives) Aor. 

ware with Inf. = Purpose .... 
&<TT with Inf. = Result .... 
with Inf. for Heb. dative . 
with Inf. = for Heb. temporal 


&<TT with Inf. = for 7 with inf. 

construct, after verb which does 

not take obj. inf. in Greek . . 
&(rre with Inf. = obj. of verb of Will 
wcrre with Inf. = obj. of verb of 


&<TT with inf. = after nouns and 


&<TT with Inf. = Cause 

&<rre with adverb (\tav~) 
&<rre of comparison . 

Demonstrative ourws . 
Demonstrative rotouros 











Bks. or parts of Bks. in original 
Greek in which wore is used . . 

Bks. or parts of Bks. in original 
Greek in which (bare is not used 

Neg. with Inf. only, ^ 
Neg. with Inf. only, ov 

with finite mood, Pres. Ind. 

(omitted &rr) 

with finite mood, Aor. Ind. . 
wcrre with finite mood, Pres. Imv. . 




wcrre with Inf. (30 infinitives) Pres. 23 
ware with Inf. (20 infinitives) Aor. 14 


ware with Inf. = Purpose .... 2 

were with Inf. = Result .... 26 
axrre with Inf. = obj. of verb of 

Ability 3 

&(TT with Inf. = obj. of verb of 

Teaching 4 

were with Inf. = Predicate Inf. . . i 

uxrre with Inf. Indirect Discourse I 


Demonstrative OUTWS 7 

Demonstrative tirl TO<TOVTOV with 

genitive _4 


Proceedings for December, 1909 xvii 

The tabulation given above is based on Swete's The Old Testa- 
ment in Greek according to the Septuagint, vols. I and n, second 
edition ; vol. in, first edition. 

Unforeseen circumstances have prevented the completion of this 
paper on the lines laid down in the title. 

2. The Theological Utility of the Caesar Cult, by Dr. 
Allan P. Ball, of the College of the City of New York. 

Comments like Seneca's in the de dementia (i, i, 2 ; I, vii, i ; 
i, xix, 8; etc.) upon the function of the Roman emperors, which 
he expressly likens to that of the divine rulers of the world, suggest, 
in view of the contemporary doctrine of the imperial apotheosis, the 
inquiry whether the cult of the Caesars was not a logical and an actual 
factor in the transition from the earlier religion of capricious and con- 
flicting powers of nature to that of an orderly and ethical government 
of the universe. 

The proposition is not to be confused with a recognition of the 
political utility of the worship of Rome and the emperors, nor of the 
aid thus rendered in advance to the later development of the Roman 
ecclesiastical system, nor of the convenience of the political unity of 
the empire for the rapid spread of Christianity. The question is one 
of popular theology : whether the habit, the sincerity of which is 
amply established (cf. Boissier, La Religion romaine, Bk. i, chap. 2), 
of worshipping the great central power which unified and ruled the 
visible world with general beneficence did not assist in orientating the 
common religious mind toward monotheism. 

Literary evidence for such an effect in the popular religious psy- 
chology is necessarily meagre and incomplete, suggestive rather than 
direct, and often subject to discount from its adulatory character. 
But note Pliny's inference from the imperial function (Pan. 80) : 
Talia esse crediderim quae ipse mundi parens temperat nutu, si 
quando oculos demisit in terras, et fata mortalium inter divina opera 
numerare dignatus est. 

In its logical implications the deification of the person who repre- 
sented the government of the world was very different from the deifi- 
cation of a heroic figure merely as such ; and the popular worship of 
the emperor was a force for change in the current theological ideal. 
In a sense it objectified and popularized that conception of a universe 
under the reign of law which the Stoics had been preaching in a form 
too abstract for popular acceptance. The deified emperor, considered 

xviii American Philological Association 

individually, was but one more addition to the over-populous pagan 
pantheon ; considered as the head of the empire, he was a concrete 
illustration of the principle of a world-wide Providence. 

Not only was Caesar-worship the only one that was universal 
throughout the empire (cf. Duruy, " Formation d'une religion offi- 
cielle dans 1'empire remain," Acad. des Sciences Mor. et PoL, Comptes 
Rendus, 1880, 328), but the worship of the separate emperors tended 
to concentrate itself in the worship of the imperial power collectively. 
From the very start, Augustus and Dea Roma were worshipped 
together (cf. Dessau, Eph. Epig. ni, 205, on the sodalitates of the 
different imperial houses). And pagan religious interest to a great 
extent focused itself upon the Caesar cult. In the final reorganiza- 
tion of paganism it seems clear that the ranking priest of each province 
was the priest of Rome and Augustus, elected by the provincial assem- 
bly (cf. Marquardt, Eph. Epig. i, 200). On the predominance of these 
provincial priests over the local ones, cf. Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. viu, 
14, 9) , Lactantius (de Mortibus Persecutorum, 36) , and Julian (Ep. 63). 
On the relative importance of the Caesar cult, St. Melito : Etenim 
nostro adhuc tempore imagines Caesarum adorant et magis veneran- 
tur quam veteres illos deos suos (transl., Pitra, Specileg. Solesm. p. xli) ; 
Tertullian (Apol. 28) ; cf. also Julian, Ep. 62 fin. 

It should be noted that from the Christian fathers would hardly be 
expected much direct testimony in support of the present thesis ; the 
imperial sanctificatio was continued after its religious meaning had 
been relegated to the background, and even Christian emperors were 
called divi, while the theological effect of Caesar-worship had evi- 
dently given place to far more enduring monotheistic influences. 

This paper is published in the Classical Journal, v, 304-309. 

3. Two Notes on the Latin Present Participle, by Dr. 
LeRoy C. Barret, of Dartmouth College. 

(a) The Present Participle with esse as a Periphrastic. 

Such a periphrastic form as the English " I am doing " we call a 
progressive tense, meaning thereby that this form indicates not merely 
that an action takes place, but that it is in progress, that the process 
moves toward accomplishment. This progressive was not a recog- 
nized type in the inflection of the Latin verb, but it was used some- 
times, and this note treats of the occurrences of it in Latin before the 
time of Cicero and Caesar. 

Proceedings for December, 1 909 xix 

The handbooks state that the effect of the periphrasis is to empha- 
size continuance, that considerations of concinnity often induce the 
use of it, and that on the whole it is not of frequent occurrence. 
Draeger says : " Es scheint hierin ein Graecismus vorzuliegen, indess 
mag es eher eine allgemeine Spracherscheinung sein, auch in Alt- 
deutschen vorkommend." That it was imitated from Greek seems 
rather more doubtful than Draeger indicates. The Greek use of the 
turn has been discussed by W. J. Alexander in A.J.P. iv, 291 ff. ; he 
concludes that in such combinations the Greek participle is generally 
equivalent to a characterizing adjective, and that the periphrastic form 
is an accurate expression for the existence of a tendency, though 
not necessarily indicating its manifestation ; it is therefore useful to 
the philosopher. Somewhat the same might be said of the turn in 
Latin, and so we find it in Lucretius ; but I should prefer to say that 
the ultimate reason for the use of this periphrasis lies in the striving 
of a living speech for fuller and more expressive forms. 

Of this combination I have found some 60 examples in the Latin 
writings before Cicero. It is perhaps significant that almost all of 
them are from comedy and Lucretius ; there is only one from the 
fragments of tragedy, Ace. 685, Neque ui tanta quisquam est neque 
tarn abundans fortunis, and this is not one of those which shall be 
called first grade. The instances of this turn which I choose to call 
first grade are those in which the periphrasis differs from the simple 
verb no whit more than it does in English ; in these the participle 
does not seem to have any of the force of a characterizing adjective, 
but the periphrasis predicates a progressive activity. The fact that 
the fragments of tragedy do not show the periphrasis, while they do 
show the participle in its proper uses rather freely, seerns to indicate 
its exclusion from high style, but one ought to hesitate before declar- 
ing it a colloquialism. 

There are 29 examples of the periphrasis which are first grade, as 
follows : Plautus, Cap. 925 ; Cist. 29 ; Cure. 292 ; Most. 141 ; Poen. 
1038; Pseud. 502; Rudens, 943; Stick. 99; Terence, And. 508, 
775 ; Eun. 191 ; Phor. 393, 781 ; Adel. 760; Cato, de Agr. praef. ; 
in Leg. Orch. (Jordan, p. 53) ; Lucretius, n, 334, 497, 678, 1089 '> 
m, 32, 396; iv, 27, 427; v, 1032; Publilius Syrus' Sent. 515 (ed. 
Bickford-Smith) ; Twelve Tables, i, 9 ; S. C. de Bacch. 23 ; Lex 
Quinct. de aquae duct. (Bruns, p. 116). 

In Amph. 132, Miles, 997, Poen. 660, and Phor. 271 what seem to 
me good first-grade examples are open to another interpretation. 

xx American ^Philological Association 

Then there are a number of occurrences of obsequens sum, oboediens 
sum, and die to audiens sum ; in these the participle does not seem 
to be completely a characterizing adjective, but the periphrasis is not 
as close to the simple verb as in the first-grade examples. 

(b] The Present Participle as an Index of Style. 

In the syntax of the present participle Plautus and Terence differ 
very little, but when we look at the participles used and the manner 
of using them there is something to be noted. It appears that Plau- 
tus uses 137 different participles, Terence 89 ; in Plautus five words 
(adsens, praesen s, adveniens, amans, lubens} occur over 35 times each, 
with a total of 272 times for the five : five others occur over 12 times 
each, with a total of 69 times for this second five, giving a further 
total of 341 times for the ten. No other one present participle is used 
as many as 10 times, and the occurrences of those ten words make up 
considerably more than half the whole number of occurrences in Plau- 
tus, which is about 615 ; i.e. the 137 different participles are used about 
615 times in truly participial manner. In Terence the first group of 
five (absetiSy praesens, adveniens, amans, lubens} occur only 43 times 
all together, and the ten only 62 times : no one present participle 
occurs in Terence more than 15 times, and only two as many as 10 
times each. Now Plautus uses one present participle in about every 
35 lines, Terence one in about every 30 lines. If these statistics 
mean anything, it seems to be that Plautus, and perhaps the sermo 
cotidianus, as far as it is represented by him, was not free in the use 
of participial constructions ; i.e. was not given to Tre/ot/JoA^ (cf. Gilder- 
sleeve in A.J.P. ix, 137 rT.), but was blunt and direct. Set phrases 
seem to have been Plautus' main dependence for participial con- 
struction, so far as concerns the present participle. In Terence the 
absence of this frequent occurrence of certain words is noteworthy ; 
and the rather even distribution of the participles used, along with 
the fact that they are used participially to a greater extent than in 
Plautus, seems to point to a better control of the more involved con- 
struction a conclusion not at all new, but in complete accord with 
all the estimates of the style of Terence. 

The fragments of comedy show one present participle in about 
every 23 lines ; it may be that this points to an increasing mastery 
of the complex structure. 

In the fragments of tragedy there is one participle in about every 
1 6 lines : this seems to point to a greater stateliness and complexity 
of style suitable to tragedy. Moreover, in tragedy the present parti- 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xxi 

ciples more strictly retain their true nature, not tending to pass over 
into adjectives ; and, as was noted above, the periphrastic does not 

It seems, then, that we may justly regard the present participle as 
an index of style in the dramatic writings of early Latin. 

4. Quintilian on the Status of the Later Comic Stage, by 
Professor John W. Basore, of Princeton University. 

Concerning the stage history of the fabula palliata, the ordinary 
handbooks offer little more than the statement of its struggling sur- 
vival in early imperial times and the commonplace emphasis upon the 
ascendancy of other forms of stage amusement. 

Sittl (Die Geb'drden der Griechen u. Romer, 203) so far presumes 
upon the authority of this tradition of banishment as to assert, for 
purposes of argument, that by the time of Donatus the plays of 
Terence had long ceased to be produced. Yet Donatus himself 
reports the Andria still upon the boards {ad And. 716), and other 
clear traces of a late survival of such stage pieces may be discovered 
in the literature (e.g. Claud, de Cons. 3ioff. ; Aug. de Civ. n, 8; 
Ep. 202). Quintilian's recognition of existing dramatic forms, 
among which the fabula palliata had to maintain itself, includes 
mention of the mime, the pantomime, the Atellan farce, the contro- 
versial Indus talarius (cf. Tyrrell on Cic. ad Att. I, 16, 3; Cic. de 
Off. I, 150; Quint, xi, 3, 58), and tragedy; yet the prominence of 
legitimate comedy in public interest and the methods of comic art 
may be recognized in much of his testimony. As the palliata was 
briefly termed comoedia, its writers comici, so its actors were comoedi 
in the language of Quintilian and others. Evident variants for the 
same class are actores comoediarum, actores alone, but with clear 
reference to comoedia, and actores comici. The less distinctive terms, 
scenici actores, histrio, and artifices pronuntiandi, are dependent in 
each case upon the connection for classification. The range of 
notices, thus revealed, includes regard for hypokrisis, the mention 
of actors, the use of masks, the recognition of a variety of stock 
roles, and the specification of plays witnessed. The consideration 
of such evidence leads to the conclusion that, at the beginning of 
the second century (A.D.), the fabula palliata survived conspicuously 
in the midst of other forms of stage amusement, and still maintained 
sufficiently the integrity of its actio to furnish, with some restrictions, 
the model for oratorical delivery. The influence of the mime and 

xxii American Philological Association 

the pantomime seems discernible in the tendency to an excess of 
imitatio, yet the prominence of the mime has not yet banished either 
the mask or the male impersonator of female roles. By reason of a 
tendency to pervert the grotesqueness of the mask to purposes of 
buffoonery, respect for it as a serious element of comic art seems to 
have diminished. 

5. The Local Allusion in Euripides, by Professor Samuel 
Eliot Bassett, of the University of Vermont. 

In ten of his seventeen extant tragedies (Electra, Heraclidae, 
Hercules, Supplices, Hippolytus, Iphigenia in Tauris, Ion, Medea, 
Orestes, and Phoenissae) Euripides clearly makes the local hit by 
bringing Athens or an Athenian hero in some way into the action of 
the play. In three other tragedies, the theme and action of which 
are in no way connected with Attic myth, the poet refers to his city 
in a laudatory manner (Alcestis, 452, Hecuba, 466 ff., Troades, 207 f.). 
This leaves but four tragedies (Bacchae, Andromache, Helena, and 
Iphigenia Aulide] in which no reference to Athens is found. Of these 
the Andromache was performed elsewhere than at Athens, and the 
Bacchae and the Iphigenia Aulide were written, or at least completed, 
after the poet had left his native soil for Macedonia. So it is 
natural that the local reference should be omitted from these three. 
Hence there is but one tragedy, the Helena, which is in many respects 
extraordinary, in which there is either no reference to Athens, or no 
reason to explain the absence of such reference. It seems to be a 
fair inference, therefore, that among the many devices which Euripides 
employed to gain and hold the attention of his audience the local 
reference should be included. 

This paper will appear in full in the Classical Journal. 

6. Some New Material dealing with the Classical Influence 
on Tennyson, by Professor Curtis C. Bushnell, of Syracuse 

The classical element in Tennyson has been well studied for the 
poems of the standard editions. No one book, however, contains all 
the material, and it is necessary to supplement Mustard's Classical 
Echoes in Tennyson by the notes of Van Dyke's Poems by Tennyson. 

The following observations seem to me to be new. 

In Morte d* 1 Arthur the Homeric manner is seen in stereotyped 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xxiii 

epithets, as in lines 39, 69, 151, 226; 27, 52, 88, 136, 142 (cf. 
Seymour, Homeric Language and Verse, i q) ; in stereotyped lines 
introducing and concluding speeches, as 13, 66; 69, 115, 151; in 
words of one speaker quoted by another, as 38, 44 ; in repetition of 
words or even lines in similar situations, 65, 112; 38, 44, 81, 147 
(id., i w) ; in audible thought, as 88-109 (cf. Jebb, Homer, pp. 25, 
26) ; in comparisons in the Homeric manner, sometimes brief, some- 
times extended, as 127, 136-142, 200-203, 221 ; in onomatopoeia, 
as 186-190 (Seymour, op. cit., 2 b) ; in paronomasia, as 48, 49 
(id., 2 a) ; in epiploke, as 52, 53 (id., 2 q); in several descriptive 
words together, following in a new line upon the mention of the 
thing described, as 40, 41 ; 48, 49 ; 143, 144 ; 261-263 (id., i n). 

In Ulysses is more of the classical element than has been credited, 
little more being necessarily from Dante than the conception of the 
hero as sailing with his men into the far west " in the pursuit of virtue 
and of knowledge." For epithets applied to Telemachus in 35, cf. 
Od. n, 2 and i, 412, and with 53 //. v, 846-863. 

With Wages 7-10 cf. Pindar, Ol. 2, 75 ff. ; Vergil, Aen. vi, 639 ff., 
705 ; Lucr. in, 18. 

In The Cup, n, with 

" Lay down the Lydian carpets for the king, 
The king should pace on purple to his bride," 

cf. Acs., Ag. 908-9 10. Synorix, the king mentioned, like Agamemnon, 
is going to his death at the hands of the woman who is speaking. 
The same in her prayer to Artemis " to make my marriage prosper 
to my wish " expresses herself with dramatic irony like that of Ag. 911. 
The motives for revenge are similar, the murder of a dear one. 
The title The Talking Oak reminds us of P.V. 832. 

In The Foresters, n, i, 

" Our vice-king John, 

True king of vice true play on words " 

recalls Ag. 699, 700. 

The noble Morte d 1 Arthur is given a homely setting in one of the 
" English Idyls," much as is the beautiful song of the singer at the 
Adonis festival in Theoc. 15. Cf. the homeliness of the metaphor in 
The Epic 44 ff. with that of Theoc. 15, 73. In both compositions 
the auditors are represented as appreciative. 

With Ulysses 26-28 cf. Theoc. 15, 104, 105. 

With Sea Dreams cf. Theoc. 21. Two persons wake from slumber 

xxiv American Philological Association 

at night beside the sea. The one whom a sense of poverty troubles 
in sleep recounts a dream about gold (x/ovo-oto-iv oi/et'/aois, 21, 67) and 
is counselled by the other. 21, 1-5 may serve exactly- for the theme 
of Sea Dreams. Cf. the wife's comment, "What are dreams?" with 
21, 64. Add the allusion to "sphere-music" in 248 to Mustard's 
list, Classical Echoes in Tennyson, p. 138. 

Cf. for the situation and spirit the slumber-song in Theoc. 24, 6-10 
with the Mother-song in Romney's Remorse and the second stanza of 
Sweet and low. 

The erotic visions that lead to the catastrophe of Lucretiu-s seem 
more natural, in view of the existence of the passage iv, 1037-1287. 

The finally suppressed poems (given in the appendix of Collins, 
The Early Poems of Alfred Lord Tennyson) and the earliest poems 
(given in the Macmillan reprint of Poems of Two Brothers) have not 
hitherto been examined for the classical element. 

In the former series classic are the titles Hero to Leander and The 
Hesperides. In The Mystic cf. with 25-33 -^ VIII > 393~395 ; with 
36-40 Pindar, fr. 108 Bg. 2 ; with 39 Marcus Aurelius iv, 43 ; with 
41-46 Somnium Scip. 4 init. and N.D. i, 37; with 44, 45 Aen. vi, 
640. In The Grasshopper i, 5 and n, 6, 7 are allusions to the story 
of Tithonus. 

The poems of the latter series are numerous, but the editors were 
at times uncertain whether Charles or Alfred Tennyson was author of 
a given piece. I have for the following survey examined those poems 
which they credited to Alfred, who was at the time of writing between 
fifteen and seventeen. 

These are frequently prefaced by classical quotations of a rather 
wide range. Horace supplies four, Virgil and Cicero each three, 
Terence, Sallust, Ovid, Juvenal, and Claudian one each. The sub- 
stance of the poems thus prefaced often shows no classical influence. 

Accompanying notes refer to Xenophon (Anabasis), Horace, 
Tacitus, Suetonius, Aelius Lampridius, Claudian. Americans will 
be interested in the reference to the last author, who is quoted 
upon the description of Niagara River as flowing by Goat Island 
with " breathless waves," Undis (inexact quotation for gurgitibus) 
Phlegethon perlustrat anhelis, de Rapt. Pros. I, 24. 

In noting that Horace supplies more than any other author, we 
are reminded of Tennyson's remark that he was so thoroughly dosed 
with Horace that even in adult years he could hardly do him justice ; 
Memoir i, 20. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xxv 

Occasionally a poem is on a classical subject, as Antony to Cleo- 
patra, The Fall of Jerusalem, Mithridates presenting Berenice with 
the Cup of Poison, The Druid's Prophecies. 

Rarely, like the last mentioned and Persia, a poem is saturated 
with classical reference. 

Sometimes a poem owes its existence to a classical passage, as 
Friendship to Neque . . . fuit, de Amic. 22. 

Apart from the above, we find only rarely evidences of classical 
influence in the substance of the poems, such as that in " Did not thy 
roseate lips outvie" to 


Of the Cumaean cave who wrote 
Each fate-involving mystery 
Upon the feathery leaves that float," etc. Aen. in, 441-452. 

Some other examples will be found in the Macmillan reprint, 
pp. 27, 101, 104, 114, 145, 147-149. 

It is interesting to observe that the Greek influence so powerfully 
manifested in Tennyson's later work is in these earliest poems almost 
entirely absent. Practically all the classical element (except for the 
poem Persia) is from the Latin authors. 

The classical student would find useful an index of the references 
to Tennyson's classical education, his favorite passages, his comments 
on authors, his friendships with men of classical interests, etc., as 
found in Alfred Lord Tennyson, a Memoir by his Son. There, 
too, appears some of his work, elsewhere unpublished, that shows 
classical influence. 

7. The Latest Dated Inscription from the Site of Lavi- 
nium, by Professor Walter Dennison, of the University of 

The paper described an unpublished inscription from near Pratica 
di Mare, on the site of the ancient Lavinium, south of Rome. The 
inscription dates from the fourth century A.D., and was set up in honor 
of an emperor, either Constantine or Constantius. It is the latest 
dated epigraphic monument from this place, and assures us of the 
official existence of Lavinium as late as the first half of the fourth 

This paper will be published in full in Classical Philology. 

xxvi American Philological Association 

8. The Treatment of Time in the Aeneid, by Professor 
Norman W. DeWitt, of Victoria College, Toronto. 

When Virgil began work upon the Aeneid he had tried no form 
of composition that exercised his powers upon a large plot. The 
Eclogues are lyrics of the noontide and the idle shepherd narrowly 
confined to a part of a single day and to a single scene. The 
Georgics, as didactic poems, are timeless, and call only for orderly 
arrangement. Narrative episodes essayed in these or in earlier works 
are necessarily limited in scope, like the Eclogues. 

The epic, on the other hand, implies many events in consequential 
succession, and demands a strict account of days. The Aeneid, in 
conformity with these requirements, begins promptly and moves with 
speed : one-fourth of the whole is complete by the end of the second 
day ; a dramatic pause occurs in the fourth book and an interval of 
relaxation in the fifth, but in the rest of the poem the movement is 
rapid ; in the eighth and ninth, events happening in different places 
are carefully synchronized. So far as a calendar of days is kept, the 
mention of sunrise marks the new day ; but the sunset is omitted and 
night brought in only for the sake of its emotional connection with 
the action. 

This brings us to the second point ; that, while Virgil attains both 
speed of progress and condensation of time in their respective fields, 
he sometimes omits to make us feel the duration of time when inevi- 
table intervals occur, a literary necessity no less than the former. 
Narratives of journeys by land or sea have need of such treatment. 
Of these the following occur : from station to station in Book in ; 
from the ships to Carthage, i, 305 ff. ; Carthage to Sicily, iv, 571- 
583 and v, 1-34; Segesta to Cumae, v, 772-778, 827-871, and vi, 
1-5 ; voyage up the Tiber, vm, 86-101 ; Pallanteum to the Tuscan 
camp, vm, 585-607; and the return to the Trojan camp in x, 215- 


The following devices are employed to mark the passage of time : 
description by the way, of which the best example is found in the 
voyage up the Tiber, vii, 86-101, and one less elaborated in the 
voyage from Delos to Crete, m, 124-131 ; secondly, adventure or 
incident by the way, of which the story of the loss of Palinurus in 
v, 827-871, the encounter with Venus, I, 314-417, and the visitation 
of Aeneas by the nymphs, x, 219-255 are excellent examples. 

Now we come to animadversions. The interval of the journey 
from Pallanteum to the Tuscan camp in vm, 585-607 is not ade- 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xxvii 

quately filled ; the beginning is good, but the arrival at the desti- 
nation is too suddenly announced ; the passage from Carthage to 
Sicily, v, 1-34, seems to have been made in one day, which was 
practically impossible, and the men were 'weary,' which, after the 
short and easy voyage, seems unjustified. In the third book the 
passage of time is represented with even less success. The impres- 
sion desired was one of vexatious postponement and frustration, while 
that actually produced is one of nervous haste and hurry. No special 
hardships are dwelt upon ; the winds are usually favorable, and even 
the storm carries them in the direction of their destination. A navi- 
gator, of his own choice, would have followed almost the same route, 
and we can hardly consent to the large total of seven years presumed 
for these short voyages and interrupted settlements. The few inci- 
dents of the book lack the bulk and body to retard the story and 
engage the attention of the reader to the requisite extent, nor is 
much help derived from minor aids. The technique of description 
even hurries the narrative, leaping quickly in several instances from 
departure to destination without dwelling upon the voyage, e.g. in, 
11-18. The book needs some larger episode of engrossing interest 
to occupy the interval of time that is assumed to have elapsed. 

Summary : Virgil succeeds in maintaining epic speed and in secur- 
ing dramatic condensation ; he employs the usual devices for occupy- 
ing the intervals of journey, such as description and incident by the 
way, but in some instances he has passed too quickly from departure 
to arrival in his narratives of voyages, and in the third book he does 
not produce with full success the desired impression of long postpone- 
ment and weariness. Lastly, these defects show the lack of the last 
hand in the Aeneid, not the lack of knowledge or skill. 

9. The First Steps in the Deification of Julius Caesar, 
by Professor Frederic Stanley Dunn, of the University of 

Opening with a brief re"sum of the general causes which led up 
to Caesar-worship, and of the precedents in deification which had 
already been established, this paper is more definitely concerned 
with a rehearsal of the actual events which consummated Julius 
Caesar's own apotheosis. The discussion is confined chiefly to the 
incidents and enactments which preceded the assassination or im- 
mediately followed all later events being relegated to a subsequent 
paper. The topics covered are : 

xxviii American Philological Association 

Caesar's kinship with previous demigods. 

Early references to the divine origin of the gens lulia. 

The advance from the Rubicon. 

Early coins of the East in honor of Caesar. 

The proclamation at Ephesus. 

Various senatus consulta entailing apotheosis. 

The mensis lulius. 

The Temple to dementia Caesaris. 

The cult of hipiter lulius and Mark Antony, its flamen. 

The lulii Luperci. 

The feast of the Lupercalia. 

The funeral and its results. 

The altar and the column. 

C. Matius, otherwise Marius, the demagogue. 

The paper closes with the aggressive measures of the Consuls, 
Antony and Dolabella, in suppressing the inclination of the peo- 
ple to worship their hero with which scene the first act in the 
deification of Julius Caesar closes. 

10. Phases of the Diminutiv Suffix -ka in the Veda, by 
Dr. Franklin Edgerton, of Johns Hopkins University. 

The commonest use of this suffix in early times (probably also its 
most primitiv use) was in forming secondary nouns or adjectivs of 
similarity or characteristic from noun stems. The meaning was "par- 
taking of the nature of," " having the characteristics of," " like." In 
very early (prehistoric) times there developt a secondary use, the for- 
mation of diminutivs (meaning " only similar to," i.e. " not equal to "), 
implying a partial or imperfect likeness to the original. This diminu- 
tiv use is perhaps the most prominent use of the suffix in the earliest 
Vedic, which shows a rich and varied assortment of dim. words with 
this suffix (the only clearly markt dim. suffix in the Veda). 

The Vedic dim. words in ka may be groupt under six main heads : 
I. True Dim. : a) of size with nouns (avi, a sheep ; avika, a lamb) 
or adjectivs of smallness (arbha, small ; arbhaka, tiny) ; b) of degree 
with adjectivs (abhimadyat, drunk; -ka, slightly tipsy), especially 
color- adjectivs (babhru, brown ; -ka, brownish) ; c) of importance 
(hotr, priest ; hotrka, a kind of subordinate priest). II. Endearing 
Dim. (ambt, mother; ambika, Mutterchen), rare in the Veda. 
III. Dim of Pity (ksudra, little ; ksullaka [dial, form], poor little 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xxix 

fellow), scarcely to be found in the Veda except with the added 
notion of contempt. IV. Dim. of Inferiority with evil connotation, 
called Pejorativs, including : a) Contemptuous Dim. (raj an, king ; 
rajaka, weak, petty kinglet) ; ft) Imprecatory Dim. (implying strong 
disapprobation ; often to be renderd by a curse accompanying the 
word, and frequent with nouns of demons, hostil sorcerers, etc. ; 
as anantaka, " accursed Ananta ! " [a demon] ; a^vaka, " infernal 
horse !" <.a{va, etc.); c) Dim. of Vulgar Humor (found in certain 
slangy-humorous words of obscene character, especially with slang 
expressions for the genital organs; e.g. muska, dhanika). V. Ge- 
neric Dim. with words denoting masculinity and femininity, like 
Ger. Mannchen = male, Weibchen = female (viraka, RV. male, 
Mannchen, <vtra, man; so maryaka, RV. ; also dhenuka, and per- 
haps maJiiluka [AV., cf. mahiia, woman], = female). VI. Dim. of 
Femininity (there is a tendency on the part of fern, nouns to show 
this dim. suffix; pradatr, giver [com. gender], but pradatrka, a 
female giver). 

The dim. suffix, especially in its pejorativ uses, is added to nouns, 
adjectivs, pronouns, adverbs, and even (once) to a finite verb form. 
Sometimes the pejorativ idea pervades whole passages so thoroly 
that they bristle with ka suffixes, which then denote not necessarily 
diminutivs of the individual words to which they are attacht, but a 
cumulativ emfasis of the pejorativ idea in the passage. Examples : 
RV. i, 19, i; xi, 15, 16; AV. x, 4, 14; v, 13, 9. 

ii. The Evolution of the Saturnian Verse, by Professor 
Thomas FitzHugh, of the University of Virginia. 

In my Chicago paper on " Rhythmic Alternation and Coincidence 
of Accent and Ictus in Latin Metric Art," PAPA, xxxvm, xv-xvii, 
presented on December 30, 1907, I showed that all Latin rhythm is 
a contrast of acute stress in thesis and grave stress in arsis, alternat- 
ing rhythmically with a contrast of double acute stress in thesis and 
grave stress in arsis. Such a rhythm abhors the stressless tone except 
after one or both accents, and forbids within the limits of the bi- 
accentual foot all duplication of the grave stress and all following of 
a grave stress by an acute stress before a stressless tone, except after 
the double accent or its equivalent, the powerful initial thesis of the 
rhythmic dipody, where a grave stress softens at will to a stressless 
tone and thus is rhythmized. 

Thus Latin rhythm abhors the grave-stressed thesis and the grave- 

xxx American Philological Association 

stressless arsis of Greek quantitative verse : it is a rhythm of the 
single acute or double acute thesis, which confines the grave stress 
to arsis and excludes the grave-stressless tone from both. Hence, 
in all Latin verse the O tone must follow A or A-A, and G-G and 
G-A-O must follow the powerful initial thesis A 2 (=A-A) of the 
dipody, or be postponed to the double accent (A-A). 

In my Toronto paper on " The Pre- Acute, Acute, Grave, and Zero 
Stress in Latin Speech and Rhythm " (PAPA, xxxix, xxi-xxvii), 
presented to the Association on December 30, 1908, I established 
the Tripudic Accentual System of Latin speech in place of the tradi- 
tional penultimate and antepenultimate system of Hellenizing gram- 
mar, and the Tripudic Rhythmic System of Latin verse in place of 
the traditional quantitative system of Hellenizing metric. 

In my second Toronto paper on "The Carmen Arvale: A Crypto- 
graph of the Stayed Spear and Sacred Triptidium of Mars " (errone- 
ously printed in AJA, xm, 64), presented to the Archaeological In- 
stitute on the following day, December 31, 1908, I showed the epi- 
graphic source and key to the whole discovery of Italico- Keltic accent 
and rhythm, and established the incomparable scientific importance 
of the precious little monument. 

The purpose of the present paper is to establish the Italico- Keltic 
or West-Indoeuropean universality of tripudic accent and rhythm, 
and to trace their artistic evolution from the parent source in the 
great Italico- Keltic or West-Indoeuropean twin nationalities through 
classic Latin poetry and Christian hymnology into the rhythm of 
accentual contrast in Romanic and modern art. 

We shall accordingly observe four stages in the evolution of the 
Italico- Keltic Saturnian : 

I. The Tripudic Stage, pure and simple, of Livius' Odysseia, Nae- 
vius' Bellum Punicum, Fiacc's and Ultan's Hymns, and the Bangor 

II. The Classic Saturnian, with superadded quantities and verse- 
beat from Greek metric, in classic Latin poetry. 

III. The Post-Classic Saturnian, with Greek verse-beat alone, in 
Com median and Christian Hymnology. 

IV. The Romanic and Teutonic Saturnian, with Greek verse-beat 
degenerating into mere syllable-counting structure, in Romanic, Eng- 
lish, and German verse. 

I. The Pure Italico-Keltic Saturnian in Italy, Ireland, Italico- 
Keltic domain, England, and Germany : 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xxxi 

A. In Italy : Livius Andronicus, Odysseia, 

Virum mihi Camen x insece versutum 
A-G A-G | A-A-G HA-O-G A-A-G 

B. In Ireland : Place's Hymn to St. Patrick, 

/ . / . / / , / / / / . 

Anim patraicc friachorp isiarsaethaib roscarad 
A-G A-G | A-A-G || A-O-A-G | A-A-G 

C. In Italico-Keltic domain : St. Augustine, Hymnns Abecedarius 
contra Donatistas, 

Abundantia peccatorum solet fratres conturbare 
A-A-O-G | A-O-A-G || A-G A-G | A-O-A-G 

D. In England : Aldhelm, Bishop of Wessex, 

\J ' wZ._i_ | /- \J / WW II \J / W_._l_ I jL ^-\J _L. 

Salutatis supplicibus Ethelwaldi cum vocibus 
A-A-G | A-A-G II A-A-G | A-A-O-G 

Imported from Ireland. 

E. In Germany : St. Boniface, Epistola ad Nidhardum, 

Vale frater florentibus iuventutis cum viribus 
A-G A-G | A-A-O-G || A-A-G | A-A-O-G 

Imported from Ireland and Gaul. 

The concentrated tripudic emphasis of the second foot of the tri- 
pudic dipody suggested naturally a point of rhythmic vantage for 
rhyming effects, whose source may therefore be traced to the Italico- 
Keltic Saturnian, and not to any supposed origin in the phenomena 
of prose. 

Let us now trace the prehistoric genesis of this universal West- 
Indoeuropean Italico-Keltic Saturnian. 

The stress-contrast in the tripudium involves eo ipso a tripudic 
contrast in the dipody, and a dipodic contrast in the distich or Satur- 
nian. Thus the tripudic dipody becomes the unitary series of Italico- 
Keltic rhythm, and the tripudic distich or Saturnian its great rhythmic 

Tripudic variety is inherent in the tripudic principle of stress con- 
trast itself: for the contrast of simple stresses may be replaced at 
will by the contrast of stress groups, since tripudic rhythm, being 
accentual, measures its feet by time and not by structure. Hence 

xxxii American Philological Association 

evolve spontaneously the manifold forms of expanded and contracted 

Accordingly we may trace with perfect certainty the prehistoric 
evolution of the Italico-Keltic Saturnian by means of our sacred 
cryptograph, the Carmen Arvale : 

A. The Simple Tripudium : 



B. The Simple Tripudic Dipody : 

/ / \ / / 

\J _ Vi/ i W _1_ W 

Triumpe Triumpe 
A-A-G | A-A-G 

C. The Tripudic Dipody with Paracatalectic Expansion of the 
First Foot : 

6^ 6^.1 6Z.w 
Enos Lases iuvate 
A-G A-G | A-A-G 

D. The Tripudic Dipody with Paracatalectic Expansion of both 

/ XIX / 

_ W W _1_ I \J _^_ _1_ __ 

Neve luem ruem Marmar 
A-G A-G | A-G A-G 

E. The Tripudic Dipody with Paracatalectic-Procatalectic Expan- 
sion of the First Tripudium : 

Sinas incurrere in pleoris 
A-G A-A-O-G| A-A-G 

F. The Tripudic Dipody with Procatalectic-Paracatalectic Expan- 
sion of the First Foot : 

6 ^. w Z.w|^ ^^ 

Manusque susum ad caelum 

A-A-G A-G | A-A-G 

G. The Tripudic Dipody with Procatalectic Contraction of the 
First and Second Foot : 

w'ww^wlv^/^w _^_ 
Satur fure fere Mars 
A-A | A-A 

H. The Tripudic Dipody with Acatalectic Expansion of the First 
Tripudium, and Paracatalectic Contraction of the Second : 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xxxiii 

Advocabitis conctos 
A-O-A-O-G | A-G 

7. The Tripudic Dipody with Acatalectic Contraction of the First 

Insece versutum 
A-O-G A-A-G 

J. The Tripudic Dipody with Procatalectic Expansion of the 
First Foot : 

Quei apice insigne Dialis 
A-A-G A-A-G | A-A-G 

The artistic contrast of two tripudic dipodies in a tripudic distich 
constitutes the Italico-Keltic Saturnian, whose history is the history 
of European accentual rhythm. 

Let us now trace the historic evolution of the Italico-Keltic distich 
in classic and modern culture. 

II-III. The Hellenizing Italico-Keltic Saturnian with Greek quan- 
tities and Verse-beat, in classic Latin Verse, or with Greek Verse- beat 
alone, in Commodian and Christian Hymnology : 

The tripudic principle of stress contrast lends itself readily and 
naturally to the Greek structural verse-beat, because either tripudic 
thesis or tripudic arsis is available for the superadded ictus. Hence 
the ease with which Caesius Bassus and other metrical pragmatists 
can juggle with assumed Hellenic prototypes of the Italico-Keltic 
distich : 

A. Italico-Keltic Distich, or Saturnian Verse, 

/ / i / / ii / i// 

w _^_ w _:_ | w_ __ :_ || _ \j I \j __ :_ 
Malum dabunt Metelli Naevio poetae 
A-G A-G | A-A-G 1 1 A-O-G | A-A-G 

B. Pseudo-Iambico-Trochaic Greek Distich, 

I/XII/ I// 


Malum dabunt Metelli Naevio poetae, 
A-G A-G | A-A-G || A-O-G | A-A-G 

to which Professor Leo has succeeded in adding one other model 
illustration of Bassus' find (Saturnischer Vers, 16), 
? / i / / II / i// 

\j \j | \j _ __ '_ || ' \j | O _ __ __ 
Ibi nianens sedeto donicum videbis 

A-G A-G A-A-G || A-O-G A-A-G 

xxxiv American Philological Association 

Thus history has been made to undo itself, and Horace's accurate 
portrayal of the gentle passing of the native tripudic Saturnian (twr- 
ridus ilk) into its quantitative stage (ttefluxit niimerus) with its tri- 
pudic virus driven into the background by the niceties of Greek 
quantitative metric (et grave virus munditiae pepulere}, becomes an 
absurd anachronism in the juggling fingers of this monumental fake, 
who has successfully hoaxed the world for two millenniums : 

Mire opifex numeris veterum primordia vocum 
Atque marem strepitum fidis intendisse latinae : 

' Marvellous craftsman to have stretched upon the rack of Hellenizing ortho- 
doxy the primeval voices and virile clatter of the Latin lyre ! ' 

All classic Latin verse, then, is but the Protean aspect of the 
Italico-Keltic tripudic dipody and distich, exulting now in the bor- 
rowed paraphernalia of Greek structural rhythm, until in Commodian 
and Christian hymnology the quantitative mask is thrown off like an 
outlived fashion, and Greek verse-beat alone remains to tell the tale 
to the Romanic and modern Muse. But through all the ages the 
tripudic principle of accentual contrast, the double acute stress con- 
trasted with the single grave stress, or single acute with single grave, 
remains everywhere inviolate, because inviolable, in Italico-Keltic tri- 
pudic rhythm. 

The artistic principle of the literary Saturnian of Livius and Nae- 
vius, which consisted in the rhythmical contrast and reconciliation 
of single accent and grave stress with double accent and grave stress, 
becomes the artistic principle of the classic Saturnian from Ennius to 
Boethius, which consisted in the rhythmical contrast and reconcilia- 
tion of Italico-Keltic with Hellenic verse-beat. 

With the decay of quantitative feeling, the raison d^etre of the 
feeling for contrast between Italico-Keltic and Hellenic verse-beat 
was gone, and thorough -going coincidence of accentual and structural 
verse-beat closes the old and ushers in the modern era. 

A. Plautus : 

Hos quos videtis stare hie captives duos 
B. Terence : 

A-A A-A-G | A-A II A-A-CM A-G 

Homo sum humani nil a me alienum puto 

Proceedings for December, 1 909 


C. Ennius : 

__ _. -- - -. -._.____ 

Musae quae pedibus magnum pulsatis Olympum 


/ / 




Ennius' versus longus (Saturnius). 
D. Lucretius : 

-\j ' W-^-l w ' w_z_ll \J ' w_i_ -__!_ w | O_l-_i_ 
Aeneadum genetrix hominum divomque voluptas 

A-A-G | A-G || A-G A-A-G I A-A-G 

E. Vergil: 

Arma virumque cano Troiae qui primus ab oris 
A-G A-/-G | A-G || A-G 

A-A-O-G | A-G 

F. Catullus: 

Super alta vectus Attis 


A-G A-G 





j ' \j w 
in aria 


(7. Horace : 



Maecenas at avis 
/-A-G | A-G || A-O-G | A-O-G 

Sic horridus ille defluxit numerus Saturnius. 
H. Caesar's Soldiers : 

Gallias Caesar subegit Nicomedes Caesarem 
A-O-G A-G | A-A-G || A-O-A-G | A-O-G 

/. Pervigilium Veneris : 

Ver novum ver iam canorum vere natus orbis est 

/ / 


A-A-G || A-G A-G A-G-A 

J. Commodian : 

Inscia quod perit pergens deos quaerere vanos 




A-A-O-G | A-G 

Quantitative verse-beat alone survives : all quantities are accidental. 
Contrast and reconciliation of accent and ictus is still maintained. 

xxvi American Philological Association 

8. The Treatment of Time in the Aeneid, by Professor 
Norman W. DeWitt, of Victoria College, Toronto. 

When Virgil began work upon the Aeneid he had tried no form 
of composition that exercised his powers upon a large plot. The 
Eclogues are lyrics of the noontide and the idle shepherd narrowly 
confined to a part of a single day and to a single scene. The 
Georgics, as didactic poems, are timeless, and call only for orderly 
arrangement. Narrative episodes essayed in these or in earlier works 
are necessarily limited in scope, like the Eclogues. 

The epic, on the other hand, implies many events in consequential 
succession, and demands a strict account of days. The Aeneid, in 
conformity with these requirements, begins promptly and moves with 
speed : one-fourth of the whole is complete by the end of the second 
day ; a dramatic pause occurs in the fourth book and an interval of 
relaxation in the fifth, but in the rest of the poem the movement is 
rapid ; in the eighth and ninth, events happening in different places 
are carefully synchronized. So far as a calendar of days is kept, the 
mention of sunrise marks the new day ; but the sunset is omitted and 
night brought in only for the sake of its emotional connection with 
the action. 

This brings us to the second point ; that, while Virgil attains both 
speed of progress and condensation of time in their respective fields, 
he sometimes omits to make us feel the duration of time when inevi- 
table intervals occur, a literary necessity no less than the former. 
Narratives of journeys by land or sea have need of such treatment. 
Of these the following occur : from station to station in Book in ; 
from the ships to Carthage, i, 305 ff. ; Carthage to Sicily, iv, 571- 
583 and v, 1-34; Segesta to Cumae, v, 772-778, 827-871, and vi, 
1-5 ; voyage up the Tiber, vm, 86 101 ; Pallanteum to the Tuscan 
camp, vm, 585-607; and the return to the Trojan camp in x, 215- 


The following devices are employed to mark the passage of time : 
description by the way, of which the best example is found in the 
voyage up the Tiber, vii, 86-101, and one less elaborated in the 
voyage from Delos to Crete, in, 124-131 ; secondly, adventure or 
incident by the way, of which the story of the loss of Palinurus in 
v, 827-871, the encounter with Venus, I, 314-417, and the visitation 
of Aeneas by the nymphs, x, 219-255 are excellent examples. 

Now we come to animadversions. The interval of the journey 
from Pallanteum to the Tuscan camp in vm, 585-607 is not ade- 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xxvii 

quately filled ; the beginning is good, but the arrival at the desti- 
nation is too suddenly announced ; the passage from Carthage to 
Sicily, v, 1-34, seems to have been made in one day, which was 
practically impossible, and the men were ' weary/ which, after the 
short and easy voyage, seems unjustified. In the third book the 
passage of time is represented with even less success. The impres- 
sion desired was one of vexatious postponement and frustration, while 
that actually produced is one of nervous haste and hurry. No special 
hardships are dwelt upon ; the winds are usually favorable, and even 
the storm carries them in the direction of their destination. A navi- 
gator, of his own choice, would have followed almost the same route, 
and we can hardly consent to the large total of seven years presumed 
for these short voyages and interrupted settlements. The few inci- 
dents of the book lack the bulk and body to retard the story and 
engage the attention of the reader to the requisite extent, nor is 
much help derived from minor aids. The technique of description 
even hurries the narrative, leaping quickly in several instances from 
departure to destination without dwelling upon the voyage, e.g. in, 
11-18. The book needs some larger episode of engrossing interest 
to occupy the interval of time that is assumed to have elapsed. 

Summary : Virgil succeeds in maintaining epic speed and in secur- 
ing dramatic condensation ; he employs the usual devices for occupy- 
ing the intervals of journey, such as description and incident by the 
way, but in some instances he has passed too quickly from departure 
to arrival in his narratives of voyages, and in the third book he does 
not produce with full success the desired impression of long postpone- 
ment and weariness. Lastly, these defects show the lack of the last 
hand in the Aeneid, not the lack of knowledge or skill. 

9. The First Steps in the Deification of Julius Caesar, 
by Professor Frederic Stanley Dunn, of the University of 

Opening with a brief resume" of the general causes which led up 
to Caesar-worship, and of the precedents in deification which had 
already been established, this paper is more definitely concerned 
with a rehearsal of the actual events which consummated Julius 
Caesar's own apotheosis. The discussion is confined chiefly to the 
incidents and enactments which preceded the assassination or im- 
mediately followed all later events being relegated to a subsequent 
paper. The topics covered are : 

xxxviii American Philological Association 

Codex Turicensis C 58 (2 75), p. 21, col. 2, of the twelfth century 
A.D., in Hagen's Anecdota Helvetica, LXIV, 

//. / // //. /../ 

Afferesin dicunt de vertice quando recidunt 

/ ./////.. / . . / / 
Ex mediastina fit sincopa parte recisa 

/. . / ////../../. 
Parteque subtracta dicetur apocopa facta 

This precious little monument furnishes us with an important termi- 
nus ad quern of the tripudic consciousness in antiquity. 

12. Presidential Address, by Professor Basil L. Gilder- 
sleeve, of Johns Hopkins University. 

The subject of the Presidential Address was the Range and Char- 
acter of the Philological Activity of America, especially as manifested 
in the History of the American Philological Association. In order 
to avoid the invidiousness of comment on the performances of indi- 
viduals, the illustrations of the discourse were not drawn from the 
actual publications of the last forty years, but were projected by the 
imagination of the speaker in a series of typical papers, of typical dis- 
sertations. This fantastic procession, which does not admit of a sum- 
mary, was followed by a brief survey of the history of the Association, 
the origin of it as an offshoot of the American Oriental Society, the 
new life that came into it with the epochal year 1876, the date of the 
International Exposition, the cultural effect of which cannot be over- 
estimated. The contrast between that year and this expiring year of 
grace is indeed great. The activity of American Scholarship to-day 
is portentous. At all events, its restlessness is prodigious. A cata- 
logue raisonne of the work of the current year would show a multi- 
plicity of authors as well as a multiplicity of themes. To what is this 
remarkable advance in technical training due? To what the equip- 
ment that has given American critics the right to sit in judgment on 
their European fellows and the power to make their verdict respected? 
Largely to the early members of the Association, chief among them 
Whitney, to say nothing of the living. How needless now the preach- 
ment of the Presidential Address of 1878, how ample the fulfilment 
of the prophecy. Then it was timely to plead for the establishment 
of local Philological Societies. Now they dot the land. Then it was 
timely to plead for the establishment of at least one journal for the 
quickening of our work, one rivulet to water our philological Eden, 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xxxix 

one broom to sweep clean our temple of learning. Now, instead of 
one rivulet we have Pison and Gihon and Hiddekel and Euphrates, 
and so many brooms that the whole land is in danger of being cov- 
ered with broom-sedge. Philology and philologians throve apace, so 
that when the preacher and prophet of 1878 was called upon in dire 
emergency to croon the requiem of the dying century, he could draw 
his illustrations of Oscillations and Nutations from his own country 
as well as from Europe, and he could proudly assert that European 
scholars have to count with a new factor and have to recognize in our 
philological work a national stamp. Every eye can mark the tide of 
life that has carried American work to European shores, and although 
the recognition has not been so general or so generous as might have 
been desired by those to whom recognition is the summum bonum, 
still we are gradually forcing the scholars of Germany to learn Eng- 
lish, if only to read what we have to say about them, and that is 
something. Indeed, the American invasion of Europe might be 
handled in such a way as to flatter our national self-esteem. What 
of the national stamp? There are those whose ideal of America 
is a cosmopolitan blend of the best in all the varied nationalities, 
the thoroughness and grasp of the German, the sound sense of the 
English, the delicate literary touch of the French ; and perhaps 
the peculiar character of our scholarship lies not so much in any 
one feature as in the hospitable acceptance and ready assimilation 
of whatever makes for life in the philological world; and it is this 
quickness to appreciate, this eagerness to assimilate, this open- 
mindedness, this "clear vision and straight thought" that may be 
set down as specifically American, and as lending to all our work 
a truly national stamp. 

13. The Theory of the Worship of the Roman Emperors, 
by Dr. Walter D. D. Hadzsits, of Smith College. 

This paper sought to show that the cult of the Roman Emperors is 
as complex as the Roman Empire itself, and that it corresponds to 
the various local hopes and aspirations of the different parts of the 
Empire ; that is, as the Roman Empire was cosmopolitan, so was 
the Emperor worship. Our lack of knowledge of the conditions in 
the Hellenistic world makes it extremely hard to say what the uni- 
versal element in the Emperor worship was, if there ever really was, 
or was meant to be, a universal element in the Emperor cult. Be- 
cause our knowledge of the Empire is so largely confined to Rome, 

xl American Philological Association 

we can best approach the problem of the Emperor worship by taking 
Rome as our starting point in our endeavor to discover what the 
theory of the Emperor worship was, as it proceeded from this mater 
gentium. Dio puts his finger on the situation when he implies (LI, 20) 
that the Emperor worship was something different for the different 
parts of the world. At Rome the Emperor worship had elements of 
ancestor worship ; it had these elements and something more, viz. : 
the consecration of the state, the consecration of the ethos TroAma. 
Even at Rome it was not always the same thing, but the consecration 
of the state carried with it a different meaning in harmony with the 
growth and change of the idea of the Roman Empire. When in the 
Roman Republic + t he state and religion fell, the Emperor worship 
under Augustus became the consecration of the state, as the state 
was then understood ; namely, the restored city state. The apotheo- 
sis of the Roman Emperors was the consecration of the apparently 
restored state of the past for the Julian line of Emperors. As his- 
torically the Emperor Claudius marks the beginning of the turning- 
point in the establishment of the monarchy, so he serves also as 
the beginning of the turning-point in the change of the apotheosis 
from the consecration of the past city state to that of the monarchy. 
With the Flavian Emperors the Roman people were becoming con- 
scious of what had eventuated since Augustus ; and then the two 
ideas of the Emperor worship met and intermixed, and it becomes 
for a time a very difficult task to unravel them. As the state grew 
into a monarchy, the apotheosis became for the surviving Republicans 
the consecration of a memory. With the change to absolute mon- 
archy the Emperor worship becomes Orientalized, and with Constan- 
tine and the aeterna memoria, as it appears on the coins, we see the 
influence of Christianity. 

In this paper little attempt was made to show the relation of the 
Emperor worship to the Oriental cults, especially of Mithra. 

14. Conflicting Terminology for Identical Conceptions 
in the Grammars of Indo-European Languages, by William 
Gardner Hale, of the University of Chicago. 

The paper has to do both with scientific theory and with teaching. 
I approach the subject from the latter side. 

It falls to the lot of most students whose work goes beyond the 
rudiments to learn several languages. The newer conception of the 
humanities, which may be called that of modern literature seen with- 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xli 

out perspective, gives him English, French, and German. The larger 
conception gives him Latin, Greek, and the three modern languages 

Let us suppose that we watch the work of a student proceeding 
under the larger conception. 

He will use five grammars. There will be in these, so far at any 
rate as syntax is concerned, no suggestion to him that there is any- 
thing in common among the languages they deal with. I take a con- 
crete case, which any parent can substantially duplicate. My son, 
working in the University High School of the University of Chicago, 
learns in the Hale-Buck Latin Grammar that the subjunctive after 
before or until expresses Anticipation (expectancy, a mere looking- 
forward to something as coming). In his Greek composition book 
he learns that the Greek subjunctive after words meaning before or 
until expresses Indefinite Time, the past being definite and the future 
indefinite ; in French, by a scheme given out by the teacher, but seen 
also in many grammars, that the French subjunctive with words mean- 
ing before or until expresses Dependency. When he studies German 
again, the chances are that he will learn that the German subjunctive 
with words meaning before or until expresses a Conception, as against 
a Fact. When he gets into English syntax, if he happens, for 
example, to use a certain grammar of high standing, he will learn 
that the English subjunctive with words meaning before or until 
expresses a Subjective Assertion. 1 Here are five different explana- 
tions for what looks and feels like one and the same thing. And, 
if the student happens to use a book different from these for his 
five different languages, the chances are that he will get four or 
five explanations distributed in some other way. 

Now the immense probability is that, just as the use of the nomi- 
native to express the subject and the use of the accusative, or what- 
ever it be called, to express the object, have come down in each of 
these languages from the common parent speech, so the use of what 
we call the subjunctive in these languages after words meaning before 
and until }\2& come down in each of them from the parent speech, 
or, if the construction did not yet exist at that period, that they are 
similar applications of a power of the independent subjunctive (still 
seen in certain early literatures), which came down in each of them. 

1 The indicative, one of course knows, is more common after these connec- 
tives in English and German, but this does not affect the argument. The sub- 
junctive was familiar a few centuries ago (as in "till death us do part"), and 
occurs frequently in modern poetry. 

xlii American Philological Association 

And the same kind of probability holds in many another instance. 
It is, of course, also true that each language has special develop- 
ments of its own which must be separately stated. But the exhibi- 
tion of the substantial common fund would bring these differences 
into sharper relief, both scientifically and in practical teaching. 

If we confine ourselves to Latin, French, Italian, and Spanish, 
the argument is irresistible. The last three have largely identical 
mood-constructions. The only possible explanation is that they 
have inherited these, or the germs of them, from their immediate 
common ancestor, Latin. Then it is an absurdity to treat Latin and 
French mood-syntax as utterly different things, to give one expla- 
nation, for example, for the subjunctive in militibus imperavit ut 
captivum interficerent, and another for the subjunctive in // a com- 
mande que les soldats fusilldssent le prisonnier, a difference of 
weapons, but not of mental attitude on the part of the commander. 
And yet, when my son suggested this to his teacher of French, 
he was told that there was nothing in common between French 
grammar and Latin grammar. 

The name of a construction should be descriptive of its force. 
If, then, the mood-force in the last examples is the same in Latin and 
French, the name- should be the same ; and the like holds for other 
groups of identical phenomena, as in the case of the subjunctive 
in words meaning before and until, etc., etc. The gain, both to 
sound thinking and to ease of teaching, would be enormous, if a 
uniform terminology for identical conceptions could be brought about. 

An English committee has been at work since October, 1908, 
upon a scheme looking toward " a simplification and unification 
of the terminologies and classifications employed in the grammars 
of different languages." Whatever it accomplishes will help. Some- 
time, I am sure, we shall have an American committee appointed for 
a similar purpose. But, after twice drawing up a motion looking 
toward this end (once for the meeting of the Association at Toronto, 
1908, and again for the meeting at Baltimore, 1909), I determined 
not to submit it. We are not yet ready, nor, in fact, is England. 
What is wanted first is discussion of the fundamental scientific aspects 
of the matter. Without this the whole procedure is in danger, at 
many points, of being external. The chairman of the English com- 
mittee, Professor Sonnenschein, holds a very different position from 
that which I have always maintained. I believe that a large propor- 
tion of syntax is historically identical in the languages involved. My 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xliii 

method is based, as it always has been, upon observation of the body 
of phenomena in Latin and observation of the body of phenomena 
in the related languages, especially those which have kept the cases 
apart or the moods apart, or both. Professor Sonnenschein does 
not believe in the use of the comparative method in the study, for 
example, of Latin. This, with few exceptions, is the general position 
of the entire world to-day. It is, in my opinion, completely anti- 
scientific, and, in view of the general agreement about the importance 
of the comparative method in the study of the sounds and inflections 
of these same languages, extraordinary. In the Interim Report of 
the English committee ("Joint Committee on Grammatical Ter- 
minology "), there is not a word said upon the matter of a large 
common inheritance of syntax. But either there is such an inherit- 
ance and in that case the fact is momentous or the resemblances 
are purely superficial, and the whole treatment must be superficial. 

15. The Final Monosyllable in Latin Prose and Poetry, by 
Professor Albert Granger Harkness, of Brown University. 

Final monosyllables are sparingly used in prose and as a rule are 
employed with a definite purpose. In Cicero's orations they occur 
about one in ten pages (Teubner text) and are used in passages of a 
conversational tone and chiefly to give emphasis. In Livy the final 
monosyllable does not occur half as frequently as in Cicero's orations 
and also the usage is different. In Tacitus there are only seven final 
monosyllables. These are all nouns, whereas in Cicero the pronoun 
is most frequently used. 

In poetry at the close of the line monosyllabic endings are also 
used with a definite purpose and stand in a definite relation to the 
thought. The thought thus affords a criterion in case of doubt in 
regard to our text. The Mss of Terence contain many monosyllabic 
endings ; editors have attempted to eliminate certain classes of these, 
but without justification. Plautus' Mss contain few monosyllabic end- 
ings preceded by a sense-pause (including prepositions and conjunc- 
tions), but editors have introduced them into their arrangement of the 
lines, and again without justification. 

The usage of hexameter and pentameter in relation to final 
monosyllables, it was maintained, depended on the relation of accent 
and ictus. 

The paper will be published in the American Journal of 
Philology, xxxi, no. 122. 

xliv American Philological Association 

16. The Classical Element in XVIth Century Latin Lyrics, 
by Professor Karl P. Harrington, of Wesleyan University. 

A chief end of the search for origins or comparisons in sixteenth 
century Latin lyrics is to show how dominant is the classical element 
in this poetry, with the ulterior aim of urging more attention to a not 
entirely unworthy domain in literature. 

The subject may be treated in a merely suggestive manner under 
five heads. 

1. After reckoning out the necessary ecclesiastical element in 
diction, represented by such terms as oeconomi, abyssus, hypocrita, 
and the wealth of proper names unknown to classical writers, the 
remainder is surprisingly classical. Very few Greek words Latinized 
appear in the best poems ; and the words that strike you as unusual 
at first glance almost without exception prove on investigation to be 
culled from reputable classical models. Catullus and his diminutives 
seem to have impressed the poets of this age deeply. A number of 
those that Catullus allowed himself but once, like languidulus, molli- 
cellus,frigidulus, lacteolus, tenellulus, suit the taste of this later day. 
Indeed, three of the double-diminutive type, like the last example 
cited, appear in a single short poem, agellulus, libellulus, and ocellulus, 
all of which are, of course, post-classical expansions of this type, 
though all have lexicographical authority. Rostellum is vouched for 
by Uncle Pliny ; columbula, by his nephew ; turturillus, by Seneca ; 
flammeolus, by Columella (whose name ought to justify him for 
almost any experiment in this line !). Laborifer and populifer were 
good enough for Ovid ; sceptriger, for Statius. It was the latter poet 
that substituted caelicus for caelestis. Valerius Maximus thought 
there was a place for festinabundus. If Ovid could prefer suffimen 
to suffimen turn, we cannot object to a preference on the part of post- 
classical writers for modulamen and iuvamen, and must not forget 
that even Cicero used levamen. If obstaculum is post-classical, 
puellus is ante-classical, and the verb murmurillo suited Plautus as 
well as the noun bibo ('tippler') did lulius Firmicus Maternus. As 
is often the case with new inventions in our own language, we may 
well wonder how Latin got on as long as it did until the frequentative 
prensito and the abstract salsedo were coined, in season to get into the 

2. Quotations, or imitations of phrase from classical writers are so 
common that any extended reference to them is superfluous. When 
lacobus Micyllus strives to console himself thus, 

Proceedings for December, 1909 

Non semper pluviae glomerantur in aethere nubes, 
Nee semper tumidas verberat Eurus aquas, 

our thought turns to Horace's optimistic utterance to Licinius in the 
ode on the 'golden mean.' The closing verse of loannes Posthius, 

Thesaurosqtie Arabum regnaque despiciam, 
reminds us of a closing verse of Tibullus, 

despiciam dites despiciamque famem ; 
while the distich, 

Saepe etiam montes vagus et loca sola pererro 
Multaque cum libris arboribusque loquor, 

breathes the spirit as well as the language of Propertius (i, 18). The 
ode of George Fabricius praying for deliverance from civil war teems 
with the phraseology of the 2d Ode and the yth and gth Epodes of 
Horace, as is seen in such expressions as 

Quis furor tam fuit pertinax? 

audient impii nos, 

arma quis rectius caederentur Getae barbari quis periret Babylon 


vidimus, vidimus cum domibus oppida diruta, 
culpa nos merita quamvis premat, 
quo ruis, caeca mens? 

But why multiply examples? 

3. Of course we are not disappointed in our expectation that there 
will be a wealth of classical, and especially mythological, allusion. As 
a single illustration of this, take the dirge of lacobus Micyllus for his 
wife, Gertrude, opening, 

And so, then, dearest consort, 
Before their time had come, 
The cruel Fates have hastened 
To bear thee to thy home. 

The inconsolable husband ranges the whole gamut of persons and 
places suggested by his song, from Jupiter to Charlemagne, from 
Eurydice to the mother of the Gracchi, from the Styx to the Main. 
Helen and Leda, Pasiphae and Laodamia, Hercules and Sisyphus, 
pass before our marvelling eyes, to convince us that this Christian 
poet was so thoroughly permeated with the classical spirit that he 

xlvi American Philological Association 

knew not how to do justice to his theme without the extensive use 
of classic modes of thought and expression. 

4. Still more interesting are the numerous instances where an 
important element in the thought of a poem, or its form, or its main 
conceit, are directly traceable to classical models. The protestations 
of loannes Dantiscus, that he is loth to leave his Grinaea, remind us 
of those of Aeneas to Dido beside the Styx. Lotichius is like Tibul- 
lus in being forced to go far from his dear ones, there to languish for 
their presence. When Tobias Scultetus sighs, 

Turtle-dovelet, daily mourning with so gentle voice your fate, 
With your pretty bill soft cooing, as from Sophy's hand you ate, 
While for me you sought her favor in the hours that now are flown, 
Let your sorrow be forgotten, and remember but mine own, 

the reminiscence of Lesbia's sparrow is sufficiently obvious. Henricus 
Decimator needs not to tell us that he had been reading the Integer 
vitae when he sat down to write, 

Mens sibi foedae 
conscia culpae 
angitur usque, 
usque tremescit. 

* * * 

Mens sibi vero 
conscia recti 
dulcia secum 
gaudia versat. 
Non timet hostis 
verba minacis ; 
non timet atrae 
spicula mortis, etc. 

The lines of loannes Caselius, 

Qui vitam caelebs sine prole et coniuge degit, 
Hie omni mihi stat sine cura in litore tutus 
Aspiciens pelagi fluctus navesque natantes, 

are based, of course, upon the well-known passage that opens the 
second book of Lucretius. Matthias Bergius, being familiar with 
Horace's ode on the ship of state, writes one on the boat which 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xlvii 

carried the Master over the troubled waters of Gennesaret ; and as 
you read, in the original rhythm, 

O navis, dominum quae vehis et manum 
et malus celeri saucius Africo 
antennaeque gemunt imperiosius, 

you almost rub your eyes expecting to see the bard of Venusia before 
you reciting his own verses. Euricius Cordus complains of the 
worldliness and venality of the clergy in a Vergilian pastoral under 
the shade of the rustling foliage of an ilex, the speakers being Poly- 
phemus and Sylvius, and the tone that of Juvenal's third satire. 
Sebastian Scheffer, in his curious poem on the nine skins of woman, 
develops the original thought of Simonides of Amorgos in a very 
original and effective manner. But bolder than all other imitations 
is the nuptial hymn of Peter of Lindenberg, beginning, 

Veni Creator siderum, 
veni voluptas coniugum, 
firma iugale vinculum, 
firma iugale gaudium, 

(Come, Creator of the stars, 
Come, delight of married pairs, 
Bind the bonds of wedlock strong, 
Help conjugal joys along,) 

following the familiar rhythm of Veni Creator Spiritus, the pente- 
costal hymn of Gregory the Great. 

5. Finally, the excellent elegiacs, phalaecians, sapphics, alcaics, 
ascelepiadics, of the sixteenth century prove their writers to have 
studied the classical models of versification to the point of mastery 
of the art. One point only I will select for emphasis. The same 
double scheme of rhythm, quantitative and accentual, that is found 
in all of Horace's Sapphics is consistently maintained in those of 
this later age, so that we may read, for example, either thus, 

Christe, | ste"llan|tis moderator | aiilae, 
Auctor huma ni gene ris cre|ator, 

or, in the manner of certain modern rhythmists, 

Christe, stellantis moderator aulae, 
Auctor humani generis, creator. 

xlviii American Philological Association 

17. Catullus, 66, 77-78, by Professor Harrington. 

quicum ego, dum virgo quondam fait, omnibus expers 
unguentis, una milia multa bibi. 

The author of the paper defended expers by explaining it here as 
used in the active sense of 'careless of,' referring to the time before 
the marriage of Berenice. This use was substantiated by several classi- 
cal examples. The paper appears in full in Berliner philologische 
Wochenschrift, xxx, 285-286. 

1 8. Emendations, with a New Interpretation, of Aeschylus, 
Prometheus, 791-792, by Professor J. E. Harry of the Uni- 
versity of Cincinnati. 

Wecklein foists upon me a theory which I distinctly stated I did 
not accept. The remedy I now propose for verse 792 of the Prome- 
theus is a simple one : change TTOVTOV Tre/oooo-' ac^AotoySov to Ilovrov 
7repa)a-'"A^)Aotor/?ov. Thus we get a Placid Sea in Asia to balance the 
Violent River in Europe, which the prophetic god warns the harassed 
maiden not to cross (718). Certainly he would not direct her to 
swim the Euxine, ^/oiwSeo-Tarr; $aAao-o-a, as Sikes and Willson imagine. 
Moreover, lo is already " on the other side," in Asia (735), to reach 
which she was expressly brought by the poet to the Thracian Bos- 
porus. Now she is to proceed eastward toward the Caspian (which 
was called the " Sea of the Rising Sun"), and not southward, toward 
the region now known as the sources of the Nile. Even the map of 
Ptolemy, seven centuries later, connected Africa and Asia by land 
south of Aethiopia. It is very probable, at least, that Aeschylus con- 
ceived the Nile as rising far to the east in Asia toward the rising sun 
(717)6? di/roAas ^Atbv). lo is not to skirt the southern coast of the 
Euxine (which she would have done, if the Delta had been her ob- 
jective point crossing at the more southern Bosporus), but to pro- 
ceed eastward, north of the Caucasus, until she reaches the Gorgoneian 
plains of Cisthene. The Ilm/ros "A^Aour/Jos lies directly in her track. 
This sea can be no other than the Caspian ; for she cannot escape it ; 
and she must ultimately reach the Indian Ocean, traversing Asiatic 
Scythia, for she is told to be on her guard against the griffins, and 
these creatures live lv rfj 'IvSiKfj x^py- She also comes to the country 
of the one-eyed folk, the Arimaspi, who were located by the ancients 
far to the east of the northern Caspian. This surgeless sea prepares 
us for the entrance into that region of distortion which is mentioned 

Proceedings for December, 1909 xlix 

in the next breath. The outlook of the Portuguese mariners twenty 
centuries later was precisely the same. Beyond the luminous zone 
lay the "Sea of Darkness." Cp. Aesch. fr. 170. The terrors of 
the unexplored sea were similar to those which Prometheus portrayed 
to lo. Far to the south was the " fiery zone," where Gorgons and 
Hydras had their habitations, and steaming gulfs ready to swallow up 
the luckless crew. And when the weeds of the Sargasso Sea thickened 
about the Pinta, we are told that the unhappy seamen dreamed of a 
region where all progress would be stopped. Cp. Hdt. iv, 43. Aes- 
chylus had doubtless heard of " the Aralian estuaries or some frore 
Caspian reed-bed," or of the Oxus that " strains along through beds 
of sand and matted rushy isles." 

But <{>\oLa-(3ov, after all, is not a thing of sight. In Homer the 
word always refers to the battle-din. It is never found in the Odyssey; 
and in the Iliad regularly means rapaxn, 06pv/3os. Neither Aeschylus 
nor Euripides uses the word. Nor is it found elsewhere in classical 
Greek, except in a fragment of Sophocles (438) merely a Homeric 
reminiscence. In the obscure and academic Lycophron we find one 
example (379), and five hundred years later we fish up <Aoio-/3os 
lAvdeis out of the mud of Oppian's tract on Fishing. 

But the sentence still lacks a leading verb. I suggest the following 
restoration of 791 : 

TT/OOS di/ToAa? ep<' fjX'ov <AoyooTi/?eis. 

Prometheus bids the maiden creep on her weary way toward the 
rising of the sun bathed in light, where are the paths of flame. When 
we consider that was not used by the Greeks without i/At'ov, 
that the verb eprre (used again in 810 and in Prometheus Unbound in 
similar instructions to Heracles) could come only before ^Ai'ov, and 
that <f>r)\Lov may have dislodged the succeeding <j>Xoyo (owing to the 
restlessness of human vision), or that (f>r)\Lov<j>\oyoa-Ti(3u<; may have 
become ^Aoyoc^AiocrTi/^eis in numberless ways (note the similar 
<Aot<r/3ov just below) , we must acknowledge that ep<' yXiov <AoyooTi/3ets 
is at least a plausible emendation. 

This paper will be published in full in the Classical Review. 

19. A Poetical Source of Tacitus, Agricola, 12, 4, by Pro- 
fessor George Dwight Kellogg, of Princeton University. 

With the transposition of scilicet, the words closing the discussion 
of the nox clara et brevis form two and a half senarii : 

1 American Philological Association 

extrema scilicet 

et plana terrarum humili umbra non erigunt 
tenebras, infraque caelum et sidera nox cadit. 

The close of 10 is a senarius, if we omit the connectives et and 

etiam : 

iugis ac montibus inseri velut in suo. 

Chapter 10 also contains an hexameter : 

litore terrarum velut in cuneum tenuatur. 

Likewise well known is the senarius near the close of 9 : 
haud semper errat fama ; aliquando et elegit. 

The senarii in 10 and n are much in the manner of a TrepiVAous 
such as we have in the Ora Maritima of Avienus (4th cent. A.D.). 
The latter is written in iambics, and is translated from some Greek 
document, probably in iambic trimeters, after the pattern of the 
Pseudo-Scymnos, and of the time of Caesar or Augustus. 

Comparing the 700 verses of the Ora Maritima and the close of 
10 (. . . iugis . . . ac montibus inseri velut in suo), we note that in 
Avienus, iugum occurs 28 times, mons 14 times, insero 3 times, and 
the sentiment may be paralleled in vss. 540-3 ; 53, and 59. 

Comparing Agr. 12, 4, we note the similarity of phrasing in vss. 
668-9, an d that erigere occurs 4 times in the meaning of our passage. 

One might conclude that Tacitus is not aiming at a description of 
the phenomena, scientifically correct according to the best knowledge 
of his time, but in order to sketch in a purely literary manner the 
wild, mysterious background of the theatre of Agricola's exploits, he 
has drawn on an old iambic TreptVAov? (in a Latin translation, or per- 
haps the Greek original), of the same type as the later and somewhat 
fragmentary Avienus, who treats both of Britain and the strange 
phenomenon of the nox clara et brevis. 

In default of an extant Latin or Greek source which Tacitus might 
have used, we may perhaps reproduce the poetic effect of the rhythm 
and diction of Agr. 12, 3-4 by combining into a cento of senarii the 
words of Tacitus and the late Avienus. 

The changes necessary are simply to insert et before aspici ; a 
word like igneum or aureum after fulgorem (both common in the other 
works of Avienus) ; replace affirmant by docent ; and nee by sed non. 
The passage I have selected from Avienus is a description of the 
northern sun, following the words (vss. 651-2) : 

Proceedings for December, 1909 li 

Scis nam fuisse eius modi sententiam 

The description breaks off abruptly in vs. 658 with a lacuna, followed 
a few verses later (vs. 668) with taetra nox caelo ruit (cf. Agr. 12, 4). 
The cento, as I have reconstructed it, would read as follows : 

Quod si nubes non officiant, et aspici 
Per noctem solis fulgorem igneum decent 
Sed non exsurgere, non eum occasu premi, 
Nullo subire gurgites, numquam occuli, 
Sed obire mundum, obliqua caeli currere 
etc., etc. 

. . . extrema scilicet 


Et plana terrarum humili umbra non erigunt 
Tenebras, infraque caelum et sidera nox cadit. 

20. Pompeian Illustrations to Lucretius, by Professor Fran- 
cis W. Kelsey, of the University of Michigan. 

i. The lines 884-885 of Book i refer not to the action of a mill, 
but to the use of a mortar and pestle, of a type found at Pompeii; 
they are to be interpreted in the light of the Moretum, 92 ff. 

The obscure part of the process shown in the painting " Cupids 
making and selling oil," in the house of the Vettii, in part illustrates, 
and is illustrated by, lines 847-853 of Book n. 

The notes will be published in Classical Philology. 

21. Cicero de Officiis, n, 10, by Professor Charles Knapp, 
of Barnard College, Columbia University. 

The paper dealt with the words In quo verbo lapsa consuetudo . . . 
indicant. The points which the author sought to establish were 
these : (i) no part of this passage need be bracketed save tria ; (2) if 
any part of Summa quidem . . . sit utile is to be bracketed, all of it 
should be bracketed, or, what amounts to the same thing, should be 
treated, if genuine, as a parenthetical remark or as in effect a footnote ; 
(3) in any event tria should be bracketed ; (4) the insertion of re 
after genera, though not absolutely necessary, would much improve 
the passage. 

The passage was subjected to careful analysis in the effort to make 
tKese points, and the inadequacy of the treatment in many different 
editions was brought out. Beside the points noted above, much 

lii American Philological Association 

attention was paid to the question of the antecedent of quod in quod 
qui parum perspiciunt; the relative was referred to cogitatione distin- 
guunt, as interpreted in the paper. Tusc. i, 3, ante natum Ennium, 
qui . . . Naevius was considered in this connection ; the author de- 
clined to regard the words qui . . . Naevius as spurious. So, too, 
in de Offidis n, i, he held that the antecedent of quo in in quo turn 
quaeri dixi, etc., can be found without difficulty in Sequitur . . . 
copias as a whole. In all three passages the argument drawn by many 
editors against the genuineness of the relative clauses on the ground 
of alleged difficulty in finding the reference of the relative was rejected 
by the author. 

The paper was printed in full in the American Journal of 
Philology, xxxi, 66-73. 

22. The Dramatic Satura among the Romans, by Professor 

The paper was a protest against the sceptical assault on the Roman 
tradition which testifies to the existence of forms of the drama at 
Rome prior to the time of Livius Andronicus. Attention was called 
briefly to the fact that, since the publication of Professor Hendrick- 
son's articles on this subject, in AJP. xv, 1-30, xix, 285-311, there 
had not been, either here or abroad, so far as the author was aware, 
any exhaustive discussion of the subject. The paper as presented was 
an outline of such exhaustive discussion as projected by the author. 
The importance of the problems involved, as bearing directly on the 
question of the originality of Latin literature, was indicated ; see the 
author in AJP. xxix, 469. Regret was expressed at the tendency, 
especially marked in Germany, to brush aside these important ques- 
tions all too lightly, as if the matter had been finally disposed of; see 
AJP, ib. 

Exception was taken to the method followed in the sceptical dis- 
cussions of the dramatic Satura among the Romans. It was held 
that the only right method was to determine first of all exactly what 
the Roman tradition on this point is, and what it is not, by keeping 
at first each Latin passage bearing on the subject isolated from all 
others, that we may see by careful examination of the Latin itself 
just what the passage really says. Later the Latin passages may be 
put beside ona another. Then, having interpreted each passage hi 
this way, having grouped the passages where they are identical or 

Proceedings for December^ 1909 liii 

akin, having differentiated them where they are in fact different, we 
should proceed to ask whether the story they tell is inherently possi- 
ble or manifestly absurd, whether there is anywhere else, in what we 
know of the Roman character and Roman intellectual history, evi- 
dence or suggestion confirmatory of the testimony of the passages 
which bear directly on our inquiry. This method, the author main- 
tained, had not been followed either in Germany or in this country, in 
discussions of this question ; preconceived theories had played too 
large a role, and passages had been subjected to forced and strained 

The sceptical position was summed up as follows : 
(i) The accounts of Horace Epp. n, i, 139 ff. and Livy VH, 2 
concerning the development of the Roman drama are so much alike 
that they were manifestly derived from a common source; (2) their 
description is identical with the account given in Aristotle's Poetics 
of the history of comedy among the Greeks ; (3) the resemblance to 
Aristotle is due to the fact that the inventor of the Roman account 
of the development of comedy among the Romans was not drawing 
on the facts of the history of Roman comedy, but was deliberately 
drawing upon Aristotle in order to work out for the Romans something 
which should be an analogue to the Greek satyric drama (Leo) or to 
the Old Attic Comedy (Hendrickson). 

The author then proceeded to apply the method which he had 
himself postulated in the examination of the Latin passages bearing 
on the problem. He maintained that there are striking differences 
between Horace's account and Livy's; indeed, that the differences 
are far more striking than the resemblances. Only the briefest indi- 
cation can be given here or later of the argument. Horace definitely 
connects the beginnings of Roman comedy with country festivals. 
Livy says nothing at all of the country ; he seems to be thinking 
throughout of strictly urban festivals. Horace knew nothing of a 
foreign origin for the Fescennines ; Livy is at great pains to explain 
that the drama was a foreign product, introduced at a time when the 
hearts and souls of the Romans were broken by superstitious awe. 
Horace marks clearly a progression from good-natured raillery to sav- 
age abuse, till a reform was forced by the law and a return was con- 
sequently made to the older and more kindly tone. Livy speaks of 
jests, mirth, and laughter as marking the performances he is describ- 
ing (note his words : iocularia, risus ac solutus iocus, ridicularid] ; 
there is a complete absence of epithets which would characterize 

liv American Philological Association 

this jesting as at any time markedly savage. There is, of course, 
therefore, no hint in Livy of any such progression from good-natured 
funmaking to savage raillery, etc., as we have so clearly set forth in 

Next, Aristotle's account of the development of Greek comedy was 
considered carefully by itself. It was held that, plainly, the movement 
in Greek comedy as described by Aristotle was from sharp personal 
invective and lampoons toward a mellower, less personal, and more 
general or catholic type of comedy. This development is predicated 
especially of Athens ; it is noted specifically that Crates was an inno- 
vator there, precisely in this connection, of movement away from lam- 
poons to the more catholic plot. Here, then, we have sharp contrast 
with Horace, not resemblance ; Horace describes the jesting of the 
Fescennines as at first amabilis ; later the jesting became savage, 
etc. Aristotle begins with lampoons, with savage attack; the whole 
movement is toward a milder type. Indeed, the Old Attic Comedy, 
inclined as it was toward invective and personal attack, Aristotle does 
not reckon as comedy at all. Livy does not characterize the jesting 
of which he speaks as either of the nature of invective or as of the 
milder type with which Horace begins and ends and with which 
Aristotle ends. 

Again, Livy begins with Tuscan dancers ; it is a fair, if not certain, 
inference that Livy thought of these imported dancers as professionals. 
They were specially summoned by the state, a fact which indicates 
that they had some standing, a standing hardly compatible with the 
theory that they were volunteers. Horace's account seems to imply 
equally clearly that the first actors of Fescennines were volunteers. 
Aristotle clearly predicates a movement from volunteer to profes- 
sional performances. 

The treatises Trept Kw/AwStas were then considered. These con- 
sistently give personal attack, lampooning, as the original character- 
istic of Greek comedy ; in this they are at one with Aristotle, but out 
of harmony with both Horace and Livy. Their whole classification 
of comedy, oft repeated, is in keeping with their starting-point ; they 
distinguish three types of comedy according to the measure of open 
attack to be found in each. These treatises mention a law which 
restrained the license of the Greek comic poets ; Horace, too, men- 
tions a law restraining the comic poets and actors of Rome. But in 
the Greek treatises the passage of the law is due to the selfishness 
and vice of those in office or of the rich and powerful ; in Horace it 

Proceedings for December, 1909 lv 

is due rather to a real desire for the common weal ; further, in Horace 
the passage of the law is prompted, in part at least, by those who 
were themselves not assailed. 

There is, then, no real resemblance between the Roman accounts 
of the development of comedy among the Romans and the Greek 
accounts of the development of comedy among the Greeks ; it fol- 
lows that all arguments based on such alleged resemblance between 
the Roman accounts of the development of comedy among the Ro- 
mans and the Greek accounts of the development of comedy among 
the Greeks fall to the ground at once. It was held further that, 
even if there were marked resemblance between the two accounts, 
such resemblance would not of necessity justify the inferences of the 
sceptics, for the resemblance might well be compatible with the truth 
of the Roman account, on either of two grounds : (a) the parallel 
development of comedy among the two peoples, an explanation 
entirely reasonable in view of the kinship of the Greeks and the 
Romans ; () the supposition that an entirely truthful narrator of 
the history of Roman comedy, in writing his narrative, true in the 
large, if not in all details, had Aristotle before his mental or his 
physical eyes. What more natural than that such a Roman writer 
should model his narrative on that of the acknowledged master in 
such writing among the Greeks? 

The author then took up the remaining part of his initial statement 
concerning the right method of studying these problems, by passing 
to a consideration of the question whether there was anything in the 
character or intellectual history of the Romans which tended to ree'n- 
force the narrative given in Horace and Livy. He found marked 
corroboration in two things, the Roman temperament and the Italian 
power of improvisation. The Romans had a temperament which 
suited them preeminently to develop both satirical comedy and satire 
itself (the close relation in the older periods of comedy and satire 
among both Greeks and Romans must not be forgotten) ; they pos- 
sessed in ancient days, as the Italians still possess, marked powers 
of improvisation. It was held that it was inconceivable that the Ro- 
mans, possessing this temperament and this gift, should have allowed 
both to lie unused till the time of Livius Andronicus. Rather, 
admitting the existence of this temperament and the possession of 
this gift, we must concede that such voicelessness on their part would 
have been a miracle. The narrative in Livy and Horace is therefore 
entirely credible, in its broad, general features at least. 

Ivi American Philological Association 

It remains only to add that in this study of what is actually said by 
the various accounts, Latin and Greek, of comedy among the Greeks 
and the Romans, and in his presentation of the marked divergences 
which characterize them, the writer, deliberately and of full choice, 
worked independently, giving no heed to Leo's discussion in Hermes 
of these points. The consideration of Leo's paper remains for a later 
stage in his discussion of the entire problem. 

23. Aristophanes in the XVth Century, by Dr. Dean P. 
Lockwood, of Harvard University. 

During the fifteenth century translations into Latin were the chief 
channel for the infiltration of Greek ideas. The translations covered 
practically the whole of the prose literature of the classical period and 
much of the post-classical. Greek poetry, however, was too difficult 
for the humanist translators and remained almost untouched, except 
for a few experiments with Homer. The educated public were 
familiar with the works of the historians, orators, and philosophers ; 
but they knew very little, for instance, of the Greek drama. Never- 
theless Aristophanes was read in the original in the classes of Vittorino 
da Feltre (W. H. Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre, Cambridge, 1897, 

The Attic drama is represented by only two translations of the 
fifteenth century, both taken from the Plutus of Aristophanes and both 
fragmentary. The first is of unique interest in the annals of humanism 
a loose paraphrase and adaptation of a passage beginning ca. 1, 400 
and ending at 1. 626, made by Rinucci da Castiglione during his 
travels in Crete in 1415-1416 and published as his own composition 
under the title of Penia Fabula (cf. Leonardo Bruni's de Bella 
Gothorum, published 1441, a translation of Procopius). The Penia 
Fabula is found, so far as I know, only in codex Balliolensis 131, 
ff- 3 ir ~37 r > where it is without title. This Ms is a collection of 
Rinucciana obtained by William Gray, Bishop of Ely, probably from 
Rinucci himself, in Rome between 1449 and 1454. 

The second, lines 1-269, is by Leonardo Bruni, who says in his 
prooemium : " Ego igitur volens latinis ostendere quale genus erat 
illarum comediarum, primum actum huius comedie Aristophanis in 
latinum contuli." It is found, so far as I know, only in Ms lat. 6714 
of the Bibliotheque Nationale. It is a bona fide translation. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ivii 

24. Three-eight and Other Analyses of Logaoedic Forms 
(mechanically illustrated), by Dr. Herbert W. Magoun, of 
Cambridge, Mass. 

This paper was a continuation of two others published in vol. xxxvi 
of the Proceedings, pp. xxxiii f. and xlix ff. It concerned tests with 
an orguinette of various analyses of logaoedics : Schmidt's (origi- 
nal and modified), Lucian Miiller's, those in 4/4 time (xxxvi, 1), 
4/4 renderings dominated by the sense, and a few others. The 
orguinette uses paper scores so perforated that air from the bellows 
reaches the reeds in fixed quantities. Notes (mostly la, si, do) were 
employed, long syllables were given an inch of perforation, as quarter 
notes were in the musical scores previously tested, and other quantities 
proportional amounts. Each score was made with square and ruler, 
divisions were marked in black ink, the text was so written as to 
place each syllable below its perforation, the corresponding scheme 
was added, any irregularities were indicated by red lines, and an 
explanation was placed at the beginning. Each was intended for 
examination ; but an opportunity was lacking. 

In modern music 3/8 time stands for the quickest of waltz move- 
ments. Rhythm remains the same in all ages and among all classes 
of men. It is fundamental and eternal. Schmidt's 3/8 logaoedic 
schemes should therefore represent a quick waltz. That they in- 
variably do so was shown conclusively when scores based on his 
analyses were put through the machine. Miiller's (in mixed time) 
should stand for a rendering devoid of accurate rhythm, and the 
scores verified this prediction. The 4/4 schemes should represent a 
sober, deliberate, and rhythmical rendering. This they plainly did. 
The lines were broadly typical. They were all from Horace (i, i, 1-3 
and 1-6; 2, 1-4; 8, 1-4; 16, 1-4 and 13-16; and 4, 1-4) and 
included the Minor Asclepiadean, Minor Sapphic, Major Sapphic, 
Alcaic, and Fourth Archilochian, which is not logaoedic, though so 
classed by Schmidt. Ten or more scores were cut for this last type 
before the common renderings were finally obtained. They were 
then found to be non-logaoedic, not in mixed time, and unlike any 
analysis ever published for them. The number of bars was the same 
in each instance, the time was 2/4 throughout, an occasional amphi- 
brach (w _ w) was found with quick cretics ( ^ ), and the whole 
rhythm was consistent. The score in mixed time (2/4, 3/8), based 
on the usual scheme, sounded both unnatural and unsatisfactory. 

Schmidt's " cyclic " dactyls received the values universally assigned 

Iviii American Philological Association 

to them ; but that only added to the peculiarity of his quick waltz 
movements, all of which sounded strange and new. The conclusion 
is obvious. No one uses 3/8 time in observing his schemes, and 
therefore no one really follows them. In the case of the Minor 
Asclepiadean, two slightly different renderings, each involving a pause, 
are in use. They are these (cf. with Schmidt's 3/8 scheme) : 

Common rendering, i | _ w w I L_ A |_ww|i_w|_ A 

Alternate rendering, |_ww|i_ A I _ w w | L_ w I _ "A 

Schmidt's analysis _ > I ^ w I i__, II w w I _ w | _ A II 

Equality of the bars there must be, if there is to be true rhythm ; 
and the trimeter alone fulfils the necessary requirements. The re- 
sulting measures are : 

(With entire bars) i w I vy L_ A w | wi_w A 

(With divided bars) | _ w w L_ A I _ w w L_ w | _ A" 

The first could be arranged like the second ; but, as given, it is the 
scheme of Hephaestion plus certain rhythmical elements. The feet 
are these : ditrochee, antispast, diiambus. That they are in com- 
mon use was proved by the orguinette ; for the score cut from this 
scheme returned the rendering most often heard. That cut from the 
other sounded like a spondee, two choriambi, and an iambus, the 
analysis of Servius. Divided bars, such as these, are typical of 4/4 
hymns ; and, although the fact is nowhere recognized, a similar ar- 
rangement is inevitably implied by anacrusis. In Schmidt's schemes 
anacrusis always produces a 2/4 bar in a 3/8 movement because of 
the inserted pause. A "hold" might justify such a bar. A pause 
cannot. Every stanza must be a rhythmical unit ; but no stanza can 
be, unless the bars remain intact at the junction of the lines. This 
Schmidt strangely failed to see. He also failed to grasp the true 
character of the time. The 4/4 arrangements, then, represent the 
schemes actually used by the followers of Schmidt. But scansion 
methods applied to them are apt to result in an absurd 6/4 render- 
ing, this is not the fault of the schemes, so that it is better to 
read without scanning. 

All agree that a pause is an integral part of a bar. It is not part 
of a foot. Prose may be rhythmical (made up of approximately 
equal bars) but never metrical (composed of typical feet according 
to a fixed plan) . Usage itself therefore denies that " bar " and " foot," 
and "meter" and "rhythm," are synonymous; and yet that they are 
so is a common fallacy. To this strange delusion is largely due our 

Proceedings for December, 1909 lix 

modern helplessness in the face of rhythmical problems. Aristoxenus 
(xxxiv, 20) says that rhythm produces all sorts of movements, but 
the feet remain the same. He is right, unless sense has no place in 
poetry. Two rhythmical analyses, then, are possible, when the sense 
dominates. They are these : 

Maecenas atavis edite regibus, 

I --- /\ I w w I -- w I w L_ w ^ I 

II -- I /\ wwl I wwl w I _ ~R 

O et praesidium et dulce decus meum, 

I --- W I WW/\ -- W I W I W _ /\ I 
-- I - W W W /\ - I - WWl - W I _ ~R 

sunt quos curriculo pulverem Olympicum 

collegisse iuvat metaque fervidis, etc. 

I --- W I W I ^ W I W I W _ A I 

-- I wwi /\ I wwi w I _ A 

Each analysis has its advantages, and each is allowable. In the last 
line, meter and rhythm coincide ; but the variations elsewhere justify 
the trimeter. Those who insist on stress as a condition precedent to 
rhythm forget that the pipe-organ, the slide-trombone, the flute, the 
cornet, the French horn, the clarinet, the flageolet, and every other 
wind instrument depends solely upon quantitative variation for its 
rhythmical effects, since no one of them can produce a stressed tone. 
To attempt it is fatal to the pitch. But what the ear hears there it 
also hears here, and the first of these two renderings was given orally 
in presenting this paper. A normal pronunciation, including prose 
accents, was used. See xxxvi, li, " stress ictus." The extra quantity 
was obtained by natural processes, such as the ordinary recoil of a 
final letter before a pause. Phenomena of that sort are neither ob- 
served nor understood, consonants are disregarded, and metricians 
still assume that me is to be classed in the same category as mens, 
although its normal value is but half as great. This is merely a speci- 
men of the anomalies cherished in conventional quantity, which has 
its justification only as a general rule based on averages ; for syllables 
are " heavy " and " light " rather than " long " and " short." Those 
who go beneath the surface and recognize these things should not be 
hampered by those who do not, and those who can distinguish a 6/8 
from a 4/4 rhythm by ear should not be criticised by those who not 

Ix American Philological Association 

only cannot, but insist on counting / 2-3-^ 5-6 (_ w w ._ w w) 
to a metronome in the vain delusion that that is 6/8 time 
(w w w w w w). Without suspecting it, they get 4/4. The modern 
ear needs training, and it needs it badly. Lack of space forbids 
further discussion ; but the other scores showed similar results and 
justified the 4/4 schemes in every instance. They are essentially 
the schemes of Hephaestion plus certain rhythmical elements, the 
ancients recognized such elements in this connection, and they 
represent the renderings actually used by modern scholars. 

25. Aryan Root Vowels, A Query, by Dr. Magoun. 

The remarkable variations in Aryan root vowels are a matter of 
common knowledge. What caused them is a matter of speculation. 
Semitic roots show a similar characteristic ; but there the peculiarity 
is either inflectional or due to variations in meaning. That Aryan 
ablaut may have been originally an element of inflection is implied by 
such forms as Eng. sing, sang, sung; and the suspicion that vowel 
variations in Aryan and Semitic roots were parallel phenomena has 
been haunting the writer for nearly twenty-five years. Since a con- 
nection may now be regarded as having been established between the 
Indo-Germanic and Semitic groups by Moller's Semitisch und Indo- 
germanisch, Vol. I, to say nothing of Drake's Discoveries in Hebrew, 
Gaelic, Gothic, Anglo-Saxon, Latin, Basque, and Other Caucasic 
Languages, which though radical is sane and convincing ; it can no 
longer be untimely to ask the following questions : 

1. May not the Semitic and Aryan groups be offshoots from a 
single parent language which employed ablaut for inflectional purposes 
but had begun a limited use of sufTixal elements of a primitive sort ? 

2. May not the Semitic group have exploited ablaut with little or 
no addition to the suffixal elements, while the Aryan group devel- 
oped the latter until the inflectional functions of ablaut were not only 
obscured, but forgotten through the influence of some agglutinative 
tongue, to which may also be attributed the Aryan development of 

3. May not other changes in root vowels have been due to varia- 
tions in meaning, traces of which may still be found in Aryan roots? 

4. May not this last possibility furnish a clew to the solution of 
etymological puzzles concerning root affiliations which have long 
baffled the ingenuity of lexicographers and other linguists ? 

5. May it not be well to revise the definition of roots in the Aryan 
group, so as to conform in general with Semitic usage ? 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixi 

6. May not dissyllabic roots, so-called, be disposed of on that basis 
as an incidental product of vowel variation ? 

7. May there not still be a sufficient number of fossil remains in 
the Aryan group to establish the above conjectures, after due allow- 
ance has been made for dialectic and kindred variations? 

Space forbids discussion ; but a few stray examples will illustrate 
the points at issue. 

\fdrn, ' to subdue/ ' compel,' ' make subject to.' Skt. damayati, 
* subdue,' ' become master ' ; damyati, ' be tame ' ; Gr. Sa/xao>, 
Sa/Av?7/u, 'subdue,' 'make subject to '; Eng. tame. Skt. dama, dam, 
' *a place subject to (a man),' ' *where one is master,' ' house,' ' home.' 
Gr. Sa/>ux/o, ' *a woman subject to (a man),' 'wife.' Lat. domo, 'to 
tame,' 'break'; domttus,'a. taming'; domitor, 'a tamer'; domus, 
' *a place tamed or made subject (fit for use),' 'a place to dwell in,' 
' house,' ' home ' ; dominus, ' *one who has tamed,' ' master,' ' owner '; 
Gr. So/nos, ' *a place made fit for or subject to an occupant,' ' room,' 
' chamber,' ' house '; 8o/w,eo>, ' *to prepare such a place,' ' build ' ; 8e/xo>, 
' *to make fit for a master or occupant,' ' build ' ; 82y>ia, ' *a place 
where one rules by natural right,' ' *one's own domain,' ' house,' 
'hall,' 'household.' O. Norse timbra, A-S. timbrian, Eng. timber, 
**wood for subduing a place or making it fit for an occupant,' ' build- 
ing material.' Gr. 8^/xos, ' *that which is subject to (a ruler),' ^culti- 
vated land,' ' district,' ' people ' ; O. Irish dam, ' a king's followers ' ; 
A-S. team, **those subject to (a patriarch),' 'family.' Gr. Sc'/xas, 
'*one fitted for a master,' '*member of a household,' 'a body,' 
' form ' (cf. the use of Eng. " hand " for a person) ; Sto-TTOTrjs, Skt. 
dampati, Indo-Ger. *demspoti (for demaspoti}, ' pater familias,' 'lord,' 
' despot.' Gr. S/xoos, ' one subdued completely (in war),' ' slave.' 

This last arrangement of a root seems originally to have intensified 
the meaning or made it more complex. See below. 

Vgn, ' to come into a new state of being.' Gr. ytyyo/uu, ' become,' 
'take place'; yiyvooo-/cw, '*to come into a new state of knowledge,' 
' learn by observation ' ; Eng. know. Cf. Eng. ken, con, and can. 

^Jstr, ' spread.' Lat. sterno, ' spread out ' ; Gr. o-rdpi/u/xi, ' spread 
(a bed) ' ; Lat. struo, ' build ' ; Gr. o-rpw/xa, ' mattress ' ; crr/oards, ' an 
army (in camp)'; Lat. stratum, ' quilt '; strages, ' slaughter '; etc. 

VM ' throw.' Gr. /SeXos, ' dart ' ; j3o\rj, ' a throw '; /?dXos, ' a throw 
with a net ' ; jSoAts, 'missile ' ; /3aAA.o>, 'throw at' ; /SA^rds, 'thrown at 
or hit by disease,' ' palsied ' ; etc. 

4 'move quickly.' Gr. TriVrw, 'fall'; Lat. peto, 'fall upon,' 

Ixii American Philological Association 

' attack,' ' seek to obtain ' ; Gr. ircro/uu, ' *move one's self quickly,' 
' fly ' ; 7roTao/Acu, ' fly about ' ; TTOT/AOS, ' *that which flits about one,' 
'destiny ' (usually evil) ; Trrepoi/, ' feather,' ' wing ' ; ^TWO-IS, ' fall ' (of 
a thunderbolt, etc.), ' inflection ' (grammatical) ; etc. 

\/tm, 'cut.' Gr. re/xvo>, 'cut,' 'hew,' 'wound'; r/ATJyw, 'divide,' 
' cut in two,' ' disperse ' ; r/x^/xa, ' piece cut off,' ' section ' ; etc. 

\/mn, 'stay,' 'stay by.' Gr. /xeVw, 'remain,' 'stand fast'; p,eVos, 
' strength ' ; /AVOO/UU, ' *stay in mind,' ' keep in mind,' ' woo ' ; 
fjLifjiVTJo-Ka), '*make to stay in mind,' 'remind,' 'remember'; 
' *a staying away,' ' wrath ' (the cause of staying away) ; 
'*stay beside one's self,' 'rave '; /u,avx, 'a being beside one's self,' 
'madness'; /uai/rts, ' *one beside himself (in a trance), '*raver,' 
' seer,' ' a kind of grasshopper ' (with front legs never still !) ; etc. 

V^/, ' call.' Gr. KaXecu, ' call ' ; KA.eo>, ( . tell of,' ' celebrate ' ; AcAeos, 
' rumor,' ' fame ' ; K\7)T7Jp, ' herald ' ; KX^oris, ' summons ' ; etc.; Lat. 
clamo, ' shout ' ; Gr. K\VU>, ' *hear called,' ' hear ' ; KA.UTOS, ' renowned ' ; 
Lat. clueo, duo, ' hear one's self called ' ; etc. 

, ' stretch.' Lat. rego, ' keep straight,' ' guide,' ' rule ' ; Gr. 
, ' stretch out ' ; opiyvao/xai, ' *stretch one's self out,' ' reach ' ; 
Skt. arjati, rnjati, ' stretch,' ' attain,' ' direct ' ; rajyati, ' *stretch out 
beams,' 'shine red,' 'be colored'; rajati, '*stretch to one's full 
height,' ' *stand erect,' 'be kingly'; rajan, '*one who stands erect,' 
'king,' ' prince ' ; etc. ; Lat. rtgno, ' be king,' ' rule' ; etc. 

^/drk t 'look.' Skt. draksyati (fut.), dadarca (pf.), 'see'; Gr. 
Sep/co/Acu, 'look 7 ; Sop/cas, ' *that which looks steadily,' 'gazelle'; 
Spa/con/, ' *that which looks keenly or fiercely,' ' dragon.' In such 
forms -pa- does not stand for an original r-vowel, as is shown in this 
case by Skt. drastar (drastr), ' one who looks with the eye of an expert,' 
which shows the same root form with essentially the same fundamen- 
tal meaning. Cf. Gr. Kapros (Ep.), ' strength,' ' courage ' ; 
'might,' 'power'; /cporepos (Ep.), 'strong,' 'mighty'; 
'sturdy'; Kpare'w, ' be mighty '; Kpar^s, 'mighty.' Other examples 
equally interesting might be given ; but these must suffice. 

26. On the Eight-book Tradition of Pliny's Letters in 
Verona, by Professor Elmer Truesdell Merrill, of the Uni- 
versity of Chicago. 

The conclusions of the paper were based on a study of the excerpts 
from Pliny's Letters in the so-called Flores Moralium Auctoritatum 
of the Chapter Library in Verona, combined with an examination of 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixiii 

the Breuis Adnotatio de duobus Pliniis of lohannes de Matociis. 
Karl Lohmeyer made certain mistakes in his report of the Flores in 
Rheinisches Museum, LVIII, 467 ff., and was wrong in believing that 
the order of the citations in the Flores contributes anything to our 
knowledge of the order of the Letters in the Ms from which the 
excerpts were copied. Especially was he wrong in believing that 
this Ms of the Letters was one of seven books only. 

There is, furthermore, no evidence that the Breuis Adnotatio was 
composed later than the Historia Imperialis of the same author, but 
rather every indication that lohannes de Matociis was acquainted 
with the Letters, or at least with their existence in the Chapter 
Library at Verona, when he wrote the Historia. Modern miscon- 
ceptions on this point appear to be due to a blind following of 
Tartarotti (Venice, 1754). Ratherius, Bishop of Verona in the tenth 
century, apparently knew the Letters of Pliny from a Ms in the 
Chapter Library of that city. This Ms, one of eight books, doubt- 
less remained in the library till the fifteenth century, and was the 
one used by lohannes de Matociis and by the anonymous compiler 
of the Flores. It was also this identical Ms which a century later 
(in 1419) came (surreptitiously?) into the possession of Guarino 
Guarini, and is the archetype, through him, of all Mss of Pliny's 
Letters of the eight-book class known to be extant. Sabbadini was 
mistaken in thinking there might be a source dating from a copy 
made by lohannes. 

The discussion was concluded with full texts of the excerpts from 
the Letters in the Flores and of the Breuis Adnotatio. 

The paper has been published in full in Classical Phi- 
lology, v, 175-188. 

27. The Article in the Predicate in Greek, by Professor 
Alfred W. Milden, of Emory and Henry College. 

The precision of Attic Greek in the use of the article to impart 
definiteness in the subject of the sentence, while avoiding its use 
in the predicate, contrary to the genius of our modern languages, is 
clearly illustrated in the usage of the possessives e/u,os, ly/xere/ao?, 
v/u,eTe/oos, o-os (see PAPA, xxxvn, xxiv-xxv). 

Dornseiffen, in his monograph De articulo, etc., and Procksch in 
Philologus, XL, 1-47, have preceded me in the present study, which 
is based on an independent collection of material, on a larger scale, 

Ixiv American Philological Association 

and attempts to define the limitations and appreciate the usage of 
the article in the predicate in sentences where the article occurs in 
subject and predicate alike. 

A familiar example of the type investigated is the following : 

ap ov TO fJiat/Odvtiv ecrrtv TO oxx^corepov yiyvecr&xi Tre/ot o [JiavOdvei TIS ; 
" Is not learning growing wiser about that which you learn ? " (Plato, 
Theaetetus, 145 D). At first sight, there is nothing here to excite 
comment from our point of view. But the comparative rarity of the 
type in question is certainly significant. Barring one department, 
the average is less than one occurrence to 200 pages. Oratory is 
represented by 9 examples, history 21, drama 2. On the other hand, 
59 examples were noted in the pages of Plato (six times as many, 
relatively, as in oratory). Over half of this number are found in four 
dialogues, the Cratylus, the Theaetetus, the Hippias Major, and the 
Gorgias, the first averaging one example to 10 pages. It is well to 
note that the participle figures in 40 per cent of the occurrences in 
Plato. Of Lucian's 14 examples, 8 have the article with the superla- 
tive adjective in the predicate, for which there is almost no classical 

The range of this type of predication, with the single exception of 
Plato, is very restricted. Its true sphere is in philosophical writings, 
and, wherever found, it usually carries a philosophical tone. Procksch, 
who has had an eye to the content as well as to the form, has brought 
out very clearly the fact that the keynote is identity either in thought 
or in fact. The former conception preponderates in Plato, the latter 
in Herodotus and the Orators. Viewed logically, the two parts of the 
sentence are convertible. The writer seems to see in this type the 
meeting of two conflicting tendencies in language, and language is 
here, so to speak, attempting the impossible. It is natural that the 
vehicle for this experiment should be such dialogues as the Cratylus 
and Theaetetus, subtle writings of the great master of Attic style. 

The principle laid down by Dornseiffen with reference to the 
article in the predicate finds substantial confirmation : " Praedicato 
nunquam articulus additur, nisi cum penitus cognitum vel definitum 
tanquam par subiecto opponitur. " 

28. Note on Tacitus, Histories, n, 40, by Professor Frank 
Gardner Moore, of Trinity College, Hartford. 

Non ut ad pugnam sed ad bellandum profecti confluentes Padi et 
Aduae fluminum sedecim inde milium spatio distantes petebant. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixv 

In this passage inde obviously refers to the camp ad quartum a 
Bedriaco (cf. 39). l From a point 4 m. p. west of Bedriacum, if the 
text is sound, Tacitus measures but 16 m. p. to the confluence of the 
Adda and the Po, whereas the confluence is 7 m. p. west of Cremona, 2 
and Cremona itself was 22 m. p. from Bedriacum, according to the 
Tabula Peutingeriana? Thus the camp ad quartum a Bedriaco was 
1 8 m. p. east of Cremona, and consequently 25 m. p. from the mouth 
of the Adda. It has been suggested by Wolff and Heraeus that xvi 
may be a corruption of xxi, but the latter figure fails to satisfy the 
topography. It is possible that the original figure was xxvi, but if we 
are forced to correct, we shall do better, I think, to read xxv. That 
this became xvi, rather than xv, by the blundering of a copyist or 
copyists, was perhaps due to the following inde. 

Certainly all the attempts to retain sedecim, and explain it away, 
or to emend elsewhere in order to keep this number, are altogether 
fruitless, however ingenious. So Mommsen's over-subtle "die 16 
Milien des Tacitus lassen sich fiiglich auf die beabsichtigte Ziel 
des Tagemarsches beziehen, die 12 des Plutarch auf das wirkliche 
Schlachtfeld." 4 So Nipperdey's indefensible excision of Padi et 
Aduae, and wild quest of a smaller stream. So Valmaggi's substi- 
tution of the Arda, a southern tributary of the Po, below Cremona, in 
spite of the glaring improbability that the Othonians are thus prepared 
to abandon the left bank without striking a blow. So Henderson's 
emendation of quartum decimum for quartum in 39, thus making 
22 14 = 8 m. p. from the camp to Cremona, plus 7 more, or 15, 
to the confluence. 5 To any careful reader it is plain that Tacitus 
agrees with Plutarch in dividing the march from Bedriacum to the 
battlefield between two days. Yet Henderson refuses to draw the 
natural inference from 39 that the camp there mentioned (4 m. p. 
from Bedriacum, or 14, as H. would emend) was occupied for one 
night, and that the penuria aquae was felt the following morning. 
Even here Henderson resorts to his "camp gossip," "the private 
soldier's view," etc. his universal deus ex machina, applied with 
the last degree of improbability to the most aristocratic of historians. 

1 Gerstenecker's violent interpretation is its own refutation. 

2 Cf. Kiepert's map in CIL, v, 2. 

8 Pompeius Planta's vicesimo lapide is evidently a round number; Schol. Juv. 
2, 99. 

4 Hermes, v, 167; cf. ib. 168, " Er hat das letzte militarische Marschobject mit 
dem Ziel des Tagemarsches verwechselt." 

5 Civil IV ar and Rebellion in the Roman Empire, A.D. 69-70, London, 1908, 
PP- 114, 345- 

Ixvi American Philological Association 

29. The House-door in Greek and Roman Religion and 
Lore, by Professor Marbury B. Ogle, of the University of 

In this paper the endeavor was made to gather a complete list of 
references to the threshold and the house door in Greek and Roman 
religion and folklore, and from the evidence thus obtained to find 
some explanation for their importance in these spheres. 

The references show that the most prominent belief connected 
with doors was that spirits haunted their vicinity. This is indicated : 
A. By the omens connected with the threshold and door. i. That 
it was bad luck to stumble thereon (e.g. Pythag. Fr. Gr. Phil, n, 5 10 ; 
Plut. Demetr. 29, 2 ; Cic. de Div. n, 84). 2. That the Romans, like 
various other peoples, lifted the newly made bride over the thresh- 
old ; the analogies seem to show that on the threshold some danger 
to the bride was thought to lurk, danger which she could escape by 
not treading thereon. 3. The opening and shutting, sua sponte, of 
doors, whether of a room, a house, a temple, was considered by the 
Romans a bad omen (e.g. Cic. de Div. n, 67 ; Suet. lul. 81). Similarly, 
the presence of a god was denoted by the opening, closing, or trem- 
bling of the temple doors (Verg. Aen. m, 90) ; so in Ovid, M. iv, 486, 
when Tisiphone had taken her stand on the threshold of the house of 
Athamas, pastes tremuisse feruntur. B. Beneath the threshold, or 
on the doors, were placed prophylactic substances to protect the 
house from evil spirits, and the threshold was the place for perform- 
ing all sorts of magic rites which are always, in the last analysis, con- 
cerned with the spirits of the dead ; cf. Geop. xv, 8, i ; Aristoph. 
Dan. 255 K ; PL N.H. xxxiv, 151 ; xxvm, 117 ; Theocr. 2, 59 sq. ; 
Marc. Emp. n, 4. In the former case all these substances are those 
that were commonly used as offerings to spirits, and in purificatory 
and other rites connected with the dead ; in the latter, there is no 
question of the spirits entering the house, but only of the necessity 
for their presence in order that the magic rite may be effective. 
C. Several references show that prophetic inspiration was gained by 
standing on or near the threshold (cf. Verg. A. m, 155 ; ib. 71 ; 
vi, 45, 115, 151; Ov. F. m, 358). D. The parallelism between 
the doorway and the cross-roads which, in the lore of many peoples 
(cf. Samter, Familienf. 121 sq.), are the haunt of the spirits. Both 
places seem to have been peculiarly well fitted for the performance of 
magic rites ; in Greece the cult of Hecate centred around the house- 
door and the cross-roads (cf. Steuding, Roscher's Lex. i, 1889). In 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixvii 

this, as in other respects (cf. Samter 1.1.), the cult of the Lares is to be 
compared with that of Hecate, for their statues were likewise set up 
on the cross-roads, and, in many cases, immediately in the entrance 
of the atrium (De Marchi, // Culto Private, i, 29 sq.). E. Among 
other peoples, Hebrews, Slavs, Germans, Celts, the threshold is held 
to be the seat of spirits ; so in ancient India, Oldenberg, Relig. d. Ved. 


The only theory which will account satisfactorily for the presence 
of spirits around the house-door is the suggestion offered by Winter- 
nitz (Denkschr. Wien. Akad. d. Wiss. XL, 1892, 71) to account for the 
lifting of the bride, that the primitive Greeks and Romans, like primi- 
tive people the world over, buried their dead under the threshold or 
before the house-door. 

That the early Greeks buried their dead within the house is proved 
by excavations (cf. Frazer, Paus.ii, 533; cf. Ps. -Plato, Min. 315 D). 
That they also buried their dead under the threshold or before the 
door is indicated by such passages as Eurip. Hel. 1165 sq. ; Schol. 
in Find. Nem. 7, 62 ; Paus. x, 24, 6, and by the custom of placing 
the heroa before the door (cf. Rohde, Psy. i, 197, n. 2). In the case 
of the Romans, the literary evidence for burial within the house 
(Serv. Aen. v, 64; vi, 152; Isid. Or. xv, n, i), or near the door 
(Fulgent. 560, 13), although accepted by Voigt, R. Alterth. 794 sq., 
De Marchi, op. cit. i, 38 sq., are too uncertain to serve for proof. 
The fact, however, that in early Rome, as in various cities in Greece, 
burial was permitted within the city (cf. Mon. Ant. xv, 1905, p. 752), 
and the analogies between Greek and Roman customs and beliefs in 
connection with the house-door should have sufficient weight to war- 
rant the conclusion that, at some time in their history, they practised 
the same burial customs. 

There are, moreover, distinct evidences that among both Greeks 
and Romans there was connected with the door a cult which can have 
been concerned only with the spirits of the dead. This we must con- 
clude to be the meaning of the binding of the door-posts with wool 
(e.g. cf. \.N.H. xxix, 30 ; Varro, Men. fr. 463 B ; Hesych. o-re^ai/ov 
/c<<:pai/), which was used frequently in purificatory and other rites 
concerned with the dead (cf. Diels, Sibyl. BL 70), and of the practice 
of smearing them with fat and oil (e.g. PI. 1.1. ; Samter 1.1., 80 sq.) 
which were sprinkled evidently as offerings upon graves and grave- 
stones (Eurip. LT. 633; Plut. Arist. 21). The x& VLa ^ovrpd also 
seems to have been poured out before the door (Aristoph. Her. 306 K., 

Ixviii American Philological Association 

cf. Riess, AJP. xvm, 191) ; and in a trench hard by the door Medea in 
Ov. M. vii, 243 pours the sacrificial blood when performing the magic 
rite that is to restore Aeson to youth. If we accept such evidence 
for burial near the door, the hair offering in Etirip. Ale. IOT is simply 
explained ; the shorn hair was heaped up at the door as the primitive 
burial place just as it was commonly placed upon the graves of the 
dead (cf. Aeschyl. Choeph. 4; Prop. I, 17, 21) ; a passage in Herod, 
iv, 34 offers conclusive proof of this. 

Such a conclusion affords a simple explanation for all the folk be- 
liefs and practices connected with the house-door. Spirits haunted 
the vicinity just as, according to Plato, Phaed. 81 C sq. (cf. Lactant. 
Inst. n, 2, 6), they wandered like shadows about tombs ; and because 
of the presence of these spirits, the threshold was a spot peculiarly 
adapted to the performance of magic rites ; it was bad luck to stumble 
upon the threshhold, just as it brought pollution to walk upon a grave 
(Plut. Lye. 27 :, Sen. Troad. 492) ; offerings were made near the house- 
doors and wreaths were hung upon them as upon graves (Isaeus, 2, 10 ; 
Plat. Crit. 116 C ; Tibull. n, 6, 31 ; 4, 48) ; the ground around them 
was holy ground and a place of refuge for the distressed and for sup- 
pliants as was the grave itself (Tibull. n, 6, 33 ; Rohde, Psy. 2 i, 230) ; 
and finally the teaching of Pythagoras (cf. Porphy. de A.N. 27) that 
one should approach them with due reverence finds its parallel in the 
statement that one must pass by a hero's shrine in silence (Aristoph. 
Av. 1490, c. Schol. ; Alciphr. in, 58, 3). 

30. The Story of a Grease Spot, by Principal Peterson, 
of McGill University, Montreal. 

Under this humorous title, the author gave a short talk on the 
inter-relations of certain Mss of Cicero's Orations. He explained 
that in the course of editing another volume of the Speeches for the 
Oxford Press, he had made it his business, not without some results, 
to reexamine certain Mss previously known to editors. A complete 
statement of his conclusions would shortly appear in the Classical 
Quarterly, of which Principal Peterson is an Associate Editor ; in 
the meantime he would limit himself to the proof that three codices, 
separated from each other by intervals of three centuries, are directly 
related to each other, the second having been copied from the first, 
and the third from the second. 

The Parisinus 7794 (P) is a well-known ninth century Ms, a 
folio of which is reproduced in Chatelain's Paleographie (PI. xxin) . 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixix 

It contains the sylloge of speeches (preceded by the spurious Pridie 
quam in exilium) which, with the exception of the pro Caelio, are 
to be included in the forthcoming volume. Halm is considered to 
have proved that from P there was directly copied a codex now at 
Bern in Switzerland, the Bernensis 136 (B). This Ms belongs to 
the end of the twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth century. 
Further evidence of its direct derivation from P may be found in 
the hitherto unnoticed fact that a system of punctuation was intro- 
duced by a later scribe into P, and has been followed by the writer 
of B ; indeed, it may have been inserted in the text of P for the pur- 
pose of the copy about to be made. The importance of B is that it 
enables the critic to " control " the tradition of P. The writer of B 
invariably follows the second hand in P, and it is easy to draw the 
inference that wherever a change occurs in the text of P that does 
not appear in B it was made by a later hand than P 2 . 

But more important than the derivation of B from P is the relation 
to B of another codex which has lately received much attention from 
Mr. A. C. Clark in connection with his restoration of the " vetus 
Cluniacensis " of Poggio. This Ms is Par. 14, 749, which Mr. Clark 
has called 2. His own opinion was that 2 was in all probability 
copied, for \ht post Reditum and other speeches, from P. "I should 
have hesitated to take any other view, had it not been for an inter- 
esting discovery made in the course of last summer. At a certain 
passage in the speech de Harusp. Respons. (5) I happened to 
notice in the text of 2 two very short lines drawn by the scribe after 
the words violavit and Romanes. On looking up the corresponding 
passage in B, I found an oblong greasy mark which had led the 
scribe to skip a small portion of the parchment for fear that his ink 
might mn. What had arrested the march of his pen in the twelfth 
century was probably not so obvious in the fifteenth, and has more 
or less evaporated now, after the lapse of seven hundred years ; but 
still it was sufficient to attract attention, and the faithful writer of 
2 draws two short lines to indicate that there was a blank, covering 
two lines of the text in his original. This is undoubted proof of 
direct copying, for apart from this explanation the lines in question 
would be altogether meaningless, and would not have been repro- 
duced by any later copyist. 

" A direct descent is therefore proved for the fifteenth century Ms 
2 from the ninth century P, through the twelfth or thirteenth century 
B. It is a case of apostolical succession ! " 

Ixx American Philological Association 

31. Notes on the Pompeian Election-Notices, by Professor 
Perley Oakland Place, of Syracuse University. 

Local politics in Pompeii, and in the Italian municipia generally, 
doubtless presented a humorous aspect to one in the larger political 
life of Rome. Cicero (ad Fam. vn, i) reminds his friend M. Marius 
that the town council (curia) probably of Pompeii affords all the 
elements of an Atellan farce with its broad burlesque of human life 
by means of stock characters. Again, Horace cites (S. i, 5), as de- 
serving a laugh from his hearers, the crazy vanity and pompous man- 
ner of a " praetor " (probably aedile) of Fundi, who paraded all the 
insignia of his office : the toga praetexta, latus clavus, and even the 
pan of coals for lighting torches. This instance would suggest that 
the municipia aped the ceremonial dignity of Rome. 

While the main features of the machinery of government in the 
municipia are known, one must regret that no Roman writer has 
visualized for us the details of local politics. Such an opportunity 
was furnished to Cicero in the perplexing year of 45 B.C., when his 
son and nephew became aediles at Arpinum. 

A natural method of publicity in a political canvass in Pompeii, we 
know, was to place election notices on the walls of buildings through- 
out the city. Strategic points would naturally be the vicinity of the 
Fora, places of amusement, public baths, inns, shops, the city gates, 
and the principal streets. Thus the candidates for // viri iuri dicun- 
do and aediles (also styled II viri v.a. sacr.p.proc.} announced them- 
selves and appealed to the popular suffrage conclusive evidence of 
elections by the people of Pompeii in 79 A.D., and an indication that 
other municipia were probably as tenacious of democratic principles. 

The notices, after the required space had first been whitewashed, 
were put up by professional sign-painters, whose names are often 
added and occasionally the name of the dealbator (cf. CIL. iv, 222) 
is given. Many of them read like the announcements above the 
editorial column of an " organization paper " to-day : "John Doe for 
Mayor" ; "Vote for Richard Roe." 

The notices may be classified thus, according to their form : 

(1) Announcements without mention of supporters. The older 
ones (cf. 67) usually give merely the name and office, followed by 
V-"; sometimes V B(virum bonum) is added. 

(2) Appeals : (A) General : (a) from an individual supporter, 
thus: 1048, Sabinus rog(at) copo; 2966, Dionysius fullo rog(at) ; 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixxi 

209, memor sodalis facit (' is working for ') ; 699, rogat et facit ; 1 74, 
cupit ; 235, Phoebus (a perfume-seller, unguentarius) cum emptori- 
bus suis rog(at); 98, lulius Polybius collega facit (a joint canvass). 
(b*) from two individual supporters (cf. 175). (t) from neighbors, 
thus : 193, (Hyp)saeum quinq(uennalem) d. r. p. vicini volunt ; 458, 
vicini cum Capitone rog(ant) ; 1059, vicinis rogantibus (this resembles 
the modern "nomination by petition"). (*/) from various groups, 
thus: in 886, C. lulius Polybius, a baker (cf. 429 and 875) is 
supported by the bakers (pis tores), and in 113 by the muleteers 
(muliones) ; in 960 the woodsellers (lignari') support C. Cuspius 
Pansa, who would seem to be the candidate of the goldsmiths 
(aurifices) (710) and the attendants of Isis (Isiaci) (ion); cf. also 
ball players (piKcrcpi) (1147), barbers (tonsores) (743), dyers (offec- 
tores) (864), perfume-sellers (unguentarii) (609), fishermen (Jnscicapi} 
(826), and the farmers (agricolae) (490). 

(B) Specific : (a) to an individual, thus : 920, Procule Frontoni 
tuo officium commoda ; 635, Sabinum aed(ilem), Procule, fac 
et ille te faciet; 1071, Modestum aed(ilem), Pansa, fac facias. 
(If) to a group, thus: 336, innkeepers (caupones] ; 183, fruitsellers 

We need not assume that groups, such as cited above, were in all 
instances formally organized as sodalicia or collegia, and that in 
Pompeii we have on a small scale the "Tammany Hall" of antiquity, 
the political instrument perfected for Caesar by Publius Clodius. 

Not a few of the notices are of a joint canvass, thus : 98 (" Don't 
split the ticket !") ; cf. also 382 and 623. In 597 we read : Suettios 
Certum II vir(um) i(uri) d(icundo) Verum aed(ilem) Celsum collegam 
rog(ant). This last notice suggests what is confirmed by numerous 
notices, the development of a local aristocracy, and the importance of 
family names in a canvass. Perhaps in 456 iuvenem verecundissimum 
means " not snobbish." The advantage of a joint canvass appears 
from 187. 

The after-election headlines of a modern newspaper, "A Clean 
Sweep !" recall such notices as 1122, on the left of the west entrance 
to the amphitheatre : Paquium Proculum II vir(um) i(uri) d(icundo) 
d(ignum) r(ei) p(ublicae) universi Pompeiani fecerunt. 

The stereotyped expressions in praise of the candidates suggest the 
conventional phraseology of campaign literature to-day. The follow- 
ing are typical : d(ignum) r(ei) p(ublicae) ; 499, civem bonum ; 232, 
dignissimum ; 309, verecundissimum d. r. p. o. v. f. dignissimum ; 187, 
optimos collegas ; 951, iuvenem egregium ; 943, iuvenem frugi; 

Ixxii American Philological Association 

286, iuvenem probum ; 460, probissimos; 720, iuvenem innocuae 
aetatis ; 597, quorum innocentiam probastis ; 706, omni bono meri- 
tum ; 768, defensorem coloniae. In praise of a baker, who is a 
candidate for aedile, we read : Panem bonura fert (429). 

It is interesting to note that there is in the notices an absence of 
the personal bitterness between candidates which often characterizes 
municipal politics to-day. The candidates do not proclaim the 
" platform " of a party organization, nor do they as individuals put 
forward any "convictions," or pledge themselves to any policy. 
They enter the race as individuals, and the question for the voters is 
a personal one. Hence, as appears above, the expressions of praise 
in the notices refer to the good character of the candidates ; so, too, 
the words aerarium conservabit, Eph. Epigr. I, 163. However, the 
effectiveness of the modern cartoon appears from 575, 576, and 581. 
Here in the conventional form of a genuine election-notice, even to 
the signatures of the sign-painters, Vatia is held up as an " impossible 
candidate " : dormientes universi, furunculi, seribibi ! What a worthy 
list of supporters ! 

One of the most elaborate notices (768), conspicuously placed 
close by the Stabian Baths on the north side of Abbondanza Street, 
near the corner of Stabian Street, announces that M. Epidius Sabinus, 
a candidate for Duumvir iuri dicundo, has the support of an imperial 
commissioner, Suedius Clemens (cf. 1059, sanctissimus iudex) sent by 
Vespasian to decide the ownership of certain land (Mau-Kelsey, 407). 
This support is announced as secured by Sabinus' neighbors (vicinis 
rogantibus) in no. 1059 placed near the door of his house (Region 

IX, I, 22). 

32. Early Mediaeval Commentaries on Terence, Addendum, 
by Professor Edward Kennard Rand, of Harvard University. 

See PAPA, xxxix (1908), xli-ii, and CP, iv (1909), 359-389. 
Three of the Paris Mss mentioned on p. 378 of the latter article 
were examined for the writer by Dr. D. P. Lockwood, and the results 
tend to confirm the hypothesis suggested. The commentary in Ms 
7900 A s. X, is clearly the same as that in the Monacensis, and 
though Vita m^ follows the text of the plays, the scribe of the Paris 
Ms doubtless took both Vita and Commentary from the same source ; 
to economize space, he at first intended to omit all the introductions 
to the plays, but afterwards found room at the end for the Vita and 
the argument of the Andria. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixxiii 

Ms 7184 is, for the Terence part, not of the eleventh but of the 
fifteenth century, and it contains no scholia. But a distich which 
appears in 7900 A before the Ennuchus is found in the same place 
in 7184, which has Vita m at the beginning another indication 
that Vita in is an integral part of the scholia in 7900 A. 

Ms 7902 s. XI (probably from Fleury) is the most interesting of 
all. It contains not only Vita m<z but Vita n, the " Ambrosian," 
which consists of an epitome of the life of Terence, by Donatus. 
One should suspect that such a Vita is merely the preface to a com- 
mentary, which, in this case, ought to include excerpts from Donatus ; 
and such excerpts follow in 7902. Since the only early Mss of 
Donatus are Paris 7920 s. XI (from Fleury) and Vat. Reg. 1595 
s. XIII, and both of these are extremely fragmentary, something 
might be gained for the text of Donatus even after Wessner's elaborate 
edition, by a reconstruction of this ninth-century commentary. In 
Paris 7184 scholia are found for the Andria, for Eunuchus as far as 
Act iv, sc. iv, and, apparently, for the beginning of the Hautonti- 
moroumenos. Mss containing Vita n should, therefore, be examined ; 
there are at least thirteen of them. 

There were then, at least, five commentaries written on the plays 
of Terence in the ninth century : (i) Commentum Brunsianum, fairly 
early in the period ; (2) Commentum Monacense, connected, per- 
haps, with the circle of Heiricus of Auxerre ; (3) Expositio, connected, 
perhaps, with Remigius ; (4) a philosophical commentary partly pre- 
served in version a of Eugraphius ; (5) Commentum Donatianum. 
Doubtless Donatus was not introduced into France till the close of 
the century. Further examination of these and other contemporary 
commentaries cannot fail to throw light on the culture of the period 
and, in especial, the origin of scholastic philosophy. 

33. On the Use of the Sign of Interrogation in Certain 
Greek Mss, by Professor Charles B. Randolph, of Clark 

In spite of much apparent confusion in the use of the point and 
comma, a definite rule in the use of the sign of interrogation appears 
in many minuscule manuscripts, in how large a percentage there is 
no way to tell on this side the Atlantic. 

The sign of interrogation, which is most commonly a point with a 
comma beneath it our semicolon is found in minuscule manu- 
scripts dating from the ninth century on, though sometimes it is 

Ixxiv American Philological Association 

added by a later hand. Modifications of it are the comma beneath 
two dots, and the comma preceding or following a period (these 
probably accidental, though not infrequent) ; and perhaps the comma 
alone was intended in some manuscripts to have interrogative value. 

The conclusions of the paper are based upon an examination of 
facsimiles of thirty-four minuscule manuscripts, the range of the 
investigation being limited by the number readily accessible in this 
country. They were chiefly manuscripts of the dramatists, Aeschy- 
lus, Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes, though the Oxford Plato 
(Ox. Clark. 39) and a Harvard manuscript of the Gospels were in- 
cluded. The passages examined ranged in length from a few lines 
to 75 or more manuscript pages ; the facsimile sheets were often 
disappointingly short, but few contained less than 100 lines. 

Of the thirty-four minuscule manuscripts examined, five did not 
show any interrogative sign. The other twenty-nine showed the 
semicolon, or a modification of it, in use according to this rule : 

The sign of interrogation does not follow questions introduced by an 
interrogative pronoun or adverb, like TIS, TTOV, TT<OS (ivord-questions}, 
but is used after sentence-questions, which are without an interroga- 
tive word, or are introduced by a particle like apa, ^, ov, /wov. In 
other words, the sign of interrogation was used where no word in the 
sentence would have made it clear to the reader that a question was 

The figures upon which this conclusion was based follow : 

Word-questions in the 29 manuscripts 1311 

Occurrences of ( ;) 20 

Sentence-questions in the 29 manuscripts . . . . 1013 

Occurrences of (;) 567 

That is, after 98^% of the word-questions the sign of interrogation is 
omitted; after 56% of the sentence-questions it is used. The reason 
that the percentage is smaller in the case of the sentence-questions is 
that while any one, whether he knew much or little Greek, could 
recognize a word-question by a word like TIS, TTOV, or TTWS, to deter- 
mine whether or not a sentence introduced by ov, or ^7, or without 
an introductory particle, was a question, required ability to understand 
the sentence and the context, which often the scribe did not possess. 

The paper is published in a somewhat expanded form in 
Classical Philology for July, 1910. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixxv 

34. The Distribution of the Roles in the New Menander, 
by Professor Kelley Rees, of Yale University. 

The author endeavors to show in this study that the Rule of Three 
Actors was not applicable to the New Comedy. One of the chief 
reasons for assuming a limitation of the number of performers for the 
classical tragedies and comedies, i.e. their structure, disappears when 
we come to the New Comedy ; it is impossible to discover in the 
economy of the Menander fragments any hint that the author was 
laboring under a restrictive law which prevented him from using all 
the actors that his plots required. 

The absence of such a law in the period of the New Comedy may 
be taken also as an indication that the rule did not exist in the classi- 
cal period ; for it is quite probable that, had the rule existed in the 
classical period and been removed at a later time, we should have 
had some record of the change. But there is no mention in ancient 
writers of the existence of such a law, much less the removal of it. 

In testing the rule in its application to Menander the author 
assumes that the following principles were observed by the ancient 
dramatic writers in the distribution of the roles among the actors : 

(1) An actor, if he play two or more parts, must have enough time 
to change costume between the exit of one character and the entrance 
of the other whose part he is to assume. (2) The same actor must 
play a given role throughout. (3) The doubling of incongruous roles 
is to be avoided ; the parts should not be too many or of too miscel- 
laneous a character. Violations of these principles are grouped 
under the following headings: (i) "Lightning" Change of Dress; 

(2) Split Roles ; (3) Bad Assignment of Parts. 

Two instances in the Periceiromene are cited where four persons are 
simultaneously upon the scene (see Capps, ed. vv. 344 ff. and 905 ff.). 
Two more four-actor-scenes are found in the fragments, but in these 
the fourth character does not speak, though in other scenes one of 
the characters has an important speaking part (Peric. vv. 62 ff. and 

403 ff.). 

"Lightning" Change of Costume. Cases where this device must 
be resorted to are found in Epitrep. 159 ff., Peric. 886 ff., Samia, 71 ff. 

Split Roles. In the Epitrep. the parts of Syriscus, Charisius, and 
Sophrona must be divided among two or more actors ; in Peric. the 
parts of Pataecus, Doris, and Moschion ; in the Samia the part of 

Bad Assignment of Parts. It is found that under the three-actor 

Ixxvi American Philological Association 

distribution nearly every actor is forced to play widely different 

It is not the writer's contention, however, that Greek plays were 
never performed with three actors, but special emphasis is laid upon 
the facts (i) that there is no external evidence to show that dramatic 
poets at Athens, either in the classical or post-classical period, did 
restrict themselves to that number ; (2) the economy of the Menan- 
der fragments and of the classical drama does not reveal the influence 
of such a restrictive law. 

This paper appears in Classical Philology, v, 291 ff. 

35. Sicca Mors, Juvenal, 10, 113, by Professor John C. 
Rolfe, of the University of Pennsylvania. 

In Shakespeare, Tempest, i, i, 72, Gonzalo says : "The wills above 
be done ! but I would fain die a dry death." On reading this lately I 
was reminded of the use of the same expression, but in quite a dif- 
ferent sense, in Juv. 10, 113 : 

Ad generum Cereris sine caede ac vulnere pauci 
Descendunt reges et sicca morte tyranni. 

In the course of the brief search which was necessary to locate the 
reminiscent passage, I found, to my surprise, that though Georges and 
the Forcellini-DeVit lexicon give long lists of adjectives which are 
used with mors, neither lexicon cites the phrase sicca mors under 
either word, nor, as perhaps might be assumed, does the Harpers' 
Lexicon or its descendants, the School Dictionary and the Elem. 
Lat. Diet. And yet this expression is so rare that it^should be 
recorded and it should certainly find a place in the Thesaurus 
Linguae Latinae. 

The meaning of the Latin phrase is, of course, "a bloodless death," 
and hence "a natural death," or, in the words of the scholiast, in- 
cruenta ac per hoc naturali, morte sua (avro/xarw 0avaTa>). All the 
lexicons cite siccus in the sense of " bloodless," with or without an 
explanatory sanguine, and it is, perhaps, hardly necessary to quote 
passages to illustrate this. 1 

In the English poet the signification is quite different, the meaning 
being a death not by drowning. This might be interpreted in the 
passage in the Tempest as meaning a natural death, but in the Two 

1 For example, Prop, iv, 10, 12, spolia non sanguine sicca suo; Sen. Troad. 
5O ; siccus ensis; Stat. Theb. viu, 383, cuspide sicca; etc., etc. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixxvii 

Gentlemen of Verona i, i, 158, where Speed is said to be " destin'd 
to a drier death on shore," although the reference is again to a death 
not by drowning, the real meaning is a death on the gallows, with 
relation to the familiar proverb, " he that is born to be hanged 
shall never be drowned." This is attributed by Hazlitt * to Camden's 
Remains, 1614, and it was doubtless current in the time of Shake- 

If the phrase "a dry death " was proverbial at that time in the 
sense of a death on the gallows, it is not impossible that Gonzalo 
uses his expression humorously and with a double meaning, especially 
since a few lines before he had been predicting that kind of a "dry 
death " for the boatswain ; that is, in the sense " I would fain die a 
dry death rather than drown, even if I run the risk of ending on the 

The use of siccus in the sense of "untouched by water" is frequent 
in Latin. Horace, Serm. n, 4, 15, speaks of siccis agris, meaning 
un watered gardens, and Quintilian, n, 4, 8, of siccum et sine umore 
solum. And sicci oculi is a conventional phrase, on which Seneca, 
Here. Oet. 1273, has the somewhat bold variant, siccus aerumnas tuli. 
Ovid (Trist. iv, 9, 18) and Manilius (i, 162) refer to "dry" con- 
stellations, meaning those which do not set, and Propertius, n, 17, 15, 
uses sicca luna in the sense which is common to-day. But sicca 
mors, as opposed to a death by drowning, apparently does not occur 
in Latin, and in fact the phrase seems to be found only in the passage 
of Juvenal which is quoted above, and to be one of his own making. 

It may be noted that neither the Century nor the Standard Dic- 
tionary cites "a dry death" under either word. Murray, however, 
s.v. "dry," p. 693, i, n,/., has "to die a dry death; i.e. without 
bloodshed or (in Shaks.) without drowning." Besides the two 
Shakespearean passages he cites Mirr. Policy (1599) E iii, "Tyrants 
. . . goe neuer to Pluto with a drie death ... without bloud and 
murder," which is clearly shown by the close correspondence in 
language to be a reminiscence of Juvenal. The citation from 
R. L'Estrange (1688), Brief Hist. Times, m, 275, "hedy'd rather 
a Dry Death than a Bloudy," does not show such close similarity 
to Juvenal, but we might suspect that it was taken from him, even 
if L'Estrange had not shown by his translation of Cicero's de Officiis 
that he was a classical scholar. 

The Shakespearean editors do not, as a rule, comment on either 

1 English Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases, London, 1869. 

Ixxviii American Philological Association 

passage, although Delius with true German conscientiousness notes 
the fact, which the English editors doubtless regarded as self-evident, 
that the expression in the Two Gentlemen is a play on the proverb 
"he that is born to be hanged is not drowned" (sic). So far as I 
know, the English and the Latin " dry death " have never been 
brought together. The editors of Juvenal, if they comment on the 
phrase at all, for the most part merely translate it. 

It is rather the fashion at present to deny Juvenal the possession 
of a sense of humor, and to call him a mere rhetorician. Now 
unquestionably, the bloody end of tyrants was a rhetorical common- 
place long before the days of Juvenal, but he redeems his reference 
from commonplaceness, as he often does, by the use of the novel and 
striking phrase, sicca morfe, which is just as humorous, though in a 
different way, as is Shakespeare's " dry death." It might be called 
grim humor, which is the only kind of which Mackail (Latin Lit. 222) 
will admit the existence in Juvenal. A further touch is the reference 
to Pluto as " Ceres' son-in-law." Friedlander, it is true, in his note 
on 5, 45, gives a long list of such paraphrases and shows that they are 
a favorite device of Juvenal's, but this does not prevent many of them 
from being used with a decidedly humorous effect, as, for instance, 
vervecum in patria (10, 50), of Abdera, where there is certainly 
nothing grim about the humor. 

36. The Pronunciation of c, g, and v in Latin, by Martin 
L. Rouse, of Toronto, Canada. 

In the Romance languages and in their neighbour-tongue, English, 
which has been so largely imbued with their parental Latin, a marked 
distinction is usually made in the sound of the letters c and g accord- 
ing as either is followed by a, o, or u on the one hand, or by e or / on 
the other. Thus it is a fixed rule in Italian, French, Portuguese, and 
Spanish that before a, o, or u, c shall have the sharp, and g the flat, 
unaspirated, palatal sound which in phonetics we call k and g respec- 
tively ; whereas before e or / in Italian c is always uttered as t\ (=tsfi) 
and g in true analogy as d3 ( = dzK), while before those letters in 
French and Portuguese c with rare exceptions 1 is sounded as s and 
g always as 3 (= zh without d), and before them in Spanish c is \ 
( = th sharp) and g is x (= ^)> both of which may be regarded as 
softer sounds the first by all acknowledgment, the second as having 
led on to j (= consonantal y) in English and being in process of 

1 Marked with a cedilla ( 6 ) beneath the c. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixxix 

doing so in German. And, again, in English c before a, o, or u is k 
and g is g ; whereas c before e and i is s, as in French, and g is 
sometimes e?3, as in Italian, sometimes g. 

Now in the standard pronunciation of German c, being always hard 
i.e. = k before a, o, or u, softens into ts before e and i; but 
all the words that have c before e or / came into German from or 
through the Romance languages such, for example, as ceder, cent- 
ner, cichone, and cigarre, and g, on the other hand, remains hard - 
i.e. = g before all vowels, though at the end of a word it passes 
into x (= kh) l or q (=^). 2 Over wide districts of Germany, how- 
ever, even the best educated folk utter g before en as hj ( = hy) as, 
in morgen, regen, etc., and hj is of course a stage of transition from 
X to j ( = ^>), such as the English verb forms lecgan, secgan, etc., un- 
derwent in becoming laying, saying, etc., ere lastly the y itself grew 
dumb. In keeping, then, with the fact that the Germans overran 
Spain earlier and more completely than they did Italy and that Italy 
throughout retained a Latin-speaking center, we find the German 
softened form of g, namely ^, in the Spanish, not in the Italian, 
tongue. And in keeping also with the fact that no soft c occurs in 
native German words and that in no form of German has g before e, 
or / ever had a sibilant sound, whether c?3 or 3, we find that in Eng- 
lish the great majority of words containing c before e or /, and so hav- 
ing its soft sound s, are of Romance origin e.g. conceive, ounce, place 
accident, circle, city, etc., 3 and while words containing g before e or / 
take its soft sound c?3 if they are of Romance origin, they usually keep 
its hard sound if they are Germanic compare the utterance of age, 
vestige, gentle, germ, gesture, ginger with that of gear, gelding, get, 
begin, gird, give. 

So it is clear that from old Latin, not from old Teutonic, sources 
the general custom is derived of making c and g sibilant before e and 
/, and that since in Italy traditional pronunciation must have been 
longest maintained, while there and in no other of the Romance 
countries is the utterance of soft c and soft g analogous, the inference 
is very strong that the two letters had the Italian sounds before e and 
i in the Latin tongue. 

1 After e and i, as in weg and essig. 

2 After a, o, and u, as in tag, zog, and trug. 

3 A handful of words, however, that in Anglo-Saxon were written with ce or ci, 
ceaf, ceapman, did, cin, etc., are now written with ch, as chaff, chapman, child, 
chin, etc., and have the J sound; and in the words wherein ce preceded another 
vowel letter it seems to have been designed to increase the f sound. 

Ixxx American Philological Association 

If we now compare Italian with Latin, we find that original words 
and grammatically inflected words which in Latin had e or / next 
after c or g are now uttered with the soft sounds t\ or d3, whereas 
such as in Latin had a or u J after c or g and have now e or /', are 
uttered with the hard sounds k or g (to show which an h is inter- 

Thus of nouns and adjectives that belonged to the Latin third 
declension we have, from mtcern, nuces, vocem, voces, legem, leges, 
felicem ax\&felices noce, nod, voce, vod, legge, leggi, felice, wn&feUci 
uttered with final fe, ji, d3, or 31; and of such as belonged to 
the second declension we have domestici, me did, monad, pelagi, bene- 
fid, malefid, amid, pord, and magi"* coming with unaltered spelling 
into Italian and being uttered with final tji or dji. 

On the other hand, of nouns and adjectives that belonged to the 
first declension we have from manicae,persicae, strigae, and mancae 
maniche, pesche, streghe, and manche, and of such as belonged to the 
fourth we have from acus and lacus aghi and laghi. 

And again, in verb forms, those which in Latin had / or e after c or 
g and have still the same vowel letter, retain this with a preceding t\ 
or d3 sound e.g. in giacd, ungi, and leggi from tads, ungis, and legis, 
and in giacce, unge, and legge, indicative and imperative, from tacit, 
ungit, and legit and iace, unge, and lege respectively ; whereas those 
which in Latin had a after c or g but have now e or /", retain the hard 
consonant before the vowel e.g. in secchi, neghi, 23\<\preghi, indica- 
tive and imperative, from siccas, negas, and precas, sicca, nega, and 
preca, respectively. 

This distinction cannot have been drawn after the sound of e was 
substituted in nouns for that of ae or the sound of / for us, or after / 
or e displaced in verbs the older as or a : the Italian people, when 
compelled by constant intercourse and ultimate blending with Goths 
and Lombards to assimilate so many plurals of nouns and to make all 
second persons singular present alike in indicatives and imperatives, 
would certainly not have resolved in common, " Here we will ex- 
change k or g for # or c?3 because of this derivation, and there we 
will keep k or g because of that one." Therefore the distinction must 
have existed when Latin was still the language of the Italians at 

1 I know of no change of o into e or i. 

2 But a few dissyllables of the second declension are now found with hard 
plurals: e.g. cocci, sacci, foci have become cuochi, sacchi, fuochi. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixxxi 

Against evidence so cogent that modern Italian treatment of c 
and g was Latin treatment also, there is a theory to be set-off, that 
between the original k or g sound and its following vowel a J 
( = true y) sound may first have been intruded and that the kj and 
gj gradually became t\ and cf3. But in that case we should expect 
to find a large number of words in which ca, co, and cu had become 
cia, do, and ciu, and in which ga, go, and gu had turned into gia, 
gio, and giu. I know of only one such instance the first syllable 
of gioja, the modern form of gaudium ; and since the Italians have 
interposed no /or / between the g and the first vowel of gaudere, but 
have left this word almost unchanged as godere, while gaudium would 
according to a common Italian usage have naturally become gogio 
(= godzo), as we shall next show, the first syllable has doubtless 
exchanged places with the very similar second syllable, much as 
when turbula became trouble. 

The Latin combination // before a vowel letter has become in 
Italian usually z or zi with the sounds ts or tsia, as in ex- 
perientiam, temperantiam, imitationem, conversationem, which are 
now esperienza (or -zid), temperanza, imitazione, conversazione ; but 
it has sometimes become gi with the sound d^I as in ra- 
tionem, stationem, venationem, which are now ragione, stagione, 

The Latin combination di before a vowel letter has become in 
Italian uniformly gi, sounded sometimes d3, sometimes d3i as in 
adiudicare, adiurare, hodie, radium, which are now aggiudicare, aggiu- 
rare, oggi, raggio. 

And it is clear from what went before that as dj has become c?3 
so did tj at first become t\, but was afterwards either flattened into 
the analogous c?3 or simplified into ts. 

If, then, we find the spelling ti before a vowel letter interchange- 
able in Latin itself with ci and yet we never find ta, to, or tu inter- 
changeable with ca, co, or cu, we shall rightly infer that the Romans 
did not pass from ti to ki but from ti to tj and thence to t\ ; 
and of the first alternative spelling, but of that only, we are able to 
cite examples such as fe trails and fecialis, indutiae and induciae, 
dedititii and dediticii, nuntius and nuncius. 

Lastly, there are a few Latin words that must have been in con- 
stant use among the Western nations from the times of Roman rule 
downwards in which the t\ or <?3 sound is found in both Italian and 
English and the corresponding soft sounds in French. Such are 

Ixxxii American Philological Association 

iudicem and its plural indices and the plural of clericus, clerici, as to 
the final syllable * of each : 

in Italian giudice, giudici, cheriri 
in English judge, judges, clergy ; 
in French juge,juges, clerge. 

Why, on the other hand, has not the singular clericus anywhere 
come to end in a soft sound ? The answer is obvious : c before tt 
and o was from the outset k, whereas before z, as before e, it was 
always j. 

Other instances of such words are cicerem, vecciam, and perdricem, 
which have become 

in Italian cece, veccia, and pernice ; 

in English <r/z/V>pea, (Old) fitch, (corrected \.o)vetch } 

and (Sc.) pairtrich, (Stdrd.) partridge ; 
in French pois chiche, (Old) veche, (to-day) vesce, 

and perdrix. 

Turning now to the pronunciation of the letter v as it is now 
distinctively used in writing Latin that is, where it precedes a 
vowel letter one must of course admit that its original and general 
use was to denote the sound w } since the Romans commonly used 
the same letter v for the sound iz before a consonant, and w is only 
iz held back till it can be exploded with a following vowel. But that 
it was soon felt very difficult to utter w between two vowels is proved 
by the intense frequency with which - and ie- are written for ivi-, 
ive-, the true perfect forms in verbs of the fourth conjugation. We 
have a similar elision followed by crasis in notum for novitum, aetas 
for aevitas, and vita for vivitas. And if, on the other hand, we find 
brevitas, novitas, and pravitas retained in their full form, where the 
w on the whole presented an equal difficulty, is it not reasonable to 
conclude that it was overcome in another way ; namely, by changing w 
into v a change so all-pervading in the standard speech of Ger- 
many without such necessity ? Utterances so mincing and lip-tick- 
ling as brewitas, no wit as could not have been maintained for any 
time by the people at large. Still less could wiwus have done so ; 
and what advocate of the w in Latin dares to call the great Roman 
historian Liwius? 

1 The initial syllable of iudicem has become giu by an extension of the modifi- 
cation that we have been pointing out : at some early period nearly all Latin 
words beginning with the j sound took a d on before it and modern Italians 
then turned dj into cf 3. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixxxiii 

37. Certain Linguistic Tests for the Relative Antiquity of 
the Iliad and Odyssey, by Professor John A. Scott, of North- 
western University. 

M. Croiset in his Histoire de la Lit. Grecque i 2 , 368 ff., bases his argu- 
ment for the relative lateness of the Odyssey almost exclusively on the 
increasing use of the abstract, and shows both that the number in the 
Odyssey is much greater than in the Iliad, and how that adjectives in 
the Iliad appear as abstracts in the assumed later books. However, 
this argument rests on a false assumption, as there are practically the 
same number in each poem, since I find that there are eighty abstracts 
in the Iliad, while Croiset found but eighty-one in the Odyssey. The 
argument based on the use of the abstract in the later books while 
the adjective is found in the earlier is of no weight, since many adjec- 
tives are found only in the Odyssey, while the abstracts from the 
same root are found only in the Iliad. (A complete list of all the 
words, abstracts and adjectives, involved in this discussion is printed 
in the Classical Review, xxiv, 8-10.) 

A second argument, found in Monro, Jebb, Browne, and many 
writers on Homeric language, is based on the increasing use of the 
so-called definite article. This also rests on a false assumption, as I 
find the definite article is used once in every thirty-five verses in the 
Iliad, and but once in each forty- four in the Odyssey. This differ- 
ence is due to the fact that certain recurring phrases which take the 
article come frequently in the Iliad, although used in the Odyssey 
also, but shows no difference in the essential use. Certain books 
which critics put late, such as the first book and the last of the 
Odyssey, show the most restricted use of the definite article, while 
many of those books of the Iliad esteemed the earliest show the most 
examples. This proves that it is impossible to divide Homer into 
strata on the basis of the definite article. 

The Iliad and Odyssey in the use of abstract nouns and of the 
definite article show the same stage of linguistic development. 

38. The Effect of Enclitics on Latin Word Accent in the 
Light of Republican Prose Usage, by Professor F. W. Shipley, 
of Washington University. 

This paper was a preliminary report on a piece of investigation, 
not yet complete, whose scope embraces all the prose writers from 
Cato to Sallust. The Orations of Cicero still remain to be covered 
before the complete results will be ready for publication. It is not 

Ixxxiv American Philological Association 

likely, however, that the conclusion here given for all the prose works 
of the period of the republic, except the Orations of Cicero, will be 
materially changed in the light of the additional data. 

The paper may be briefly summarized as follows : 

Hitherto the investigation of the subject has been confined to data 
from the poetical writers. The results agree in discrediting, for the 
classical period at least, the accentuation templdque, which in the 
days of the grammarians was the accepted method of accentuating 
trochaic words ending in a short vowel and followed by the enclitic. 
But the conclusions are little short of bewildering in regard to combi- 
nations of the type limina -}- que. Sommer and the grammarians 
would accent liminaque ; Wagener (jNeue philologische Rundschau, 
1904, p. 505) would accent liminaque ; Newcomer (PAPA, xxvn, 
xxvii f.) would accent sceleraque, liminaque. The present investiga- 
tion shows that, for the republican period at least, combinations of the 
type liminaque are exceedingly rare in prose, except under the follow- 
ing conditions : (i) where the word following the enclitic began with 
a vowel ; (2) where the proparoxytone ended in ia, ua, and synizesis 
might take place ; (3) where the proparoxytone was capable of syn- 
copation. With these exceptions, which are quite numerous, combi- 
nations of the type liminaque, cognominaque are so exceedingly rare 
as to point to a conscious avoidance on the part of the writers of 
prose during the republican period. 

It is difficult to see why the combination was avoided if, in the 
republican times, the accentuation was liminaque, given by the gram- 
marians as the accentuation in their own times. All three classes of 
exceptions, given above, point to one conclusion, viz. that the thing 
which the prose writers were avoiding was the awkward accentuation 
liminaque, which would result from the operation of the ordinary 
accent law. This awkward shifting of the accent to the weak syllable 
following that which ordinarily received the main stress could be 
avoided (i) by elision, e.g. agminaqu(e) ea, (2) in combinations 
where synizesis was possible, e.g. ommaque, (3) in the case of words 
capable of syncopation, e.g. cef(e}raque. Hence the frequency with 
which these expedients are resorted to. 

This evidence, combined with that which others have given for the 
accentuation of trochaic words of the type templa + que, points con- 
clusively to the absence in republican times of any artificial accentua- 
tion for enclitic combinations, and goes to show that the prose writers 
were following the ordinary accent law. 

Complete statistics will be given when the paper is published. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixxxv 

39. Macrobius and the Dusk of the Gods, by Professor 
E. G. Sihler, of the New York University. 

In the Rome of Symmachus and Servius, as the temples became 
an archaeological solitude, or were even sealed by imperial constitu- 
tions, the libraries at least were free : the fiction, in the pages of the 
Saturnalia of Macrobius, of a profound concern in the details of the 
pre-Christian ritual of Roman worship was indeed a fiction, apart 
from a certain antiquarian and sentimental concern. Still the unity 
of interest nursed by the company of old believers was a much more 
vital one than, e.g., in the Deipnosophists of Athenaeus. Among 
them a certain erudition was held in high honor, and it was based on 
lectio, lee turn est, vetustas and the idonei auc tores. This fusion of the 
Old Ritual with Neoplatonism is precisely what is found in the com- 
mentary of Servius : it had of course vanished from the schools of 
the Grammatici and Rhetores then subject to imperial constitutions 
(as e.g. of 370 : v. Fynes Clinton sub anno}. 

Ausonius exhibits best the culture of the official grammaticus of 
that generation. And Ausonius somewhat professionally, by a kind 
of versification of the Nicene Creed had identified himself with the 
anti-Arian drift now successfully struggling for mastery. The gram- 
maticus, I say, qua grammaticus, could not offend Christianity in his 

The esoteric circles of 384 A.D. so much the more were thrown 
upon ransacking the libraries. Julian and Macrobius appear to us 
as equal worshippers of the past; as for the latter (Sat. in, 14, 2) : 
vetustas nobis semper, si sapimus, adoranda est. Ilia quidem saecula 
sunt, quae hoc imperium vel sanguine vel sudore pepererunt. Seeck's 
industry in the introduction of his ed. of Symmachus has brought 
together abundant data affording a closer vision, e.g., of Praetextatus, 
the princeps religiosorum (Sat. I, n, i). The accumulation of sacer- 
dotal titles on him, in that period of OeoKpaaia, is significant. He is 
well read in the sages, porta guts caeli patet (so his funeral inscr.) 
'for whom the gate of heaven stands ajar,' viz. Plato, and even 
more Plotinus, Porphyry, and lamblichus. So here too in his ex- 
position he fits polytheism into the doctrine of the Platonian One, 
below whom are the Intelligible World and the Intelligible Gods : 
and below these, the Phenomenal World and the Phenomenal Gods. 
The Olympians evaporate into the varied potencies and emanations 
of the Sun. The physical allegories of the old Stoics have been 
dogmatically appropriated. 

Ixxxvi American Philological Association 

The old myths qua myths are utterly thrown away. The naturalis 
ratio or intellectus naturalis arcani prevails, a system of hermeneutics 
infinitely varied, prolific, elusive, elastic (i, 17, 51). 

Thus an actual and concrete place is found for all the Olympians 
not alone, but even for the gods of Egypt, Phrygia, and Assyria. 

This Neoplatonic polytheism passed as religio (i, 24, i) in the 
time of Theodosius among the Old Believers at the Old Capital. 

The allegorical interpretation of Vergil is an inexhaustible source 
for the same lore. Some forty years before, the emperor Julian in 
his fourth oration presents precisely the same doctrine. The emperor, 
if anything, is even more deeply imbued with Neoplatonism, and his 
holding of this somewhat volatilized polytheism is still more fervent 
and devotional. Homer is a source of allegorical dogma. 

Precisely the same hermeneutic is applied to Vergil. The best 
scholar is he who can delve most deeply for the arcana of remote lore. 
The average grammaticus (Sat. i, 24, 12) affords nothing beyond 
verbal explanation, nor knows or gives aught of this hidden treasure. 
Symmachus with fervid words speaks of the adyta sacri poematis, 
such as our Servian commentary exhibits everywhere. Maro omnium 
disciplinarum peritus (Sat.i, 16, 12) ; Homerus vester Mantuanus (i, 
1 6, 43) ; huic et Vergilius sciens Liberum patrem solem esse et Cere- 
rem lunam (i, 18, 23), utrum poetas huius opera instituendis tantum 
pueris idonea iudices, an alia illis altiora inesse fatearis? (i, 24, 5) ; 
haec est Maronis gloria ut nullius laudibus crescat, nullius vitupera- 
tione minuatur (i, 24, 8) ; ius pontificium (i, 24, 16) ; astrologia 
totaque philosophia (i, 24, 18) ; poeta tarn scientia profundus quam 
amoenus ingenio (in, 2, 10) ; suo more velut aliud agendo implet 
arcana (m, 4, 6). De vetustissimo Romanorum more et de occul- 
tissimis sacris vox ista prolata est (m, 9, i) ; videturne vobis proba- 
tum sine divini et humani iuris scientia non posse profunditatem 
Maronis intellegi ? (m, 9, 16) ; idque non mortali sed divino in- 
genio praevidisse (v, i, 18) ; Vergilius nullius disciplinae expers 
(Somn. Scip. i, 6, 44, with characteristic ecstatic exegesis). Maronis 
est ex intima profunditate sententia (ib. i, 7, 3) ; poeta naturae ipsius 
conscius (ib. i, 16, 5) ; Vergilius, quern nullius unquam disciplinae 
error involvit (ib. n, 8, i). Maro, quern constat erroris ignarum 
(ib. n, 8, 8). 

Finally I would beg to call attention to the large number of cita- 
tions concerning ritual which appear in the present tense. 

Superficial reading would tempt to inferences of survival of such 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixxxvii 

ritual, e.g. magistratus post mediam noctem auspicantur (Sat. I, 3, 7) ; 
duodecimo . . . feriae sunt divae Angeroniae (i, 10, 7) ; huic deae 
sedentes vota concipiunt (i, 10, 21) ; hinc est quod ex institute pere- 
grino huic deo (scil. Saturno) sacrum aperto czpite/acimus (i, 10, 22). 
Romae quoque Kalendis omnibus . . . etiam regina sacrorum, id est 
regis uxor, porcam vel agnam in regia lunoni immolat (i, 15, 19). 
Omnes autem postriduani dies seu post Kalendas sive post Nonas 
Idusve ex aequo atri sunt(\, 15, 22); uti vehuntur in pompa ludorum 
Circensium simulacra . . . ut videmus apud fatinm promovtri simu- 
lacra Fortunarum ad danda responsa (i, 23, 13), and other passages. 
But, after all, this present tense, I think, is to be explained as due 
to direct literal excerpts from Varro. Why not indeed from Varro 
directly? Cp. my Testimonium Animae, 360-361. And Varro, by a 
curious coincidence, shared with this late generation of the dusk of 
the gods the physical interpretation of polytheism, adopted from his 
Stoic authorities, whom he followed in this as in many other things, 
Antipater and Apollodorus, Kleanthes and Posidonius. One crass 
blunder, indeed, Macrobius commits in his Varro citation (Sat. i, 15, 
21) : Verrium Flaccum iuris pontificii peritissimum dicere solitum 
refert Varro, where the position of the names must be reversed. If 
Augustine used Varro directly, why not Macrobius indeed ? Let us 
eschew mechanical seminar-notions. 

40. The Genitive in Livy, by Professor R. B. Steele, of 
Vanderbilt University (read by title). 

This paper, which is published in full by F. A. Brockhaus, Leipsic, 
58 pp., gives a fairly complete statistical presentation of the different 
phases of the construction in Livy. In the matter of spelling only 
the genitives in -/ and -it furnish the basis for a rule of usage not 
greatly differing from that for Cicero. As an objective element the 
genitive occurs with nouns, adjectives, and verbs. Of the nouns, 
those in -w, about 1 70, are the most noticeable, though other classes 
of derivatives are well represented. The majority of the verbs are 
impersonal, while plenus is most freely used of the adjectives. The 
descriptive genitive has a wide range, but the freest use is in giving 
mental and moral attributes. Corresponding forms in the predicate 
are used less freely. Filius is omitted with the genitive of the names 
of two Carthaginians, and templum similarly with the names of a 
number of divinities. The appositional genitive is not uncommon, 
while the chorographic genitive is a feature quite prominent in pre- 

Ixxxviii American Philological Association 

senting Greek geography. With the partitive genitive there is a 
noticeable extension of the neuter forms, especially of the adjectives* 
Numerically considered the genitive with pronominal terms is one 
of the strongest features, some of which seem characteristic of Livy. 
There are a comparatively few instances with adverbs, some of which 
seem to be colloquial, and some are in quotations. 

41. The Etruscan aisar, ais, alaoi, by Professor Herbert 
Gushing Tolman, of Vanderbilt University. 

The Hesych. gloss reads: ato-ot* 0eoi VTTO TvpprjvZv. (Cf. Dion. 
LVI, 29, TO XOLTTOV TTO.V ovofJM [i.e. Kaurap] 0cov 7rapa rots TvpprjvoLS 
voT. Suet. Aug. 97, quod aesar, id est reliqua pars e Caesaris 
nomine, Etrusca lingua deus vocaretur.) 

The word occurs in its fuller form in F. 2345, neBuni (so Bugge 
for nvOunt of copy; Deecke, neOuns) aisaru, ' to the god Nethuns 
(i.e. Neptune),' while the Agram Mummy Wrappings show ais in 
ais : cemnac, a form which at least suggests Luc. <ucr, e.g. a (no inter- 
punct) AaTrovts TrciKprjis | OTTICS Trio)' ar CKO | (raAafs /raAc (Conway, 13), 
and which Bugge infers is thus written as first member of a com- 
pound. In the Italic dialects, again, we meet the word in Marruc. 
ais os : pacris (Conway, 243), Mars, \_e\sos : s . . . \ nouese_de_ \ pesco : 
pacre (Conway, 261), and in the familiar Umbr. es-on-o ('sacrifi- 
cium '), e.g. este \ esono heri uinu heri potri fetu (Tab. Iguv. vi a, 
57) ; esumek esunu restef esunu feitu (ib. I b, 9, et passim) ; Osc. 
supruis aisusis putiians (Conway, 130; cf. Biicheler, Rh. M. xxxm, 
35 ; aisus is, Deecke); Pael. et aisis sato (Conway, 206). 

We remember that Professor Hempl at the last meeting of the 
Association announced a Latin Faliscan relationship for the Etruscan 
and promised the translation of the Lemnos inscriptions. During 
the present year, however, Professor Bugge has published the results 
of his many years' work (Die etruskische Sprache, 1909), wherein he 
assumes that the language is in closest philological touch with the 
Armenian, on which is based his entire theory of interpretation. 
Naturally he connects Etr. aisar with Arm. ays, which renders Trvev/xa 
in the translation of Mt. viii, 16 and Lk. viii, 29. The identification 
of meaning with ho\m ' wind ' in the Eznik citation, gitemK ef~e aysn 
ho\m e. Kanzi yorjam meK asemlt, fe sift sn$e, asorneayK asen, ays 
"srife, in some measure counts against the connection with the Etr. 
word, nor has Bugge (p. 129) succeeded in removing the serious 
difficulties connected with this physical signification. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 Ixxxix 

I would suggest as the root of the Etr. form a proethnic ai% 
( distribute,' which appears possibly in Gr. eu<ra <*euo-o-a <*ai/c-ia 
(G. Meyer, Gr. Gr? 106, rather than atr-ia, Osc. aet-i-, Danielsson, 
Prellwitz, Johansson, von Planta), an etymology which I feel is at 
least more probable than the oft-proposed association with Skt. isira, 
Gr. tapds, te/oos (first suggested by Schweizer, KZ. vn, 448), or the 
more attractive muster Germ. Ehre (Goth. *aiza), Goth, aisfan, Lat. 
aestimo (cf. von Planta, Gr. d. osk.-umbr. Dialekte, i, p. 523; Buck, 
Osc. -Umbr. Gr. 15, 3). It is certain that I.-E. k becomes s in Etrus- 
can, for example, si- (si-Ou, lit. ' house of rest '), Gr. KCI/ACH ; lusas 
(Agr. vi, 9), Gr. A.CVKOS, Lat. lucere, Osc. Luvkis. Since the palatal 
k, as is well known, is represented in Arm. also by s, e.g. astXn, Gr. 
a/cpos, there would be no difficulty on purely philological grounds in 
the relationship of the Etr. ais and Arm. ays. Certainly we must 
explain the fuller form aisar (cf. Volsc. esaristrom, Osc. Aisernio) 
as containing the /--suffix which has been extended from Nom. and 
Ace. into the oblique cases (e.g. atsaru, etc.) for which Bugge finds 
analogies in Arm., e.g. catr, catru. If our etymology be correct, 
the Etr. ais, aisar must have spread to the Ital. dialects, ais-, es-, 
aiser-, esar-, since the native treatment of this root would show Ital. 
<I.-E. k. The Volsc. esaristrom, Osc. Aisernio might lend support 
to such a view, for I hold (against von Planta, Gr. d. osk.-umbr. 
Dialekte, n, p. 47, 58) that the two Ital. words do not contain the 
-r?-suffix. As examples of loan-words cf. Osc. kuiniks (Gr. \oivd;, 
von Planta, 46 d), Umbr. and Fal. uinu (Lat. uinum, cf. von Planta, 
i, p. 279, n. i ; n, p. 30), Umbr. felsva (cf. Buck, 149 b). 

Semasiology favors the theory here proposed. The meaning 
' apportionment,' ' lot,' ' providence,' suggests familiar parallelisms, 
e.g. Skt. bhaga, 'dispenser' <bhaj, ' distribute,' YAv. baya, 'god,' 
Pers. baga, Slav. bogu. 

xc Association of the Pacific Coast 





Chapelain's Manuscript of the Sentiments of the French Academy on 

the Cid (p. ci) 


Sources of the Legend of Floire and Blanchefloir (p. c) 


On a Use of 80/00 (p. c) 


Epaphos and the Egyptian Apis 


The Site of Pre-Persian Clazomenae 


On Certain Euphonic Embellishments in the Verse of Propertius 


Some Forms of Interrogative Thought in Plato (p. xcix) 

Notes on the History of the Doctrine of Poetic Justice (p. xcv) 



The Development and Present Status of Romanic Dialectology : 
Annual Address of the President of the Association 

Proceedings for November, 1909 xci 


Venice Preserved (p. ciii) 


The Expression of Certain Categories of Abstract Thought in 
Villehardouin, Commines, and Michelet (p. xcvii) 

Graphical Analysis of the Siamese " Tones " (p. xcv) 

The Identity of the Child in Virgil's Pollio : an Afterword (p. xcvii) 



The Evidence of the Monuments for the Dress of Roman Women 



The Use of the Word lAcwm^oioi/ in Rom. iii, 25 and Heb. ix, 15 

(p. cii) 


Seismology in the Bible * 

Notes on Elision in Greek (p. xcvii) 


(a) The Runic Ring of Pietroassa (read by title) 

Specimen Venetic and Etruscan Inscriptions (p. c) 

1 Published in the Pacific Churchman, January, 1910. 

xcii Association of the Pacific Coast 


The Philological Association of the Pacific Coast held its Eleventh 
Annual Meeting on November 26 and 27, 1909, at the San Francisco 
Institute of Art. 


The President, Professor John E. Matzke, presided. After the 
minutes of the last meeting were read and approved, the following 
report of the Treasurer was presented : 


Balance on hand November 27, 1908 $ 29.54 

Dues and initiation fees 191.00 



Sent to Professor Capps for Wilamowitz Fund (Decem- 
ber 3, 1908) $ 25.00 

Sent to Professor Moore (July 6, 1909) 147.00 

Stationery and postage 7.02 

Clerk hire 3.50 

Printing I 5-75 

Miscellaneous 1.60 

Balance on hand November 26, 1909 20.67 

$ 220.54 

The Secretary presented in manuscript form a roll of the officers 
of this Association during the last ten years, together with a classified 
list of the papers that have been presented by the members. 

It was voted to establish a new standing committee charged with 
the function of keeping up the membership of the Association. 

The Chair appointed the following committees : 

Nomination of Officers : Professors Murray, Clapp, and Noyes. 

Time and Place of Next Meeting : Professors Johnston, Searles, 
and Dr. Linforth. 

Treasurer's Report: Rev. Mr. Brewer, Professors Church and 

Membership : Professors Murray, Matzke, Schilling, and Washburn. 

The number of persons present at this session was thirty-one. 

Proceedings for November, 1909 xciii 


It was voted, in accordance with committee recommendation, to 
hold the next annual meeting of the Association at the San Francisco 
Institute of Art, on the Friday and Saturday following Thanksgiving 
Day, 1910. 

The Executive Committee was by vote requested to consider the 
feasibility of a proposed plan whereby several learned societies of 
the Pacific Coast, including this Association, should hold a joint 
annual meeting. 

The number of persons present at this session was twenty-four. 


At 8 P.M. the President delivered the annual address : The Devel- 
opment and Present Status of Romanic Dialectology. 


The Committee on Nominations made its report ; whereupon the 
following officers were elected for 1909-1910 : 

President, C. B. Bradley. 
Vice-presidents, G. Ilempl. 

L. J. Richardson. 

Secretary- l^reasurer, O. M. Johnston. 
Executive Committee, The above-named officers, and 

J. T. Allen. 

C. Searles. 

J. E. Church, Jr. 

J. Elmore. 

The Committee on Treasurer's Report gave notice that the accounts 
had been examined and found exact. Adopted. 

Professor H. R. Fairclough was made the Association's official 
delegate at the next meeting of the American Philological Associa- 

The number of persons present at this session was twenty-six. 


A vote of thanks for hospitality was extended to the Regents of the 
University of California, the Directors of the San Francisco Institute 
of Art, and the Directors of the University Club. 


Association of the Pacific Coast 

A vote of appreciation for services was extended to the retiring 
Secretary and Treasurer. 

The number of persons present at this session was twenty-five. 

Two meetings of the Executive Committee were held, one Novem- 
ber 26 and the other November 27. The following persons were 
elected to membership : 

Professor R. M. Alden, Leland Stanford Jr. University. 

Professor Irmagarde Richards, Mills College. 

Mr. P. A. Knowlton, Leland Stanford Jr. University. 

Proceedings for November, 1909 xcv 



1. Notes on the History of the Doctrine of Poetic Justice, 
by Professor Raymond Macdonald Alden, of the Leland Stan- 
ford Jr. University. 

The doctrine of poetic justice may be defined as the requirement 
that the conclusion of a work of fiction, particularly a tragic drama, 
shall be such that virtuous characters may be seen to have been 
rewarded and vicious characters to have been punished ; or, in more 
moderate form, that the catastrophe shall be the obvious outcome of 
the character and conduct of the persons concerned. Widely held 
in the centuries following the Revival of Learning, the doctrine may 
be said to have been based on two passages in Aristotle's Poetics : 

(a) that in which he taught that poetry is nobler than history because 
dealing with general truths rather than particular occurrences, and 

(b) that in which he objected to the choice of the sufferings of a 
virtuous man as a theme for tragedy. The latter passage was much 
discussed by the Renaissance commentators on Aristotle, little heed 
being given to the fact that he had objected quite as strongly to the 
punishment of the wholly vicious as a tragic theme. Significant pas- 
sages are to be found in the treatises of Minturno, Denores, and 
Nisielli, among the Italians ; and in the writings of Scudery, Mesnar- 
diere, d'Aubignac, and Fontenelle, among the French. Poetic justice 
was not explicitly discussed in Elizabethan England, though Sidney 
and Bacon may be thought to have given it implicit support ; in the 
seventeenth century it found notable expression in the writings of 
Thomas Rymer, and in the eighteenth century in those of John Den- 
nis. Addison opposed it ; Dr. Samuel Johnson favored it, but with 
misgivings. In German literature are found one of the most striking 
defences of the doctrine, by Lessing, and one of the most violent 
attacks upon it, by Schopenhauer. In the nineteenth century it was 
but slightly discussed, but the whole recent tendency has been away 
from poetic justice, in favor of the recognition of the legitimacy of 
tragic pathos, and even of such tragedy as presents human fate as 
lawless, unintelligible, and chaotic. 

2. Graphical Analysis of the Siamese " Tones," by Profes- 
sor Cornelius B. Bradley, of the University of California. 

The so-called "Tones " of certain Oriental languages of the Chinese 
type have been the source of no little perplexity to students because 


Association of the Pacific Coast 

of uncertainty as to their precise nature, as determined by ear alone, 
and from the resulting confusion or irrationality in their nomenclature. 
Modern methods of recording speech, it was thought, should make it 
possible to determine the facts beyond peradventure, and so end the 
uncertainty. Experiment was made with the five " tones " usually 
listed in Siamese. Five words were found identical in articulation 
and quantity, and differing only in tonal quality. With the help of 
the Rousselot apparatus, records were made of these five words ; 
measurements were made of the wave-lengths of pitch at points 

equidistant through- 
out each trace ; and 
with these measure- 
ments, as ordinates 
of pitch, the curves 
of pitch were plotted 
on a chart shown at 
the meeting. The 
five " tones " there 
appeared as follows : 
No. i was a line be- 
ginning near the me- 
dium pitch of the 
voice, obliquely ris- 
ing, and terminating 
at about the octave 
above. No. 2 was a 
similar descending 
line, beginning near 
the same point as 
No. i, and ending at 
a similar distance be- 
low. No. 3 was a sweeping curve, convex upward, starting somewhat 
above the initial point of No. i, rising about half an octave to its climax, 
then turning in a broad curve and dropping about an octave from 
its highest point. No. 4 was a somewhat sinuous horizontal trace at 
about the medium pitch, ending with a slight but unmistakable drop. 
No. 5 was a similar trace (but without the conspicuous final drop) 
placed at an interval of about a third below No. 4. Nos. 4 and 5 are 
recognized by the ear as monotones. No. 5 is distinguished from No. 
4 not merely by the pitch interval mentioned, but by a marked pecul- 

Proceedings for November, 1909 xcvii 

iarity of tonal quality which the writer identifies as nasality, although 
instrumental verification has not yet been secured. It is proposed to 
name these " tones " as follows : No. i, " rising tone " ; No. 2, " falling 
tone"; No. 3, "circumflex"; No. 4, "middle tone"; No. 5, "de- 
pressed tone." 

These are the tones of long syllables ; that is, syllables either with 
long vowel, or else with short vowel followed by a nasal consonant. 
All other syllables are short for tonal purposes. Tone 4 and tone 5 
are heard also in short syllables; 4 not as an independent "tone," 
but only as a result of weakening of other tones before stress. In 
addition to these there is a sixth tone, which is not included in the 
lists, apparently because it has been regarded as a short variety of 
No. i or No. 3. It is, however, quite distinct from either, being a 
short high note at about the level of the crest of the circumflex. It 
might be called the " elevated tone," to pair it with the " depressed."- 

This whole system of tones shifts bodily upwards or downwards 
with the raising or lowering of the medium pitch (which is its cen- 
tre), under varying conditions of emphasis or emotional excitement. 
Increase of these increases also the amplitude of the slides and curves. 

3. The Identity of the Child in Virgil's Pollio : an After- 
word, by Professor J. E. Church, Jr., of the University of 

Additional evidence was presented to show that Virgil felt himself at 
liberty to write a salutatory poem to an unborn child and to prophesy 
that this child would be a son. 

This paper will appear in full in Classical Philology. 

4. Notes on Elision in Greek, by Professor E. B. Clapp, of 
the University of California. 

The ordinary facts with regard to elision are well known, but full 
and exact statements are difficult to find. The usage of our Mss is 
not a safe guide to the actual practice of the writers themselves, 
though the general uniformity of tradition indicates a fairly authentic 
transmission of ancient usage. In poetry, the necessities of rhythm 
furnish us with a surer basis. About 60 per cent of all cases of 
elision in modern texts affect the vowel -e, and about half as many 
the vowel -a. The remainder are distributed with approximate 
equality between -t and -o. Elision of -at is not unusual in the older 
poets, and undeniable cases of the elision of -ot occur in Homer and 

xcviii Association of the Pacific Coast 

Hesiod. Elision of -a occurs with a wider range of words and forms 
than is the case with the other vowels, the neut. pi. ending, and the 
ace. sing. masc. or fern, of the 3d decl. being most frequent. The 
word, or suffix, Se suffers elision more often than re. ITTI and In 
furnish the largest number of cases of -i, and the verbal endings -TO 
and -VTO are frequent, with TOVTO and Stvpo. The conjunction KCU is 
apparently never elided, though this single word furnishes a full third 
of all instances in Greek poetry of the somewhat analogous license 
sometimes known as " semi-elision." 

5. The Expression of Certain Categories of Abstract 
Thought in Villehardouin, Commines, and Michelet, by 
Professor J. T. Clark, of the University of California. 

This study aimed to determine approximately to what extent, and 
in what direction, the evolution of the French vocabulary reflects 
an ever increasing faculty of abstraction and generalization. Three 
periods have been compared, the early thirteenth, the latter fifteenth, 
and the middle nineteenth centuries, as represented respectively in 
Villehardouin's Conquete de Constantinople, the first five books of 
Commines' Memoires, and parts, selected at random, of Michelet's 
Histoire de France (about three hundred octavo pages from each 
writer) . Four classes of words have been studied : a, abstracts of 
mental phenomena ; b, abstracts of attribute ; ^, abstracts of relation- 
ship ; d, collective nouns. 

Concepts finding expression in an earlier but not in a later writer 
are so few as to be negligible. The relative number of words in 
each class employed by each writer may be approximately expressed 
by the ratio i : 3 : 10. To a considerable extent, words in Com- 
mines but not in Villehardouin (as compared with those in both), 
and to a much greater extent, words in Michelet but not in Com- 
mines, may be characterized as follows : of richer and more definite 
content but of narrower scope ; their content determined by elements 
of occasional rather than of frequent experience, therefore not only 
of less frequent but of less general usage ; mental products of a 
higher order, in that the determinant element, tending to become 
further removed from the concrete, the perceptual, and the familiar, 
exacts a greater effort of dissociation, a consequently greater fac- 
ulty of abstraction ; indicate a keener sense of the essential rather 
than accidental characteristic, in that the former tends to become 
more and more the predominant element in consciousness, resulting 

Proceedings for November^ 1909 xcix 

in a perceptible gain to the language, not only in clearness,, but in 
vividness and energy of expression. From the general nature of 
the evidence, two conclusions : other categories than those studied 
show a corresponding progress in conceptional faculty ; for the 
study of mental evolution in general, no source of information is 
richer in variety and significance than the comparative study of 
linguistic, especially lexicological, phenomena. 

Regarding the language of a civilized people, in its evolution, as 
an instrument of ever increasing efficiency for the communication 
and sustaining of thought, four analogies suggest themselves as a 
basis for fruitful comparative study: (i) the linguistic evolution of 
other civilized peoples ; (2) of the individual ; (3) the linguistic 
gradations noted in passing from the most savage to the most highly 
civilized peoples ; (4) within a given people, in passing from indi- 
viduals of lowest to those of highest culture and enlightenment. 

, / 

6. Some Forms of Interrogative Thought in Plato, by 
Professor H. R. Fairclough, of the Leland Stanford Jr. 

The paper was written in connection with articles on interroga- 
tive words prepared for the new Lexicon Platonicum, edited by Lewis 
Campbell and John Burnet. One of these articles that on 
has already appeared in the prospectus printed for Professor Burnet 
by the Clarendon Press. In this paper the words discussed were rts, 
TTOIOS, oWis, and os. Of forms of rts, rtVos occurs in Plato nearly 
twice as often as TOV (44 and 27 instances respectively). In the 
dative, rivi is more than three times as numerous as TO> (33 and 
10 instances of each). On the other hand, OTOV is the prevailing form 
in the genitive (15 cases), while otmi/os occurs only once; oYa>, too, 
is five times as frequent as cSrtvi (15 and 3 instances respectively). 

Of indirect questions, rt's furnishes 573 instances, or 22.8 per cent 
of the whole, whereas of OO-TIS there are only 472, or 18.7 per cent. 
The normal form for Plato, therefore, is not so much epwra on ftov- 
A.eo-0e (Goodwin's Greek Grammar, 1013), as e/ocora TI ftovXeaQe. 
The indirect use of TIS rpoTro? occurs twice as often as 6Wt? T/OOTTOS 
(56 and 29 cases). 

As the indefinite relative oWis is often used for n's in indirect ques- 
tions, so the simple relative os is similarly used, though to a far less 
extent. I have found in Plato 29 cases of this use, represented by 
Sto/060-reW ets Swa/Aiv at re env /cat oo-at (sc. at ySiatot Trpa^ets) " WC 

C Association of the Pacific Coast 

must distinguish their nature and number" (Leg. 874 d). A number 
of these instances show os following otms, as 6 ya/> veos ofy otos re 
KpLvav on re VTTOVOIO. KO.I o /AT? (Rep. 378 d) and yvtoo-eo-^e e/cao-ra ra eiScuAa 
arra corl Kat wv (.#<?/. 5200). In regard to this use of the simple 
relative, Brugmann says : " Dass die Griechen jedoch auch hier 
immer noch einen Abstand zwischen dem Relativpronomen und 
dem Fragepronomen empfanden, ergibt sich daraus dass os nie 
nach einem Verbum des Fragens auftritt " (Griechische Grammatik, 
639). This is strictly true only if verbs like 7rw0dVo//.at and Sia- 
TTvvOdvofjLai are excluded from the list of verbs of asking ; cf. Leg. 
638 c, Phaed. 58 a. Liddell and Scott attribute this use of os espe- 
cially to Herodotus, as in os yv 6 avaSe^as, OVK e^a) direiv (vi, 124), 
giving only one example from any other source, viz. S^Xwo-as os rjv 
(Arist. Poet, n, 2). 

The use of the article with n's should be noted ; cf. Minos, 318 a, 
ot Se TOV riVos vo/iot a.pi<TTOi . . . \ ov% ol TOV y8ao-tXeo)s ', This use, 
quite sporadic with TI'S, becomes extremely common with TTOIOS, there 
being 202 instances of TO TTOLOV in Plato. This usage is not sufficiently 
emphasized in our grammars. Goodwin does not mention it at all. 
Jannaris ( 1217) speaks of it as occurring ' sometimes,' whereas in 
Plato it is nearly as common as irotos alone. 

7. Specimen Venetic and Etruscan Inscriptions, by Profes- 
sor George Hempl, of the Leland Stanford Jr. University. 

Professor Hempl presented and explained specimen inscriptions 
from his forthcoming books Etruscan and How to Read Venetic. 

8. Sources of the Legend of Floire and Blanchefloir, by 
Professor O. M. Johnston, of the Leland Stanford Jr. Uni- 

The purpose of this paper was to try td show that the description of 
the harem in French I (the first of the two French versions published 
by Du Meril) is of Arabic origin, and that the resemblance in the 
names and appearance of Floire and Blanchefloir is a folk motif. 
The harem was probably the starting point in the growth of the 
legend, and to this theme the other traditions were added. The 
Arabic material contained in the story doubtless reached Europe 
through a Latin account of the first Crusade. The author of French I 
refers to a written source, and it is extremely probable that this source 
was in Latin. 

Proceedings for November, 1909 ci 

9. On a Use of BOKO), by Professor A. T. Murray, of the 
Leland Stanford Jr. University. 

The writer postulated for SOKW the meaning ' think right (or best)/ 
' approve,' and discussed the following passages in support of this 
view: Soph. Antig. noi; Ar. Nub. 1415; Aesch. Ag. 1649; Soph. 
O.R. 484. 

This paper will appear in full in Classical Philology. 

10. The Evidence of the Monuments for the Dress of 
Roman Women, by Professor Irmagarde Richards, of Mills 

The discussion of the dress of Roman women in the manuals is 
largely based on the evidence of the literature. No systematic 
attempt has been made to collect the data offered by the authors 
and compare it with the data offered by the monuments, that is, the 
portrait statues and reliefs depicting scenes of Roman life. More- 
over, the present tendency is to discard the portrait statues of Roman 
women as legitimate evidence for Roman costume. They are almost 
invariably replicas of Greek types, with portrait heads attached, and 
represent therefore Greek garments. Roman relief work shows the 
same style of garments as the portrait statues, and the conclusion has 
been reached that the monuments show us only a conventionalized 
type of drapery, borrowed from the Greeks, and give us no evidence 
for Roman costume. 

If, however, we start with the assumption that Roman women at a 
very early period adopted Greek garments and continued to wear 
them throughout the period represented by the monuments, we can 
accept the conclusion that Roman portrait statues are " replicas " of 
Greek types in general composition and conception, but still believe 
that they represent not only the features but also the actual garments 
of Roman women. Upon the basis of this assumption we may examine 
the evidence of the literature and decide how far it is explained and 
supported by the witness of the monuments. 

The tunica, recinium, and rica seem to be early Italian garments, 
both from the etymology of their names and from the references to 
them in the antiquarians, such as Varro. We have no certain monu- 
mental evidence for the two latter garments. 

For the stola and palla, the typical Roman costume of women, the 
evidence of the literature and the monuments agrees at every point. 
By derivation or association the names of all women's garments 

cii Association of the Pacific Coast 

except those mentioned above are admittedly Greek, and the origi- 
nal assumption that the garments of the statues, although they are in 
general identical with Greek garments, represent the actual Roman 
costume is thus the easier to accept. 

The conclusion reached from the review of the evidence is that the 
original Italian tunic and recinium developed under Greek influence, 
through slight changes in detail, into the stola and palla described by 
the authors and represented by the monuments. 

From the data thus collected practical and convincing reconstruc- 
tions may be made. 

11. Chapelain's Manuscript of the Sentiments of the 
French Academy on the Cid, by Professor C. Searles, of 
the Leland Stanford Jr. University. 

I. A brief discussion of the problems offered by certain portions 
of the manuscript, and the marginal notes added by the Cardinal de 
Richelieu. II. A revised version of the Academy's relations to 
the Cid and the chief parties concerned. Consult for comparison, 
Pellisson, Histoire de F Academic Frangaise, Ed. Livet, Paris, 1858, 
i, 86-99. 

12. The Use of the Word i\aa-Tr)piov in Rom. iii, 25 
and Heb. ix, 5, by Professor Edward A. Wicher, of the San 
Francisco Theological Seminary. 

This word does not occur in classical Greek. It is twice used in 
the New Testament, in Rom. iii, 25 and Heb. ix, 5. It is translated 
' propitiation ' by the American Standard Version in the former passage 
and ' mercy-seat ' in the latter. There are few words in the New Testa- 
ment whose meaning has been more disputed and whose theological 
implications are more important. 

We have first to inquire whether it is a noun or an adjective. 
Deissmann in his Bible Studies (p. 1 24) contends for the latter, and 
rests his argument chiefly upon the following passages : (a) 4 Mace, 
xvii, 22, where the phrase TOV tXao-r^/oiov Oavdrov occurs. But as there 
is a variant reading here, the Vatican Ms omitting the word Oavdrov, 
this passage can give no certain information; () Ex. xxv, 16 (17), 
the first passage in the LXX version where the word occurs. Here 
we read Kal Troi^o-et? lAaor^/oiov e7rt^e/xa ^pvariov KaOapov. But what we 
have in this place is simply the blending of two translations in which 
two different words iXacmj/oioj/ and eTntfe/xa are used to render 

Proceedings for November, 1909 ciii 

the one Hebrew word, and later are fused in the text as it now 
stands. There is, indeed, no evident example of the use of tXao-r^- 
piov as an adjective. 

On the other hand, it is certainly used as a noun, as Deissmann 
himself agrees. The ending -T^/OIOV is simply a place ending, and in 
the Hellenistic was commonly used to indicate the place where an 
action occurred. The following are additional examples of the same 
usage : aKpoarripiov (Acts XXV, 23), 8iKa<7T7^nov, /ca&crrr/piov, 
Ovaia<TTr)piov ;\v7TTir]piov, Seryrr/piov, OavaTrjpiov, i 
piov, <f>r)fAf.pevTr)piov, iTram/piov, A-^io-rr/piov, Aoyomyptov, 
Most of these are derived from recently discovered papyri. 

Moreover, the word is regularly employed to render nouns of the 
Hebrew Bible. The word appears 27 times in the LXX version, 19 
times as the translation of IV1B3), 7 times as the translation of n"VT, 
and once as a gloss upon the original text. 

It is therefore a noun, not an adjective, and it means ' place of 
propitiation.' It can thus be a general term used to render either 
rn&3, mercy-seat, or iTTI^, the ledge of the altar of burnt sacrifice. 

Also in New Testament times it has acquired another special force. 
It is used of votive tablets set up by the Hellenists to propitiate their 
gods. Two instances of this usage are found among the inscriptions 
in the island of Cos the one being upon the base of a statue, and 
signifying a votive gift which the people of Cos erected to their gods 
as an lAao-Tv/piov for the welfare of the Son of God, Augustus ; the 
other being upon a fragment of a pillar and having a similar import. 
St. Paul must have been acquainted with this usage, as must also 
his Roman readers. 

The word in Rom. iii, 25 means a propitiatory gift, a votive gift, 
whereby the favor of God is gained. It is broadly a ' place of pro- 
pitiation ' here and in the passage in the Epistle to the Hebrews. 

The paper will be published in full in the American Journal 
of Theology. t 

13. Venice Preserved, by Dr. F. Winther, of the Univer- 
sity of California. 

La Fosse, a French dramatist of the last part of the seventeenth 
century, and Hoffmannsthal, a German poet of the present time, have 
each recreated Otway's tragedy Venice Preserved. How do the per- 
sonalities, the national characteristics, and the epochs of these authors 
mirror themselves in their manner of handling the same material ? 

civ Association of the Pacific Coast 

The English original displays on the whole the peculiar features of 
Shakespeare's England, with something of the coarse satire of the 
time of Dryden, and -a touch of that morbid introspection which 
gives us an anticipation of Goethe's Werther and the characters of 
Byron. The romantic tone which echoes in this play derives from 
the author's personality an intrusion of self, which classicism, 
especially the French classicism, considers bad form. This school of 
literature patronized by an eminently sociable aristocracy is controlled 
half unconsciously by an inner law which makes originality almost 
taboo. Venice Preserved in the hands of the Frenchman has become 
a tragedy a la Corneille with characters of presence and fine rhetoric, 
duly expressing the ideals of an age of culture, whose instincts are 
preeminently social, men in whom reason and virtue reign, as is fit- 
ting at least as a pose for cavaliers whose philosophy sets out 
from Descartes. All these characteristics fitted a Frenchman's dream 
of the early Roman time, and accordingly La Fosse adapted Otway's 
contemporary plot to the time of Manlius Capitolinus. 

To the personality of Hoffmannsthal, the trail-blazer of the new 
romantic movement in Germany, the time and place which Otway 
chose are wholly congenial. With abandon he plunges into the 
Venice of the late Renaissance, Venice with its half-Oriental features, 
its glowing, almost barbaric coloring, its sultry sensuality, its cruelly 
treacherous politics, its unbridled passions, its unapproachable aris- 
tocracy, its aesthetic sense, which he raises almost to the morbid sensi- 
tiveness of modern life with its intensive and extensive stimulation of 
all the senses. This is the point where HorTmannsthal differs most 
strongly from La Fosse, for with the French writer, in spite of his 
delicate culture, morbid sensibility is restrained by intellectual self- 
discipline, while in Hoffmannsthal we find frequently indecisive 
conflicts between reason and fancy, often tinged by an over-sexed 
imagination which develops well-defined neurasthenia in some of 
his characters. 

Into Hoffmannsthal's conception the spirit of the present perme- 
ates, the spirit which strives to rationalize the land of faerie. La 
Fosse pictures well-mannered rationalism as it strutted in the seven- 
teenth century, while in Otway, along with the boom of the Renais- 
sance and the rasping clang of the Restoration, there tinkle softly 
the first notes of Romanticism. 

All three are exponents of their times, Otway and La Fosse be- 
cause they swim with the main current, Hoffmannsthal because he 
is the source of a new stream. 


Arabic numerals refer to pages of the Transactions, Roman to the Proceedings 

abata : 85, 89 f. 

Aborigines : 65 f., 68 ff. 

Abstract thought, expression of, in 
P'rench of different periods : xcviii f. 

Abstracts, in Homer : Ixxxiii. 

Accent, Latin, early history of: 68 ff.; 
initial: ib.; penultimate law, due to 
Ligurians, etc. : 69 f. ; compared with 
Greek: 70; stress, in place of musi- 
cal accent : ib.; effect of enclitics on : 
Ixxxiii f. 

Adnominatio, in Propertius : 54 f. 

Aeolica, of Claudius : 101 f. 

Aeschylus and Sophocles: 97 f.; Agam. 
arg. : 109 ff.; Prom. 791-792 (emend. 
and interpr.) : xlviii f. 

aisar, ais, Etruscan : Ixxxviii f. 

alffol : ib. 

Alliteration, in Propertius : 35, 44 ff. 

aXXo/wcrts : 8 f. 

America, philological activity in : 
xxxviii f. 

and Eta: 91. 
Anaphora, in Propertius : 37 ff., 62. 
&j>ap/j.oi 6y KOI of Heraclides and As- 

clepiades: 5 ff. 
&vap/jLos, meaning of: 19 ff. 
Antiphon, the Sophist : 189 f. 
Aphrodite, restrictions in her worship : 

88 f. 
Apollo, Kdpveios, access to his temple : 

86; Hti6tos, STTTjXa'iTT/s, etc., do., do. : 

85 f. 

Apotheosis, of Caesar : xxvii f. 
Ares, access to his temples : 87 f. 
Aristophanes, in the xvth century: Ivi; 

Ranae, 788-790, interpr. of: 93 ff. 
Aristotle, Poetics, 1460 a: 113. 
Artemis, restrictions in her cult : 89 f. 

Article, Greek, in the predicate: Ixiii; 

in Homer: Ixxxiii. 
Aryan and Semitic: Ix; root vowels: 

Asclepiades of Prusa, his Avap/jLoi fry/cot : 

5 . 

Asclepius, his Aftarov: 90. 
asia = ' rye ' : 73. 
Asoka, inscrr. of: 23 f., 26, 28. 
Assonance, in Plaut us : 102 ; Propertius: 

34, 38 f. 

Athena, restrictions in her cult : 90. 

Atomists: 8 f., 12 f., 15 ff. 

Aurelius, M., xi, 6 : 117. 

Ea\apoi, 74. 

Baptista Mantuanus : v. Mantuanus. 

Barclay, Alexander, as imitator of Man- 
tuan : 171 f. 

Biblical Greek, #<rre in, compared with 
Hebrew : xvi. 

Bodincus : 72 f. 

Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, quota- 
tions from Mantuan : 1 68. 

c, pronunciation of, Latin, Ixxviii ff. 

Cabiri : 91. 

Caelius Aurelianus : 14^,19. 

Caesar, deification of: xxvii f. 

Caesar cult, theological utility of: xvii f.; 
theory of: xxxix f. 

Catullus, rime in : 41 ; c. 66, 77-78 : xlviii. 

Chapelain's Ms (Academy on the Cid}: 

Cicero, de Off. ii, 10: lif.; T.D. i, 3: 
lii; Mss of the Orations (relation of 
P, B, and 2) : Ixviii f. 

Cid, and the Academy : cii. 

Classical influences, on Latin lyrics of 
the xvith century: xliv ff.; on Ten- 
nyson : xxii ft. 



American Philological Association 

Comedy, Greek : distribution of roles 

(Menander) : Ixxv f. ; Roman : status 

of the later comic stage : xxi f. 
Commines, abstract thought in : xcviii f. 
confarreatio and coemtio : 66 f. 
Cronus: 91. 
Davos, Davus : 101 f. 
Death, ' dry ' : Ixxvi ff. 
Democritus: 8, II ff., 15. 
8e%iav t/j.l3d\\eiv : 94 ff. 
Dionysus, access to temples : 88. 
do/cu), a use of: ci. 

Door, in religion and folk-lore : Ixvi ff. 
Dramatic satura : lii ff. 
Dress, Roman, women, evidence of 

monuments on : ci f. 
Eclogues, of Mantuan: 151 ff. 
Ecphantus: 6 f., 16 ff. 
Education vs. Talent: 185 ff. 
Election-notices, at Pompeii : Ixx ff. 
Elegy, Roman, rime in : 32 ff., 41. 
Elision, in Greek, notes on : xcvii f. 
Emperors, worship of: xvii f.; xxxix f. 
Enclitics, and word accent, in Latin: 

Ixxxiii f. 

Epicurus: 8, II ff., 1 6. 
tTri<TT7}/j.r), <pti(ris, fj,\^rr): 185 ff. 
Etruscan and Armenian : Ixxxviii; aisar, 

ais: ib. 

Etruscans: 63 ff., 81. 
Euphonic embellishments in verse, 

Propertius: 31 ff. 
Euripides: 189 f.; in Aristoph. Ranae : 

97; local allusion in : xxii; Electra : 

no, 115. 
fas: 66 f. 

Figura etymologica, in Propertius: 54. 
Final monosyllable in Latin prose and 

poetry : xliii. 
Floire and Blanchefloir, legend of, 

sources of: c. 

Folk-lore, house-door in : Ixvi ff. 
Fosse, La : ciii f. 

g, pronunciation of, Latin : Ixxviii ff. 
Galen : 7 ff., 12 ff., 19. 
Gallic, language, compared with Ligu- 

rian : 73 ff. 
Genitive, in J-iyy : Ixxxvii f. 

777 = ' floor of the stage ' : 1 16 f. 

Girnar dialect : 23 ff. 

Greene, Robert, and Mantuan: 164 f., 

Hebrews, ix, 5 : cii f. 

Hemistich echoed, in Propertius: 55 ff. 

Hera, restrictions in her cult : 89. 

Heraclides Ponticus, his &vap/j.oi 6yi<oi : 
5 ff. 

Hermes STT^XCUTTJS : 90. 

Hexameter, rime in : 32 ff. 

Hoffmannsthal : ciii f. 

Homer, linguistic tests for relative an- 
tiquity of Iliad and Odyssey : Ixxxiii. 

Horace, rime in: 42; and Persius: 1 21, 
I23ff., 137, 141, 146 ff. 

House-door in Greek and Roman re- 
ligion and lore : Ixvi ff. 

i\a(TTT?ipiov in Rom. iii, 25 and Heb. ix, 
5 : cii f. 

Inscriptions, Ligurian : 74 ff.; Latin, as 
evidence on orthography : 99 f., 102 f.; 
Lavinium : q.v. 

Interrogation, sign of, in Greek Mss: 

Interrogative thought, forms of, in Plato : 
xcix f. 

Isocrates: 185, 187, 191 ff. 

lus, -vis : 66 f. 

Jurisprudence, early Roman, dualism 
in : ib. 

Justice, poetic, history of the doctrine : 

Juvenal, 10, 113: Ixxvi ff. 

-ka, diminutive suffix in the Veda : 
xxviii f. 

/ for original d, Latin 171. 

Latin, not Ligurian: 63 ff., 8i; early 
history of : 68 ff.; accent: ib.; mor- 
phological changes due to mixture of 
population: 70 ff.; influence of Sa- 
bines: 71; of Etruscans: 72; of 
Ligurians: ib.; pronunciation of c, 
g, v : Ixxviii ff. 

Lavinium, latest dated inscr. from : xxv. 

Lepontii, their inscrr. : 75. 

Ligurians, as primitive population of 
Rome : 63 ff., 81 ; language of: 72 ff.; 

Proceedings for December, 1909 


compared with Gallic : 73 ff. ; be- 
came largely Gallic: 81; inscrr. : 
74 ff.; inflections : 76 f.; words : 77 f.; 
names: 78 ff.; suffixes: 79 f.; clients 
and plebeians Ligurian, 81. 

Livy, genitive in : Ixxxvii f. 

Local allusion, in Euripides : xxii. 

Logaoedic, three-eight and other analy- 
ses of: Ivii ff. 

Luceres: 65, 72. 

Lucian, Callus, 26: 115 f.; Icarom. 
21 : 117; Nero, 9 : 118 ff. 

Lucilius, direct influence on Persius : 
121 ff. 

Lucretius, rime in: 41 f.; present ptcp. 
in: xix; Pompeian illustrations to: li. 

Lyrics, Latin, xvith century : xliv ff. 

Macrobius, and the dusk of the gods : 
Ixxxv ff. 

'Magadhan' dialects: 23 ff. 

Mansehra dialect : ib. 

Mantuanus, Baptista: his life: 151 ff.; 
Eclogues: 151 ff., 160 ff.; other writ- 
ings: 155 ff. ; used as a school text: 
161 ff; in England: i62ff.; his influ- 
ence on English writers: 164 ff., 
171 ff.; in Germany, 169 ff., 175 ff.; 
France: 171,178; Italy: 178 ff.; his 
indebtedness to Roman poets : 180; 
to Boccaccio: 181; to Prudentius: 
182 f.; to Vulgate: 183. 

Manuscripts, Greek, sign of interroga- 
tion in : Ixxiii f. ; Latin : Cicero's 
Orations: q.v.; Chapelain : q.v. 

fjLeXtT-r), 0&m, ^iriffT-fj/jir) : 185 ff. 

Menander, distribution of roles in : 
Ixxv f. # 

Michelet, abstract thought in : xcviii f. 

Monosyllable, final, in Latin prose and 
poetry : xliii. 

mors, sicca : Ixxvi ff. 

Neoptolemus, ap. Stob. Flo r. : 1 1 7 f. 

o > u in Latin: 99. 

fry/cot, &vap/j.oi, of Heraclides and As- 
clepiades : 5 ff. 

6Kpi.ft6.vTwv, tir , meaning of : Il8ff. 

6 po 10 /u.t petai, of Anaxagoras : II f. 

Onomatopoeia : 59 f. 

Orthography, Latin : 99 ff. 

Otway, Venice Preserved : ciii f. 

Ovid, rime in: 41; hemistich echoed 
perversely: 55 f. 

oicrre, in Biblical Greek, compared with 
the Hebrew : xvi. 

Pali : 24, 26 ff. 

Panegyricus Messallae, rime in : 41. 

Participle, present, in Latin, as peri- 
phrastic with esse : xviii ff.; as an 
index of style : xx f. 

Patricians and plebeians : 63, 65. 

Pentameter, rime in : 32 ff. 

Persius, his indebtedness to Lucilius: 
121 ff.; and Horace: 121, 123 ff., 
137, 141, 146 ff. 

Philology, in America : xxxviii f. 

Philostratus : 19 f. 

<tf(Tis, ^leX^r?;, ^Trio-n^io; : 185 ff. 

Plato, interrogative thought in: xcix f.; 
Phaedrus, relation of to Isocrates: 
185, 194 ff. 

Plautus, pronunciation, questions of: 
99 ff.; present ptcp. in: xix f. 

Pliny, Letters, eight-book tradition of, 
at Verona : Ixii f. 

Plutarch, Marcellus, 20: 116 f. 

Poetic justice : xcv. 

Pompeii, illustrations to Lucretius: li; 
election-notices : Ixx ff. 

irbpoi, for rb KCV&V, in Asclepiades : 7 f. 

Poseidon, access to his temples : 87. 

Prakrit : 24, 26. 

Predicate, article in the, Greek : Ixiii f. 

Propertius, verse of, euphonic embel- 
lishments in : 31 ff.; rime in: 32 ff. 
(table : 33), 44, 6 1 ; vowel repeated : 
42 ff., 6l ; alliteration : 35, 44 ff, 61 ; 
anaphora: 37 ff., 62; assonance: 34, 
38 f. ; syllable repeated: 49 f., 62; 
word repeated : 51 ff., 62; fig. etym. : 
54; adnominatio: 54 f.; hemistich 
echoed: 55 ff.; onomatopoeia: 59 f. 

punya-, etym. of Skt. : 23 ff. 

qu + o : 104 f. 

Quintilian and orthography: 99 f., 105; 
on the status of the later comic stage : 
xxi f. 


American Philological Association 

Religion, Greek : restricted access to 
temples : 83 ff. ; Roman : Caesar 
cult, theological utility of: xvii f. ; 
theory of: xxxix f.; last phases of 
paganism: Ixxxv ff.; Greek and Ro- 
man, the house-door in : Ixvi .ff. 

Rhythm, in Roman and later poetry: 
xxix ff. 

Rime, in Roman poetry: 32 f., 41 f.; 
Propertius: 32 ff., 44; Pan. Mess.: 
4 I f. 

Roman women, dress of, evidence of 
monuments : ci f. 

Romans, iii, 25 : cii f. 

Rome, race mixture in early : 63 ff. 

Root vowels, Aryan : Ix ff. 

Sabines : 63 ff . 

Salassian inscrr. : 75. 

ffaXiotiyKo. : 73 f. 

Sanskrit : 23 ff. 

Satura, dramatic, origin of: Iii ff. 

Saturnian, evolution of the : xxix ff. 

Scholia, Terence : Ixxii f. 

Seniel insanivimus omnes : 165 f., 168, 
170 f. 

Semele, inaccessible shrine at Thebes : 

Sextus Empiricus : 7, 9, 1 8 f. 

Shahbazgarhi dialect : 23 ff. 

Shakespeare, Love's Labour's Lost, iv, 
2, 95 : 151; Tempest, I, I, 72: Ixxvi. 

Siamese, ' tones,' graphical analysis of: 

sicca mors : Ixxvi ff. 

ffiytivvat : 73. 

Simulus, verses of (ap. Stob. 60, 4): 
185 ff. 

ffKyvrj, tv nfoy TT? : 115 f. 

aicr)vrjs, Iwl TT;S, meaning of: 109 ff., 

Sophocles, and Aeschylus : 97 f. ; and 
the scenic background : 1 10; Electra: 
1 10, 115. 

Spenser, Shepheards Calender, imita- 
tions of Mantuan: 173 f. 

Statius, rime in : 42. 

Strato: 10, 18. 

Subjunctive, conflicting terminology in 

syntax of: xl ff. 

suus, in the Lex lul. Mun. : 99 f. 
Syllable repeated, in Propertius : 49 f. 
Syntax, conflicting terminology in : xl ff. 
Tacitus, Agr. 12, 4, poetic source for: 

xlix ff.; Hist, ii, 40, emend, and note 

on : Ixiv f. 

Talent and teaching, history of the an- 
tithesis: 187 ff. 
Temples, Greek, restrictions on access 

to: 83 ff.; esp. in Oriental or chtho- 

nian cults: 83 ff., 91. 
Tennyson, classical influence on : xxii ff. 
Terence, present ptcp. in: xix f. ; early 

mediaeval commentaries : Ixxii f. 
Terminology, conflicting, in syntax of 

I. E. languages : xl ff. 
Theatre, Greek, aKt)vt\ : 109 ff. 
Thetis : 90. 

Three-eight time, in logaoedic : Ivii ff. 
Tibullus, rime in: 41. 
Time, treatment of, in the Aeneid: 

xxvi f. 
' Tones,' in Siamese, graphical analysis 

of: xcv ff. 

Tribes, the three, at Rome : 64 f. 
uo > uu, in Latin : 99. 
viroxupflv, meaning of : 93, 98. 
v, pronunciation of, Latin: Ixxviii ff. 
Veda, diminutive suffix -ka in : xxviii f. 
Venice Preserved : ciii f. 
verber, verbum : 105 ff. 
Vergil, rime in : 42; treatment of time 

in Aeneid: xxvi f.; Eel. 4: xcvii. 
verna : 105 ff. 
vertex < vortex : 105. 
Villehardouin, abstract thought in: 

xcviii f. 
vis .' 66 f. 
vorro, vorto, vaster, voto, Voturius : 

105 ff. 

Vowel repeated, in Propertius : 42 ff. 
Word echoed, in Propertius: 51 ff. 
Zeus, Belus, access to his temple : 85 ; 

the Cretan, Karat^dr^s, AVKCUOJ, 
, do., do.: ib. 

Proceedings for December, 1 909 


JANUARY i, 1909, TO JANUARY i, 1910 

The Bibliographical Record a very incomplete list of the publications of the 
members, as returned by themselves aims to include not only publications that 
are distinctly philological in character, but also those that deal with the educa- 
tional aspects of the study of language and literature. 


AHR American Historical Review. 

A JA American Journal of Archaeology. 

A yP American Journal of Philology. 

A JSL American Journal of Semitic Lan- 

A JT American Journal of Theology. 

Archiv Archiv fur lateinische Lexiko- 

Bookm. The Bookman. 

BplV Berliner philologische Wochenschrift. 

Cy Classical Journal. 

CP Classical Philology. 

CQ Classical Quarterly. 

CR Classical Review. 

CSCP Cornell Studies in Classical Philology. 

CW - Classical Weekly. 

ER Educational Review. 

G IVUB George Washington University 

HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philol- 

HSPL Harvard Studies and Notes in Phi- 
lology and Literature. 

IF Indogermanische Forschungen. 

JAOS Journal of the American Oriental 


Classical clubs for secondary school 
teachers; CJ, v, 52-58. 


Society and politics in ancient Rome : 
essays and sketches, pp. viii + 
267; Charles Scribner's Sons. 

Vulgar Latin in the Ars Consentii 
de Bar bar is mis; CP, iv, 233-247. 

Rev. of Lodge's Lexicon Plautinum 
(A-EGO) ; ib. 91-93. 


Notes on Aeschylus; PAPA, xxxix, 


The meanings of /crfros; CP, IV, 

JBL Journal of Biblical Literature. 

JEGP Journal of English and Germanic 

JHUC Johns Hopkins University Circulars. 

KZ Kuhn's Zeitschrift. 

ML A Publications of the Modern Language 

MLN Modern Language Notes. 

MP Modern Philology. 

Nat. The Nation. 

PA A Proceedings of the American Academy 
of Arts and Sciences. 

PAPA Proceedings of the American Philo- 
logical Association. 

PUB Princeton University Bulletin. 

SER Southern Educational Review. 

SR School Review. 

TAP A Transactions of the American Philo- 
logical Association. 

TCA Transactions of the Connecticut 
Academy of Arts and Sciences. 

UMS University of Michigan Studies. 

UPB University of Pennsylvania Bulletin. 

VUS Vanderbilt University Studies. 

WRUB Western Reserve University Bul- 


Greek lands and letters (jointly with 
A. C. E. Allinson), pp. xi + 472; 
Houghton, Mifflin Co. 


The use of the ^-diphthong in Plau- 
tus; CP, iv, 29 1-300, and summary : 

The status of the ^-diphthong in 
Plautus; PAPA, XXXIX, xiv. 


Livy, book IX, edited with introduc- 
tion, notes, etc.; Cambridge Uni- 
versity Press. 

Contributions to the study of the 
ninth book of Livy; TAPA, XXXIX, 


American Philological Association 


The pronunciation of the classics; 

Nat. Mar. 18, 1909. 
The ethical principles of Jesus; Bib. 

World, xxxiv, 26-32. 
The ethics of Paul; ib. 249-258. 


The growth of ethical ideals in Old 
Testament times : 

I. The prophetic documents; Bib. 
World, March. 

II. The early prophets; ib. May. 

III. Jeremiah and Deuteronomy; ib. 

The burden of outworn laws; Cali- 
fornia Weekly, I, no. 7. 


Slang, ancient and modern; CW, II, 


Rev. of Penick's C. Sallusti Crispi 
Bellum Catilinae ; CW, II, 232- 


Homer's Iliad, the world's greatest 
poem, an introductory sketch 
thereto, pp. 38; Boston: W. B. 
Clarke Co. 

Several poems of Heinrich Heine 
(translated into English verse), 
pp. 17; Boston: W. B.Clarke Co. 


Folk-music in America ; Journ. of 
Amer. Folk- Lore, XXII, 72-81. 

The Bagpipe not a Hebrew instru- 
ment; Monist, xix, 459 f. 


A type of Roman lamp : Dressel's 
Forma 25; AJA, xm, 52. 


A head of Heracles in the style of 

Scopas; AJA, xm, 151-157. 
Archaeological news and discussions, 

as Editor; ib. 69-122, 187-248, 

344-386, 477-534- 
Bibliography of archaeological books, 

1908, as Editor; ib. 249-270. 


On certain work in continuance of 

the Vedic Concordance; JAOS, 

xxix, 286-298. 
On some disguised forms of Sanskrit 

pa$u 'cattle'; IF, XXV, 185-199. 
Rev. of Leopold von Schroeder's 

Mysterium und Mimus im Rig- 
Veda; AJP, XXX, 78-83. 


Questions at issue in our English 

speech ; New York : Broadway 

Publishing Company. 
Cicero's de Senectute ; Boston : D. C. 

Heath & Co. 
Cicero's de Amicitia ; Boston : D. C. 

Heath & Co. 


The oldest known writing in Siamese 
The inscription of Phra Ram 
Khamhseng of Sukhothai; Jour- 
nal of the Siam Society, VI, 1-69 
(4 plates). 


Fernan Caballero's Un Servil6n y un 
Liberalito,vf\\.}\ introduction, notes, 
and vocabulary, pp. xii + 171; Bos- 
ton : D. C. Heath & Co. 


On the text of the prose portion of 
the ' Paris Psalter ' ; MLN, xxiv, 
77 f. 


Greek notes; IF, xxv, 257-263. 


Rev. of Zielinski's Cicero im Wandel 
der Jahrhunderte; CJ, V, 43 f. 


Seneca's idea of God; AJT, xm, 


A classification according to the sub- 
ject-matter of the comparisons and 
illustrations in the Meditations 
of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus; 
PAPA, xxxix, xix-xxi. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 



Romulus und Remus; Roscher's 
Lexikon der griech. und rom. 
Mythologie, iv, 167-209. 

The death of Romulus; AJA, xnr, 

The Pomerium ; Proceedings of Brit, 
and Amer. Archaeol. Soc. of Rome, 
iv, 128-136. 

Arval Brothers; Hastings's Encyclo- 
paedia of Religion and Ethics, II, 
7-1 1. 


Rev. of van Leeuwen's Ecclesiazusae; 
CP, iv, 108 f. 


The collections of classical art [in 
the P'ogg Museum of Art] ; Mu- 
seum of Pine Arts Bulletin, vii, 

Archaeology in 1908; CJ, v, 4-17. 

Joint Editor; HSCP. 

The painted stelae of Pagasae; In- 
dependent, LXVII, 529-535. 

Rev. of Hoffmann's Briefwechsel 
zwischen A. Boeckh und L. Dissen; 
CP, iv, 329-331. 

Rev. of Schroeder's Pindari carmina 
cum fragmentis selectis; ib. 463- 


Rev. of W. M. Lindsay's Contrac- 
tions in early Latin minuscule 
Mss; Deutsche Litztg. xxx, 137- 

Rev. of J. H. E. Crees's Claudian as 
an historical authority; AHR, xiv, 


Some Itala fragments in Verona; 
TCA, xv, 5-18. 


Rev. of H. M Kingery's Three 
tragedies of Seneca; CJ, iv, 235 f. 


Rev. of Fick's Vorgriechische Orts- 
namen; CP, iv, 206-209. 

Rev. of Streitberg's Die gotische 
Bibel, I. Teil; MLN, XXIV, 181- 


Goethe's quotation from Hutten in 
Dichtung und Wahrheit ; MLN, 
xxiv, 80-83 and 101-105. 

Notice of Suphan's Herder xni; 
Nat. LXXXVIII, 580. 

Rev. of Graf's Goethe fiber seine 
Dichtungen; ib. LXXXIX, 440. 


Selections from Catullus and other 
Latin Poets, pp. 84; Amherst, 


A Mexican-Aryan comparative vo- 
cabulary; Chicago: T. S. Deni- 


The master's degree as essential for 

a teacher of preparatory Latin; 

CJ, iv, 210-217. 
Caesar's battle with the Helvetians; 

CP, iv, 200 f. 
An inscription of the Labicani Quin- 

tanenses; AJA, XIII, 125-129. 


The geographical basis of history; 
Proceedings of the $>th Annual 
Convention of the Ontario Educat. 
Assoc. 209-219. 

Teaching of Latin in the United 
States ; Addresses and Proceedings 
of the Dominion Educat. Assoc. 
205-215, Victoria, B.C. 


De argumentis quibusdam apud 
Xenophontem, Platonem, Aris- 
totelem obviis e structura hominis 
et animalium petitis. 

Diss. pp. 106; Halle a /s : Wischan 
u. Burkhart. 


The journey of Aeneas; CJ, iv, 3-12. 


American Philological Association 


The Helvetian quartet; CIV, II, 178- 

181, 186-188, 194-195. 
A study in Roman coins of the Em- 

pire; Univ. Ore. Bulletin, vn, 

no. 3. 


Terence : the Phormio, simplified for 
the use of schools (with L. J. 
Richardson), with introduction, 
note, and vocabulary, pp. xiv +117 
(The Students' Series) ; Boston : 
Benj. H. Sanborn & Co. 

Plautus : the Trinummus, with in- 
troduction and notes, pp. xxxiv-r 
118; New York : Macmillan Co. 

apa. : article for Campbell and Bur- 
net's Lexicon Platonicum. Printed 
in advance on specimen page by 
the Clarendon Press. 

The Church and education; Pacific 
Churchman, XLiv, 17 f. 

Rev. of Carroll's Greek women; CW, 

II, 22 f. 

Rev. of Ashmore's edition of Ter- 

ence; ib. 140 ff. 
Editor of Sanborn's Students' Series 

of Latin Classics: Jefferson El- 

more, Book of Latin prose com- 



Education through the study of 

words; Univ. of Texas Record, 

IX, 15-26. 

Notes on Latin words; KZ, XLii,382. 
Postscript to the same; ib. XLIU, 120. 
Synthesis doliolorum Dresseliana; 

AJP, XXX, 121-138. 
The Latin accusatives med, ted, etc.; 

CP, iv, 301-310. 

Word-studies; KZ, XLIII, 154-160. 
Latin word-studies; CQ, ill, 272- 


and imago; IF, XXVI, 27-42. 


Phi Beta Kappa; CW, II, 143. 
Rev. of Boesch's De Apollonii Rhodii 
elocutione; AJP, xxx, 207-210. 


The Latin aim and method in the 
high school; Virginia Journ. of 
Education, Oct. Jan. 

The pre-acute, acute, grave, and zero 
stress in Latin speech and rhythm; 
PAPA, xxxix, xxi-xxvii. 

The sacred spear-cult and tripudic 
ritual of the Carmen Arvale; 
AJA, xm, 64 f., where the title is 
erroneously given. 

The sacred tripudium : the accentual 
and rhythmic norm of Italico- 
Romanic speech and verse; Uni- 
versity of Virginia: Bulletin of 
the School of Latin, no. 3, Oct. I. 


Rev. of Wecklein's Euripides' Helena ; 
CJ, iv, 287 f. 

Bondurant memorial; ib. v, 2 f. 

Rev. of O'Connor's Chapters in the 
history of actors and acting in 
Greece; ib. 91 f. 

Certain numerals in the Greek dra- 
matic hypotheses; PAPA, xxxix, 


Propertius in, 24; AJP, xxx, 54-60. 


Handbook of Greek archaeology 
(with James R. Wheeler and Gor- 
ham P. Stevens), pp. 559; New 
York : American Book Co. 

John Henry Wright, in memoriam; 
AJA, xin, i f. 

Editor; AJA. 


A chapter in the story of Roman im- 
perialism; CP, iv, 118-138. 

Classical scholarship in medieval Ice- 
land; AJP, xxx, 139-152. 

Some classical quotations from the 
middle ages; CP, IV, 82 f. 

An emendation of St. Augustine, de 
Civ. Dei n, 27; ib. 436 f. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 



Handbook for high school teachers 
of Latin, pp. 48; a special Bulle- 
tin issued for general distribution 
by the Mo. State Normal School, 
Cape Girardeau, Mo. 


Hellas and Hesperia, on the vitality 
of Greek studies in America; New 
York: Holt. 

Editorial and other contributions to 


Editor; CJ (New England notes). 


A point in the plot of Oedipus Ty- 
rannus; PAPA, XXXIX, xxviii f. 

Dedicatory Greek elegiacs, prefixt to 
joint vol. of Conn. Academy and 
Yale University for Leipsic Univer- 
sity, July. 

Rev. of O. Schroeder's Vorarbeiten 
zur griechischen Versgeschichte; 
. CP, iv, 45 I ~455- 

Some present aspects of the question; 
CJ, iv, 101-115. 


Articles in Thesaurus linguae latinae, 

IV: cura, pp. 1451-1475; cutis, 

pp. 1578-1581; cyaneus, p. 1581. 
Grundriss der Geschichte der klassi- 

schen Philologie, 2. verm. Aufl. ; 

pp. v + 260; Leipzig: Teubner. 
Rev. of J. E. Sandys, History of 

classical scholarship, n, ill; CR, 

Rev. of Dienel, Tacitus' Dialogus ; 

Bp W, xxix, 1025-1039. 


Rev. of Dyer-Seymour's Plato's 
Apology of Socrates and Crito ; 
CIV, u, i64f. 

Elements of interest in the Anabasis ; 
ib. in, 66-69. 


Aphrodite and the Dione myth; 
AJP, xxx, 38-53. 

Significance of worship and prayer 
among the Epicureans; TAPA, 
xxxix, 73-88. 

Rev. of Gardner's In Greece with the 
classics; SR, xvn, 572. 


Studies in Euripides Hippolytus; 

Univ. of Cincinnati Studies, iv, 

pp. 70. 
K\ 6fj,/JL tx uv (Ajax, 191); CR, 

xxin, 40 ff . 
Plato, Phaedo 66 B; ib. 218-221. 


The Franklin's Tale ; in Haverford 
Essays, in honor of Professor F. B. 
Gummere, 183-234; Haverford, 


The teaching of Latin in secondary 
schools, pp. 129; Boston: Schoen- 
hof Book Co. 


Lessing's Minna von Barnhelm, 

ed. with introduction and notes; 

the Lake German Series; Chicago : 

Scott, Foresman & Co. 
Geibel's Nachahmung der * Banks 

and Braes o' Bonnie Doon'; 

Studien zurvergleichenden Liter a- 

turgeschichte, IX, 9599. 
Neue deutsch-bohmische Lyrik; 

Monatshefte fur deutsche Sprache 

und Padagogik, X, 1 2O ff. 
Soil und Haben, I : Unverbliimtes 

aus unserem; Der 

deutsche Vorkampfer, in, 9 f. 
A note on speech melody; MLN, 

xxv, 30. 
Ein Brief Sealsfields (unpubl.) ; Eu- 

phorion, xvi, 516-517. 


Our higher education and the na- 
tional life; Williams Alumni 
Review, I, 5-11. 


Rev. of Flagg's Plato's Apology and 
Crito ; CP, IV, 344. 


American Philological Association 


Rev. of Evans, Lang, etc., Anthro- 
pology and the classics; CW, II, 

236 f. 


Caesar, Gallic War, i-vii, with 
introduction, notes, and vocabu- 
lary, pp. xiii + 522; New York: 
The Macmillan Co. 

Rev. of Lothman's Latin lessons for 
beginners; CIV, n, 234. 


Gods and saints of the Great 

Brdhmana ; TCA, XV, 23-69. 
Various reviews and notes in Nat. 


Rev. of Abicht, Herodotos v-vi, 4. 

Aufl.; CJ, iv, 140. 
Rev. of the same; AJP, xxx, 87-91. 


Rev. of Van Ginneken, Principes de 
linguistique psychologique; CJ, 

237 f- 

Rev. of Funaioli, Grammaticae 
Romanae fragmenta, volumen 
prius; CP, IV, 227-229. 


The word XP V<TO X ^ V i n the Repub- 
lic of Plato; CQ, in, 192-194. 


Articles ' Ash-mounds (Persian),' 
'Astrology (Persian),' ' Astronomy 
(Persian),' ' Avesta,' ' Breathing'; 
Hastings's Encyclopaedia of Relig- 
ion and Ethics, II. 

Indo-Iranian notes; IF, XXV, 177- 

Rev. of Cylinders and other ancient 
Oriental seals in the library of J. 
Pierpont Morgan, catalogued by 
W. H. Ward; Literary Miscel- 
lany, n, 54-56. 


Classical elements in Browning's 
Aristophanes' Apology ; HSCP, 
xx, 15-73. 


Use of pome in Old French references 
to the forbidden fruit; Zeitschr. 
f. franz. Sprache u. Litt. 1909, 


Use of suo and loro in Old Italian; 
MLN, xxiv, 133 f. 


The satirical elements in Rutilius 

Claudius Namatianus; PAPA, 

xxxix, xxxv f. 
Cross-suggestion ; a form of Tacitean 

brachylogy; AJP, xxx, 310-321. 
Horace, Sat. I, 10 (Ps. Hor. introd., 

vss. 3-4) ; CJ, IV, 220 f. 
Horace's estimate of Heliodorus in 

Serm. I, 5, 3; CW, III, 30 f. 
The legend of Thais; Nat. LCCCVIII, 

192 f. 
Neo-Latin poetry; Rev. of Thackeray 

and Stone's Florilegium Latinum, 

II; CW, II, 170-172. 
Latin versions; ib. 175, 223. 


Codrus's Chiron and a painting from 
Herculaneum; AJA, XII, 30-38. 

Twenty-ninth annual report of the 
president of the Archaeological 
Institute of America; ib. Suppl., 

Some archaeological forgeries from 
Michigan; American Anthropolo- 
gist, x, 48-59- 

Cicero's jokes on the consulship of 
Caninius Rebilus; CJ, iv, 129-131. 

Is there a science of classical phi- 
lology; CP, in, 369-385. 

The problem of religious instruction 
in the state universities, in Religion 
and National Character (5th an- 
nual volume of the Religious Edu- 
cation Association, Chicago), 128- 

The state universities and theology; 
Outlook, xc, 27-29. 

Greek in the high school and the 
question of the supply of candi- 
dates for the ministry; SR, xvi, 
561-79, and Suppl. to Univ. Bull. 
(Michigan), IX, 28-46. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 


The fourteenth Michigan classical 

conference; SR, xvn, 43-45. 
As editor : 

A symposium on the value of human- 
istic, particularly classical, studies 
as a preparation for the study of 
theology; SR, xvi, 370-390, 533- 
537 561-579* an d Suppl. to Univ. 
Bull. (Michigan), IX, no. 20. 

A symposium on the value of human- 
istic, particularly classical, studies 
as a training for men of affairs; 
SR, xvn, 369-403, 498-501, and 
Univ. Bull, x, no. 21. 

C. luli Caesaris Commentarii Rerum 
Gestarum : Caesar's Gallic War, 
with an introduction, notes, and 
vocabulary, igth ed.; Allyn & 

M. Tulli Ciceronis Orationes et Epis- 
tolae Selectae : Select Orations and 
Letters of Cicero, with an intro- 
duction, notes, and vocabulary. 
1 3th ed.; Allyn & Bacon. 


Hysteron proteron in the Aeneid, 
i-vi; CW, 74-78. 


Notes on the teaching of Latin in 
England; CW, II, 226-231. 

As general editor : 

Caesar, the Gallic War, i-vii, ed. by 
A. L. Hodges, Macmillan's Latin 
Series, pp. xiii + 522; New York : 
Macmillan Co. 


Philology, classical; International 
Year Book, 1908, 555-558. 

A vocabulary of high school Greek; 
CW, n, 81 f. 

The Roman forum ; ib. 1 1 3 f. 

Nee, neque, neve and neu in the 
grammars; ib. 169 f. 

Ut non in final clauses; ib. 193. 

The scansion of Vergil and the 
schools; ib. Ill, 2-5, 10-12. 

Rev. of Shoobridge-Waldstein's Her- 
culaneum, past, present, and fu- 
ture; ib. u, 157 f. 

Rev. of Michaelis-Kahnweiler's A 
century of archaeological discov- 
eries; ib. 158 f. 

Rev. of Edwards's Colloquia Latina 
and Colloquia altera Latina; ib. 

Editorial and other contributions to 


Pali book-titles and their brief 
designations; PAA,yi\AV, 661-707. 


Notes on Latin syntax; AJP, xxx, 

Rev. of Livy IX, by W. B. Anderson; 

CW, HI, 70 f. 


Rev. of Lothman's Latin lessons for 
beginners; CJ, v, 88. 


A broader approach to Greek; CW, 

u, 82-85, 90-93- 
Rev. of Brownson's Hellenica; ib. 

The date of the extant Prometheus 

of Aeschylus; AJP, XXX, 405-415. 


Alcibiades; CW, II, 138-140, 145- 

The simple past condition with 
potential indicative in apodosis 
[Greek]; CP, iv, 313-315- 


The Via Praenestina; Records of the 

Past, VIII, 67-74. 
The grove of Furrina on the Janicu- 

lum; CW, n, 244-246. 


The glacial epoch and the Noachian 
deluge; Bib. Sac. LXVI, 217-242, 


Rev. of Drake's Discoveries in He- 
brew, Gaelic, Gothic, Anglo- 
Saxon, Latin, Basque, and other 
Caucasic languages; ib. 376-378. 


American Philological Association 


English prose (1137-1890), pp. 

xix + 544; Ginn & Co. 
The authorship of Piers Plowman, 

with a terminal note on the lost 

leaf; MP, vu, 83-144. 


Greek architecture, pp. x + 425; 

Macmillan Co. 
An altarpiece, by Luca della Robbia; 

AJA, xin, 328-333. 


Les CEuvres de Simund de Freine 
publiees d'apres tous les manu- 
scrits connus; Societe des anciens 
textes fran^ais, Paris. 

On the history of palatal n in French, 
with special reference to o and 
open e; MLA, xxiv, 476-493. 


Review of Oldenberg's Vedafor- 
schung; CJ, iv, 191 f. 

Additions to Bloomfield's Vedic con- 
cordance ; JA OS, xxix, 284 f. 

The etymology of the Girnar word 
Petenika-; IF, xxiv, 52-55. 

The meaning and etymology of the 
Girnar word sdnnpam ; AJP, xxx, 

Linguistic notes on the Shahbaz- 
garhi and Mansehra redactions of 
Asoka's Fourteen-Edicts, ist part; 
ib. 284-297. 

The interrelation of the dialects of 
the Fourteen Edicts of Asoka, ist 
part; JA OS, xxx, 77-93. 

C. W. E. MILLER. ' 

Report of Revue de Philologie, xxxi ; 
AJP, xxx, 465-473- 
On rb de = whereas'; TAPA, 
xxxix, 121-146. 


The classics and modern training; 
New Orleans Med. and Surg. 
Journ. LXI, 992-101 1. 

Latin prose composition for college 
use, part I, based on Livy, xxi- 
xxii, pp. vii + 71 + 32; part n, 
based on Cicero, Laelius and Cato 
Maior, pp. vii + 5i +32; Boston: 
Sanborn & Co. 

Rev. of Jebb's Rhetoric of Aristotle, 
ed. Sandys; CP, v, 119 f. 

Rev. of Butcher's Demosthenis Ora- 
tiones; CJ, iv, 190 f. 

Rev. of Murray's Rise of the Greek 
epic; ib. 280-282. 

Rev. of Dennison's Livy I, and se- 
lections from n-x; SER, v, 267 f. 

Rev. of D'Ooge's Acropolis of Ath- 
ens; ib. vi, 322-326. 

Associate editor; C/and SER. 


Individualism and religion in the 

early Roman empire; Harvard 

Theol. Rev., n, 221-234. 
Latin inscriptions in the Harvard 

collection of classical antiquities; 

HSCP, xx, 1-14. 
Reviews in CP, AHR, etc. 


Editor; TAPA, PAPA. 


On the name of the constellation 
Camelopardalis; Harvard Coll. 
Observatory Circular, no. 146. 

The first Harvard doctors of medi- 
cine; Harvard Grad. Mag. xvn, 

The preface of Vitruvius; PA A, XLIV, 


Horace, the Satires, pp. 254; Ameri- 
can Book Co. 

An interpretation of Catullus, 8; 
TCA, xv, 137-151. 


Caesar's fortifications on the Rhone; 
CJ, 309-3 20 - 

Proceedings for December, 1909 



Notes on the Egloges of Alexandar 

Barclay; MLN, xxiv, 8-10. 
Report of Rheinisches Museum fur 

Philologie, LXIII; AJP, XXX, 98- 

Later echoes of the Greek bucolic 

poets; ib. 245-283; PAPA, XXXIX, 



Macaulay's Essays on Lord Clive and 
Warren Hastings; Scott, Foresman 

On teaching literature; Dial, XLVII, 


Rev. of Post's Selected epigrams of 
Martial; CJ, v, 47 f. 


The poetical works pf John Dryden, 
Cambridge edition, ed., with intro- 
duction and notes, pp. xlii + 1054; 
Boston : Houghton, Mifflin Co. 

Tolstoy's literary technique in The 
Cossacks ; PAPA, XXXIX, Ivii f. 

Rev. of Bruckner, Russian literature 
(trans, by H. Havelock); Nat. 
LXXXVIII, 630 f. 


Livy I, 26, and the suppliciurn de 
more maiorum ; TAPA, xxxix, 

Social conditions and theories in the 
Graeco-Roman world; Progressive 
Journ. of Education, II, 12-18; 
41-48; 79-92. 

Aristophanes' Clouds, 1472-1474; 
CP, v, 101-103. 


Surnames of the Southland; Mont- 
gomery (Ala.) Advertiser (weekly), 
Jan. 3-Apr. 25. 


The semasiology of German " Laib," 
English " loaf." JEGP, vm, no. i. 


Iterum Hieronymiana, Revue Bene- 
dictine (Belgium), xxvi, 386-388. 


Rev. of Schermann's Prophetarum 
vitae fabulosae, indices aposto- 
lorum discipulorumque Domini 
Dorotheo, Epiphanio, Hippolyto 
aliisque vindicata; CP, IV, 103. 

Rev. of Thompson's /tteraz/o^u; and 
/teTaAiAei in Greek literature; ib. 
229 f. 

Rev. of Weigel's Kurzgefasste 
griechische Schulgrammatik; ib. 

339 f- 

Rev. of Mahaffy's The progress of 
Hellenism in Alexander's empire; 
CW, in, 5 f. 


Collaborator in The syntax of high 
school Latin, ed. by Lee Byrne, 
University of Chicago Press. 


The austere consistency of Pericles; 
TCA, xv, 219-224. 

Recognition scenes in Greek litera- 
ture; AJP, xxx, 371-404. 

Rev. of Kaerst's Geschichte des 
hellenistischen Zeitalters, II 1 ; 
AHR, xiv, 793-795. 

Rev. of Ferrero's Greatness and 
decline of Rome, v; 796-799. 


Der junge Goethe und das Publikum, 
Univ. of Calif. Publ. in Mod. 
Philol I, 1-67. 


Rev. of Bushnell's Latin verse; The 
Syractisan, II, 51-55. 


Vagaries of a conservative; a <J>BK 

WRUB, 1909, 117-125. 


American Philological Association 


Greek and Latin inscriptions in 
Syria, Publ.ofthe Princeton Univ. 
Archaeol. Expedition to Syria in 
1904-1905, div. in, sect. B, part 2, 
Il-Anderhi Kerratin Ma'rita, 
pp. 43-112; part 3, Djebel Riha 
and Djebel Wastaneh, pp. 113- 
ii 8; Ley den: Late E. J. Brill. 


Studies in the grouping of nouns in 

Plautus; CP, IV, 1-24. 
Marginalia on the Hellenistic poets; 

ib. 320-322. 
Various reviews in CP. 

E. K. RAND. 

Early mediaeval commentaries on 
Terence; PAPA, XXXIX, xli f, and 
CP, iv, 359-389. 


The Phormio of Terence simplified 
for the use of schools, pp. xiv + 
117; Boston: Sanborn and Co. 


An oenophorus belonging to the 
Johns Hopkins University; AJA, 
xm, 30-38. 

Rev. of Prentice's Greek and Latin 
inscriptions : part III of the publi- 
cations of an American archaeo- 
logical expedition to Syria in 1899- 
1900; AJP, xxx, 199-207. 

Rev. of D'Ooge's The Acropolis of 
Athens; ib. 331-337. 

Rev. of Carroll's The Attica of Pausa- 
nias; CW, II, I34f. 


Two Etruscan mirrors; AJA, xm, 3- 

Reports of Archiv, Xli; AJP, XXX, 

214-219, 338-344. 
Rev. of Magoffin's History of Prae- 

neste; CW, in, 15. 
Rev. of Friedlander's Sittengeschichte 

Roms, trans, by Magnus and 

Freese; ib. 52 f. 
Notice of Civis Romanus ; ib. 71. 

As general editor : 

Cicero, Tusculan Disputations i, 11, 
v, ed. H. C. Nutting; Boston: 
Allyn and Bacon. (College Latin 


Address: Improved standards in 
teaching Latin, Proceed, of the $*]th 
Annual Convocation, University of 
the state of New York, 95-113- 

Co-education; ER, xxxvn, 89-91. 

Rev. of Schmidkunz's Einleitung in 
die akademische Padagogik; ib. 
xxxvm, 310-314. 

Rev. of Flexner, The American col- 
lege; SR, xvii, 274 f. 

Rev. of Dettweiler, Lateinischer 
Unterricht; CW,\\, 85 ff. 

The Freer Psalter; Bib. World, 

xxxni, 342-344. 
Age and ancient home of the Biblical 

Mss in the Freer Collection; 

AJA, xm, 130-141. 


Costume in Roman comedy, pp. x + 
145; Columbia University Press. 


Framea (nature of the weapon and 
etymology of the word) ; PAPA, 
xxxvm, Ix f. 


The temporal raw-clause and its 
rivals; CP, iv, 256-275. 

The preparation of classical teachers; 
CJ, iv, 321-332. 


The influence of meter on the 
Homeric choice of dissyllables; 
CP, iv, 248 ff. 

Odyssean words found in but one 
book of the Iliad; ib. v, 41 ff. 

Discussion of Iliad A, 446; ib. iv, 


The relative antiquity of the Iliad 
and Odyssey tested by the use of 
abstract nouns; CR, xxiv, 2. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 

ex ix 

Homeric use of the definite article; 

CJ, v, 5- 
Rev. of Sterrett's Homer's Jliad, 

selected books; CW, II, 188 ff., 

196 ff. 
Rev. of Ogden's De infmitivi finalis 

constructione apud priscos poetas 

Graecos; CP, v, 2. 
Associate editor; CJ. 


Narrative and lyric poems for stu- 
dents, pp. xiv+ 512; New York: 
Henry Holt & Co. 


The revised etymologies (assisted by 
L. Wiener) in Webster's New 
international dictionary of the 
English language ; Springfield, 
Mass. : G. & C. Merriam Co. 


Studies in the Mss of the third 
decade of Livy : 

(1) The relationships of the Mss in 
the Puteanus group; CP, iv, 405- 


(2) Addenda and corrigenda in 
Mommsen's Analecta Liviana for 
the readings of Vaticanus Reginen- 
sis, 762; ib. 413-415. 

(3) The codex Mediceus; ib. 415- 

(4) The date of the corrections by 
erasure in the Puteanus; ib. v, 19- 

Some errata and omissions in the 
report of the readings of Puteanus 
in the critical apparatus of August 
Luchs; ib. v, 25-27. 

Rev. of Pais's Historical and geo- 
graphical investigations in Central 
Italy, Magna Graecia, Sicily, and 
Sardinia, trans, by C. Densmore 
Curtis; CW, n, 217-220. 

Rev. of Ullmann's The identification 
of the Mss of Catullus cited in 
Statius' edition of 1566 (Univ. of 
Chicago Diss.) ; CP, v, 252-254. 


A co-educational meditation; ER y 

xxxvii, 44-54. 
The case of literature, I, Diagnosis; 

CJ, iv, 260-271. 
The case of literature, II, Treatment; 

ib. 291-302. 
Lactantius on seeing double; Nat. 


A professional recantation; ER, 

xxxvin, 1-17. 
The making of a professor; Atl. 

Monthly, civ, 611-619. 
Rev. of Duff's Literary history of 

Rome; Dial, XLVII, 332-334. 
Rev. of Barker's Buried Hercula- 

neum; CJ, v, 46. 

E. G. SlHLER. 

Articles ' Seneca,' ' Stoicism ' in the 
Schaff-Herzog Cyclopaedia of Re- 
ligious Knowledge. 

Two letters on Italy, N.Y. Evening 
Post, June 26, July 31. 


Some practical hints for teaching 
students how to read German; 
SJ?., xvii, 529-541. 

Rev. of Kellen's Treatise on the his- 
tory of the novel, published as 
Abschnitt I of Der Roman, 
Geschichte, Theorie und Technik, 
etc., von Heinrich Keiter und 
Tony Kellen; MLN, XXiv, 249- 


Contribution of the South to classi- 
cal studies (vol. iv of The South 
in the building of the nation). 

Rev. of Sihler's Testimonium ani- 
mae, in Methodist Review, 588- 

Rev. of Gildersleeve's Notes on 

Stahl's Syntax of the Greek verb; 
CP. v, 114. 


As general editor : 

A handbook of Greek archaeology, 
by H. N. Fowler and J. R. Wheeler, 
pp. 559, American Book Co. 


American Philological Association 

A handbook of Greek religion, by 
Arthur Fairbanks; American Book 

Greek sculpture, by R. B. Richard- 
son, American Book Co. 


On the use of the dactyl after an 
initial trochee in Greek lyric verse; 
TAPA, xxxix, 5-13. 


A primer of Hebrew history; A 
manual for popular use, with 
charts, maps, and outlines for 
reading; pp. 92, New York : Eaton 
and Mains. 


Temporal clauses in Livy, pp. 49; 
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press 
(sold by F. A. Brockhaus, Leipsic). 


The point of an emperor's jest; CP, 
in, 59-64. 

Rev. of Tucker's The Frogs of 
Aristophanes; CIV, I, 163-165. 

Rev. of Fling's A source book of 
Greek history; CJ, in, 293 f. 

An error in Balaustiorfs Adventure; 
MLN, xxiu, 208 f. 

The Agricola of Tacitus, with intro- 
duction and notes, pp. xxvii-f- 1 1 1 ; 
(Macmillan's Latin Classics) ; New 
York: The Macmillan Co. 

Rev. of Peaks' The general civil and 
military administration of Noricum 
and Raetia; CP, v. 116 f. 


The nominative and dative-ablative 
plural widens and meus in Plautus; 
CQ, in, 8-12. 

Two factors in Latin word-order; 
CW,\\\, 25-28. 


Catalogue of bronzes, etc., in Field 
Museum of Natural History, re- 
produced from originals in the 
Museum of Naples, pp. 52 and 
82 plates. Chicago: The Field 
Museum of Natural History. 

H. A. TODD. 

A recently discovered fragment of an 
Old French manuscript of the 
Faits des Romains; MLA, xxiv, 


Ancient Persian lexicon and the texts 
of the Achaemenidan inscriptions, 
transliterated and translated with 
special reference to their recent 
reexamination, pp. xii -f- J 34> 
New York: American Book Co.; 
Leipzig : Otto Harrassowitz. 

The recently discovered Turfan frag- 
ments of the crucifixion (D&ro- 
badageftig) of Jesus; PAPA, 
xxxix, xlv f. 

Editor; VUS. 

Associate editor; Vanderbilt Orien- 
tal Series, New York : American 
Book Co. 


Literary criticism in the Bibliotheca 
of Photius; CP, iv, 178-189. 


The universities of ancient Greece, 
pp. xiv + 267 ; New York : Charles 
Scribner's Sons. 


Review of Tucker's Life in ancient 
Athens; CP, iv, 342-344. 


Etudes sur Aliscans; Romania, 
xxxvin, 1-43. 

Rev. of Bourdillon's Early editions 
of the Roman de la Rose, Mod. 
Lang. Rev. iv, 431. 

Analog of Maitre Pierre Pathelin, 
Ma'.tre Phonetique, XXIV, 66 f. 

Chevalerie Vivien, facsimile repro- 
duction of the Sancti Bertini manu- 
script of Boulogne-sur-Mer, pp. 15, 
24 plates, in Univ. of Missouri 

Allgemeine Phonetik, Kritischer 
Jahresbericht der romanischen 
Philologie, ix, sect. I, 1 2-1 8. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 



The iambic trimeter in Menander; 

CP, iv, 139-161. 
The origin and form of aeolic verse; 

CQ, in, 291-309. 


Ancient Jewish views of the Messiah ; 
Bib. World, xxxiv, 317-325, 39- 

Rev. of Quinn's Helladian vistas; 
CW, ill, 29. 


Latin inscriptions at the Johns Hop- 
kins University, n, ill; AJP, xxx, 

61-71, 153-17- 
Rev. of Huelsen, The Roman Forum, 

its history and- its monuments: 

trans, by J. B. Carter, 2d ed.; ib. 

Notice of J. Maurice, Numismatique 

constantinienne, tome I ; ib. 360 f. 
Rev. of Abbott, Society and politics 

in ancient Rome; ib. 451-456. 

Report of the Toronto meeting of the 
American Philological Association 
and the Archaeological Institute of 
America; CW, II, ii8f. 

Recent excavations in the Roman 
Forum; ib. 167. 

August Mau; ib. 175. 


Browning's Epilogue to The Two 

Poets of Croisic; MLN, xxiv, 

Rev. of Rees's The rule of three 

actors in the classical Greek drama; 

CJ, iv, 236 f. 
Rev. of D'Ooge's The Acropolis of 

Athens; Michigan Alumnus, XV, 

Rev. of Quinn's Helladian vistas; 

CJ, iv, 336. 


Herodotus' source for the opening 
skirmish at Plataea; TCA, xv, 



Brief notes in C W and Nat. 







The above-named Officers, and 




William F. Abbot, High School, Worcester, Mass. (20 John St.). 1893. 
Prof. Frank F. Abbott, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1886. 
Prof. Arthur Adams, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 1908. 
Prof. Charles D. Adams, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 1892. 
Dr. Cyrus Adler, 2041 No. Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1883. 

* Prof. R. M. Alden, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal. 

Pres. Marshall Champion Allaben, Davis and Elkins College, Elkins, W. Va. 1907. 

* Albert H. Allen, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (207 California Hall). 


* Dr. Clifford G. Allen, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal. 


F. Sturges Allen, 246 Central St., Springfield, Mass. 1907. 
Prof. George Henry Allen, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, O. 1904. 
Prof. Hamilton Ford Allen, Washington and Jefferson College, Washington, Pa. 


* Prof. James T. Allen, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2243 College Ave.). 


Prof. Katharine Allen, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 1899. 
Prof. Francis G. Allinson, Brown University, Providence, R. I. (163 George St.). 


Principal Harlan P. Amen, Phillips Exeter Academy, Exeter, N. H. (Life mem- 
ber). 1897. 

Prof. Andrew Runni Anderson, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. (1714 
Hinman Ave.). 1905. 

* Prof. Louis F. Anderson, Whitman College, Walla Walla, Wash. (364 Boyer 

Ave.). 1887. 

* Prof. M. B. Anderson, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal. 


Prof. William B. Anderson, Queen's University, Kingston, Can. 1908. 
Prof. Alfred Williams Anthony, Cobb Divinity School, Lewiston, Me. 1890. 

* Prof. H. T. Archibald, Occidental College, Los Angeles, Cal. 1901. 

* Prof. Wm. D. Armes, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (Faculty Club). 

Prof. Henry H. Armstrong, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1906. 

1 Membership in the Philological Association of the Pacific Coast (established 1899) is indicated 
by an asterisk. This list has been corrected up to July i, 1910; permanent addresses are 
given, so far as may be, for the year 1910-11. The Secretary and the Publishers beg to be kept 
informed of all changes of address. 


cxxiv American Philological Association 

Dr. R. Arrowsmith, American Book Company, Washington Square, New York, 

N. Y. 1898. 

Prof. Sidney G. Ashmore, Union University, Schenectady, N. Y. 1885. 
Prof. William G. Aurelio, Boston University, Boston, Mass. (75 Hancock St.). 1903. 
Prof. C. C. Ayer, University of Colorado, Boulder, Colo. 1902. 
Prof. Frank Cole Babbitt, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. (65 Vernon St.). 1897. 
* Prof. William F. Bade, Pacific Theological Seminary, Berkeley, Cal. 1903. 
Prof. William W. Baker, Haverford College, Haverford, Pa. 1902. 
Dr. Allan P. Ball, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. 1905. 
Dr. Francis K. Ball, Phillips Exeter Academy, Exeter, N. H. (Life member). 


Prof. Floyd G. Ballentine, Bucknell University, Lewisburg, Pa. 1903. 
Cecil K. Bancroft, Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. 1898. 
Prof. Grove E. Barber, University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb. (1230 L St.). 


Miss Amy L. Barbour, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1902. 
Prof. LeRoy C. Barret, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 1906. 
Phillips Barry, 33 Ball St., Roxbury, Boston, Mass. 1901. 
J. Edmund Barss, Hotchkiss School, Lakeville, Conn. 1897. 
Prof. Herbert J. Barton, University of Illinois, Champaign, 111. 1907. 
Prof. John W. Basore, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. (26 Bank St.). 


Prof. Samuel E. Bassett, University of Vermont, Burlington, Vt. 1903. 
Dr. F. O. Bates, Detroit Central High School, Detroit, Mich. 1900. 
Prof. William N. Bates, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. (220 St. 

Mark's Square). 1894. 

Prof. William J. Battle, University of Texas, Austin, Tex. 1893. 
Prof. Paul V. C. Baur, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. (Box 943, Yale Sta.). 


John W. Beach, Scio, Ohio. 1902. 

Prof. Edward A. Bechtel, Tulane University, New Orleans, La. 1900. 
Prof. Isbon T. Beckwith, Highland Court, Hartford, Conn. 1884. 
Prof. Charles H. Beeson, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. (578 E. 6oth St.). 


Prof. A. J. Bell, Victoria University, Toronto, Can. (17 Avenue Road). 1887. 
Prof. Allen R. Benner, Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. 1901. 
Prof. Charles E. Bennett, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1882. 
Prof. John I. Bennett, Union University, Schenectady, N. Y. 1897. 
Prof. George O. Berg, Wittenberg College, Springfield, O. 1909. 
Prof. George R. Berry, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. 1902. 
Prof. Louis Bevier, Jr., Rutgers College, New Brunswick, N. J. 1884. 
William F. Biddle, 2321 Spruce St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1894. 
Prof. Clarence P. Bill, Adelbert College of Western Reserve University, Cleve- 
land, O. (853 Logan Ave.). 1894. 
Rev. Dr. Daniel Moschel Birmingham, Deaconess Training School (addr. 58 

W. 57th St., Sherwood Studios), New York, N. Y. 1898. 
Prof. Charles Edward Bishop, College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Va. 


Proceedings for December, 1909 cxxv 

Robert Pierpont Blake, Bank of Montreal, Threadneedle St., London. 1909. 
Prof. Robert W. Blake, Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pa. (440 Seneca St.). 


Prof. Maurice Bloomfield, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1882. 
Prof. Willis H. Bocock, University of Georgia, Athens, Ga. 1890. 
Prof. George M. Boiling, Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C. 

(The Iroquois, 1410 M St.). 1897. 

Prof. D. Bonbright, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. 1892. 
Prof. A. L. Bondurant, University of Mississippi, University, Miss. 1892. 
Prof. Campbell Bonner, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1899. 
Prof. George Willis Botsford, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. Benjamin Parsons Bourland, Adelbert College of Western Reserve University, 

Cleveland, O. 1900. 

Prof. B. L. Bowen, Ohio State University, Columbus, O. 1895. 
Prof. Edwin W. Bowen, Randolph-Macon College, Ashland, Va. 1905. 
Prof. Haven D. Brackett, Clark College, Worcester, Mass. 1905. 

* Prof. C. B. Bradley, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2639 Durant Ave.). 


Prof. J. Everett Brady, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1891. 
Prof. H. C. G. Brandt, Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y. 1876. 

* Dr. Carlos Bransby, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2636 Channing 

Way). 1903. 

* Rev. William A. Brewer, Burlingame, Cal. 1900. 

Prof. Walter R. Bridgman, Lake Forest University, Lake Forest, 111. 1890. 

Prof. James W. Bright, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1887. 

Dr. Carroll N. Brown, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. 


Prof. Demarchus C. Brown, 125 Downey Ave., Indianapolis, Ind. 1893. 
Dr. Lester Dorman Brown, Hotchkiss School, Lakeville, Conn. 1904. 
Prof. Carleton L. Brownson, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. 


Principal C. F. Brusie, Mount Pleasant Academy, Ossining, N. Y. 1894. 
Dr. Arthur Alexis Bryant, New York, N. Y. 1906. 
Prof. Carl D. Buck, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1890. 
Miss Mary H. Buckingham, 96 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 1897. 
Dr. Theodore C. Burgess, Bradley Polytechnic Institute, Peoria, 111. 1900. 
Prof. John M. Burnam, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, O. 1899. 
Prof. Sylvester Burnham, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. 1885. 
Prof. William S. Burrage, Middlebury College, Middlebury, Vt. 1898. 
Prof. Harry E. Burton, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 1899. 
Prof. Henry F. Burton, University of Rochester, Rochester, N. Y. 1878. 
Prof. Curtis C. Bushnell, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. (618 Irving Ave.). 


Prof. Orma Fitch Butler, Belmont College, Nashville, Tenn. 1907. 
Pres. Henry A. Buttz, Drew Theological Seminary, Madison, N. J. 1869. 
Prof. Donald Cameron, Boston University, Boston, Mass. 1905. 
Prof. Sherman Campbell, Hanover College, Hanover, Ind. 1909. 
Prof. Edward Capps, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1889. 

cxxvi American Philological Association 

Prof. Mitchell Carroll, The George Washington University, Washington, D. C. 


Prof. Adam Carruthers, University College, Toronto, Can. 1909. 
Dr. Franklin Carter, Williamstown, Mass. 1871. 
Prof. Jesse Benedict Carter, American School of Classical Studies, Rome, Italy 

(Via Vicenza 5). 1898. 

Dr. Earnest Gary, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1905. 
Prof. Clarence F. Castle, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1888. 
William Van Allen Catron, Lexington, Mo. 1896. 
Prof. Julia H. Caverno, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1902. 
Dr. Lewis Parke Chamberlayne, Amherst College, Amherst, Mass. 1908. 

* Prof. Samuel A. Chambers, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2223 

Atherton St.). 1900. 

Miss Eva Channing, Hemenway Chambers, Boston, Mass. 1883. 
Prof. Angie Clara Chapin, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass. 1888. 
Prof. Henry Leland Chapman, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Me. 1892. 
Prof. George Davis Chase, University of Maine, Orono, Me. 1900. 
Prof. George H. Chase, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass, (n Kirkland Rd.). 

Prof. S. R. Cheek, Centre College of Kentucky, Danville, Ky. 1890. 

* Prof. J. E. Church, Jr., University of Nevada, Reno, Nev. 1901. 
William Churchill, New York Sun, New York, N. Y. 1910. 

* Prof. Edward B. Clapp, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1886. 

Prof. Charles Upson Clark, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. (473 Edgewood 

Ave.). 1905. 

Miss Emma Kirkland Clark, 248 A Monroe St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1896. 
Prof. Frank Lowry Clark, Miami University, Oxford, O. 1902. 

* Prof. John T. Clark, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2214 Russell St.). 


Prof. Sereno Burton Clark, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1907. 

Prof. Harold Loomis Cleasby, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. (415 Univer- 
sity Place). 1905. 

Prof. Charles Nelson Cole, Oberlin College, Oberlin, O. 1902. 

Prof. Hermann Collitz, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1887. 

William T. Colville, Carbondale, Pa. 1884. 

Prof. Elisha Conover, Delaware College, Newark, Del. 1897. 

Edmund C. Cook, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. 1904. 

Dr. Arthur Stoddard Cooley, 387 Central St., Auburndale, Mass. 1896. 

Dr. Robert Franklin Cooper, Centreville, Ala. 1909. 

* Prof. W. A. Cooper, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal. 


Dr. Mario E. Cosenza, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. 

* J. Allen De Cou, Monrovia, Cal. 1900. 

Prof. William L. Cowles, Amherst College, Amherst, Mass. 1888. 
Prof. W. H. Crogman, Clark University, South Atlanta, Ga. 1898. 
Prof. Henry L. Crosby, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1909. 
William L. Gushing, Westminster School, Simsbury, Conn. 1888. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 cxxvii 

* Ludwig J. Demeter, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (1300 Grove St.). 


Thomas S. Denison, 163 Randolph St., Chicago, 111. 1908. 
Prof. William K. Denison, Tufts College, Mass. 1899. 
Prof. Walter Dennison, Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, Pa. 1899. 
Prof. Samuel C. Derby, Ohio State University, Columbus, O. 1895. 

* Monroe E. Deutsch, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1904. 
Dr. Henry B. Dewing, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1909. 
Prof. Norman W. DeWitt, Victoria College, Toronto, Can. 1907. 

Prof. Sherwood Owen Dickerman, Williams College, Williamstown, Mass. 1902. 

Prof. Benjamin L. D'Ooge, State Normal College, Ypsilanti, Mich. 1895. 

Prof. Martin L. D'Ooge, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1873. 

Prof. Louis H. Dow, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 1895. 

Prof. William Prentiss Drew, Knox College, Galesburg, 111. 1907. 

Prof. Eli Dunkle, Ohio University, Athens, O. 1904. 

Prof. Frederic Stanley Dunn, University of Oregon, Eugene, Ore. 1899. 

Prof. Charles L. Durham, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1906. 

Miss Emily Helen Dutton, Tennessee College, Murfreesboro, Tenn. 1898. 

Prof. Frederick Carlos Eastman, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, la. 1907. 

Prof. Herman L. Ebeling, Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y. 1892. 

Prof. William S. Ebersole, Cornell College, Mt. Vernon, la. 1893. 

Prof. W. A. Eckels, Lafayette College, Easton, Pa. 1894. 

Prof. George V. Edwards, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. 


Prof. Katharine M. Edwards, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass. 1893. 
Dr. Philip H. Edwards, Baltimore City College, Baltimore, Md. 1907. 
Prof. James C. Egbert, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1889. 
Dr. Franklin Edgerton, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1909. 
Prof. Wallace Stedman Elden, Ohio State University, Columbus, O. (1734 Summit 

St.). 1900. 

Prof. A. Marshall Elliott, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1884. 
Prof. W. A. Elliott, Allegheny College, Meadville, Pa. 1897. 
Prof. Herbert C. Elmer, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1887. 

* Prof. J. Elmore, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Palo Alto, Cal. (1134 Emer- 

son St.). 1900. 

Prof. Levi Henry Elwell, Amherst College, Amherst, Mass. 1883. 
Miss E. Antoinette Ely, The Clifton School, Cincinnati, O. 1893. 
Prof. Edgar A. Emens, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 1895. 
Prof. Robert B. English, Washington and Jefferson College, Washington, Pa. 1905. 
Prof. George Taylor Ettinger, Muhlenberg College, Allentown, Pa. 1896. 
Prof. Alvin E. Evans, Washington State College, Pullman, Wash. 1909. 
Principal O. Faduma, Peabody Academy, Troy, N. C. 1900. 
Dr. Arthur Fairbanks, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Mass. 1886. 

* Prof. H. Rushton Fairclough, American School of Classical Studies, Rome, Italy 

(Via Vicenza 5). 1887. 

Prof. Edwin W 7 . Fay, University of Texas, Austin, Tex. 1889. 
Pres. Thomas Fell, St. John's College, Annapolis, Md. 1888. 
Prof. W. S. Ferguson, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 1899. 

cxxviii American Philological Association 

Principal F. J. Fessenden, Fessenden School, West Newton, Mass. 1890. 

Prof. Mervin G. Filler, Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa. 1905. 

Prof. George Converse Fiske, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. (625 Men- 
dota Ct.). 1900. 

Prof. Edward Fitch, Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y. 1890. 

Everett Henry Fitch, 148 Whalley Ave., New Haven, Conn. 1906. 

Prof. Thomas FitzHugh, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. (Life mem- 
ber). 1902. 

Prof. Caroline R. Fletcher, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass. 1906. 

Prof. Roy C. Flickinger, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. (1930 Orrington 
Ave.). 1905. 

Miss Helen C. Flint, Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass. 1897. 

* Prof. Ewald Fliigel, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal. 

Francis H. Fobes, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (8 Gannett House). 

Prof. Charles H. Forbes, Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. 1907. 

* Prof. Benjamin O. Foster, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, 

Cal. 1899. 

Prof. Frank H. Fowler, Lombard College, Galesburg, 111. 1893. 
Prof. Harold N. Fowler, Western Reserve University (College for Women), 

Cleveland, O. 1885. 
Miss Susan Fowler, The Brearley School, New York, N. Y. (17 W. 44th St.). 


Prof. Tenney Frank, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1906. 
Dr. Susan B. Franklin, Ethical Culture School, 63d St. and Central Park West, 

New York, N. Y. 1890. , 
Walter H. Freeman, Iowa College, Grinnell, la. 1908. 

* Prof. P. J. Frein, University of Washington, Seattle, Wash. (4317 I5th Ave.). 


* Prof. John Fryer, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2620 Durant Ave.). 


Prof. Charles Kelsey Gaines, St. Lawrence University, Canton, N. Y. 1890. 
John S. Galbraith, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (Holworthy 20). 1907. 

* Dr. John Gamble, Haywards, Cal. 1902. 

Prof. J. B. Game, Normal School, Cape Girardeau, Mo. 1907. 

Prof. James M. Garnett, 1316 Bolton St., Baltimore, Md. 1873. 

Dr. John Laurence Gerig, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1909. 

Principal Seth K. Gifford, Moses Brown School, Providence, R. I. 1891. 

Prof. Basil L. Gildersleeve, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1876. 

Walter H. Gillespie, Cheshire School, Cheshire, Conn. 1908. 

Pedro Ramon Gillott, Wyoming Seminary, Kingston, Pa. 1906. 

* Charles B. Gleason, High School, San Jose, Cal. 1900. 

Clarence Willard Gleason, Volkmann School, Boston, Mass. (6 Waverly St., 

Roxbury). 1901. 

Prof. Julius Goebel, Cambridge, Mass. 1900. 
Prof. Thomas D. Goodell, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. (35 Edgehill Road). 


Proceedings for December, 1909 cxxix 

Prof. Charles J. Goodwin, Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pa. 1891. 

Prof. William W. Goodwin, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (5 Follen St.). 


Miss Florence A. Gragg, 26 Maple Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1906. 
Prof. Roscoe Allan Grant, De Witt Clinton High School, New York, N. Y. 

(60 West ijth St.). I9 2 - , 

* Walter H. Graves, High School, Oakland, Cal. (1428 Seventh Ave.). 1900. 
Dr. W. D. Gray, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1907. 

Prof. E. L. Green, South Carolina College, Columbia, S. C. 1898. 

Prof. John Francis Greene, Brown University, Providence, R.I. 1909. 

Prof. Herbert Eveleth Greene, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1890. 

* Miss Rebecca T. Greene, Palo Alto, Cal. (721 Webster St.). 1900. 
Prof. Wilber J. Greer, Washburn College, Topeka, Kan. 1892. 

* Prof. James O. Griffin, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal. 

(Box 144). 1896. 

Dr. Alfred Gudeman, Franz Josefstrasse 12, Munich, Germany. 1889. 
Dr. Roscoe Guernsey, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1902. 
Prof. Charles Burton Gulick, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (59 Fayer- 

weather St.). 1894. 

Dr. Richard Mott Gummere, Haverford College, Haverford, Pa. 1907. 
Miss Grace Guthrie, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 1906. 
Dr. George D. Hadzsits, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1904. 
Dr. Walter D. D. Hadzsits, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1904. 

* Prof. A. S. Haggett, University of Washington, Seattle, Wash. 1901. 
Miss Elizabeth Hazelton Haight, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 1902. 
Prof. William Gardner Hale, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1882. 
Prof. Arthur P. Hall, Drury College, Springfield, Mo. 1886. 

Prof. F. A. Hall, Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. (531 Spring Ave.). 


Frank T. Hallett, Cathedral School of St. Paul, Garden City, L. I., N. Y. 1902. 
Prof. T. F. Hamblin, Bucknell University, Lewisburg, Pa. 1895. 
Prof. H. A. Hamilton, Elmira College, Elmira, N. Y. 1895. 
Principal John Calvin Hanna, High School, Oak Park, 111. (209 South East Ave.). 


Prof. Albert Granger Harkness, Brown University, Providence, R. I. 1896. 
Prof. Austin Morris Harmon, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1907. 
Prof. Karl P. Harrington, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn. 1892. 
Miss Mary B. Harris, 821 N. Charles St., Baltimore, Md. 1902. 
Prof. W. A. Harris, Richmond College, Richmond, Va. (1606 West Grace St.). 


Prof. William Fenwick Harris, 8 Mercer Circle, Cambridge, Mass. 1901. 
Prof. J. E. Harry, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, O. 1896. 
Dr. Carl A. Harstrom, The Harstrom School, Norwalk, Conn. 1900. 
Maynard M. Hart, Wm. McKinley High School, St. Louis, Mo. 1909. 
Prof. Samuel Hart, Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown, Conn. 1871. 

* Prof. Walter Morris Hart, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2255 Pied- 

mont Ave.). 1903. 
W. O. Hart, 134 Carondelet St., New Orleans, La. 1909. 

cxxx American Philological Association 

Eugene W. Harter, Erasmus Hall High School, Brooklyn, N. Y. (121 Marlborough 

Road). 1901. 

Prof. Harold Ripley Hastings, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 1905. 
Prof. Adeline Belle Hawes, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass. 1902. 
Dr. Edward South worth Hawes, Polytechnic Institute, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1888. 
Rev. Dr. Henry H. tjaynes, 6 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1900. 
Eugene A. Hecker, 67 Oxford St., Cambridge, Mass. 1907. 
Prof. William A. Heidel, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn. 1900. 
Prof. F. B. R. Hellems, State University of Colorado, Boulder, Colo. 1900. 
Prof. Otto Heller, Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. 1896. 
Prin. Nathan Wilbur Helm, Evanston Academy of Northwestern University, 

Evanston, 111. 1900. 

* Prof. George Hempl, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal. 


Prof. Archer Wilmot Hendrick, Whitman College, Walla Walla, Wash. 1904. 
Prof. George L. Hendrickson, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1892. 
Prof. John H. Hewitt, Williams College, Williamstown, Mass. 1886. 
Prof. Joseph Willia*n Hewitt, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn. 1905. 
Edwin H. Higley, Groton School, Groton, Mass. 1899. 
Prof. Henry T. Hildreth, Roanoke College, Salem, Va. 1896. 
Prof. James M. Hill, Central High School, Philadelphia, Pa. 1900. 
Dr. Gertrude Hirst, Barnard College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1902. 
Harwood Hoadley, 140 West I3th St., New York, N. Y. 1903. 
Prof. Helen Elisabeth Hoag, Mt. Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass. 1907. 
Archibald L. Hodges, Wadleigh High School, I I4th St., near 7th Ave., New York, 

N. Y. 1899. 

* Miss F. Hodgkinson, Lowell High School, San Francisco, Cal. 1903. 

Prof. Arthur W. Hodgman, Ohio State University, Columbus, O. (325 West loth 

Ave.). 1896. 

Prof. Charles Hoeing, University of Rochester, Rochester, N. Y. 1899. 
Prof. Horace A. Hoffman, University of Indiana, Bloomington, Ind. 1893. 
Dr. D. H. Holmes, Eastern District High School, Brooklyn, N. Y. (878 Driggs 

Ave.). 1900. 

Prof. W. D. Hooper, University of Georgia, Athens, Ga. 1894. 
Prof. E. Washburn Hopkins, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. (299 Lawrence 

St.). 1883. 

Prof. Joseph Clark Hoppin, 304 Sears Bldg., Boston, Mass. 1900. 
Prof. Robert C. Horn, Muhlenberg College, Allentown, Pa. 1909. 
Dr. Herbert Pierrepont Houghton, Amherst College, Amherst, Mass. 1907. 
Prof. William A. Houghton, Brunswick, Me. 1892. 
Prof. Albert A. Howard, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (12 Walker St.). 


Prof. George E. Howes, W T illiams College, Williamstown, Mass. 1896. 
Prof. Frank G. Hubbard, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 1896. 
Prof. J. H. Huddilston, University of Maine, Orono, Me. 1898. 
Prof. Walter Hullihen, Grant University, Chattanooga, Tenn. 1904. 
Prof. Milton W. Humphreys, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. 1871. 
Stephen A. Hurlbut, 119 W. 92d St., New York, N. Y. 1903. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 cxxxi 


Prof. Richard Wellington Husband, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 1907. 

Dr. George B. Hussey, East Orange, N. J. 1887. 

Prof. Frederick L. Hutson, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1902. 

Prin. Maurice Hutton, University College, Toronto, Can. 1908. 

Prof. J. W. D. Ingersoll, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. (139 York St.). 


Prof. A. V. Williams Jackson, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1884. 
Prof. Carl Newell Jackson, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (25 Beck Hall). 


Prof. M. W. Jacobus, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn. 1893. 
Prof. Hans C. G. von Jagemann, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (113 

Walker St.). 1882. 

* M. C. James, High School, Berkeley, Cal. 1900. 

Prof. Samuel A. Jeffers, Central College, Fayette, Mo. 1909. 

Dr. Charles W. L. Johnson, 10 South St., Baltimore, Md. 1897. 

Prof. William H. Johnson, Denison University, Granville, O. 1895. 

Prof. Eva Johnston, University of the State of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 1902. 

Prof. George W. Johnston, University of Toronto, Toronto, Can. 1895. 

* Prof. Oliver M. Johnston, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, 

Cal. (Box 767). 1900. 

Prof. Charles Hodge Jones, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1906. 
Prof. Horace L. Jones, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1908. 
Prof. J. C. Jones, University of the State of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 1902. 

* Winthrop L. Keep, Mills College, Alameda Co., Cal. 1900. 

Prof. George Dwight Kellogg, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. (10 Nassau 

St.). 1897. 

Prof. Francis W. Kelsey, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1890. 
Prof. Roland G. Kent, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. (College 

Hall). 1903. 
Prof. James William Kern, Washington and Lee University, Lexington, Va. 


Prof. David R. Keys, University College, Toronto, Can. 1908. 
Prof. John B. Kieffer, Franklin and Marshall College, Lancaster, Pa. 1889. 
Prof. William Hamilton Kirk, Rutgers College, New Brunswick, N. J. 1898. 
Prof. J. C. Kirtland, Phillips Exeter Academy, Exeter, N. H. 1895. 
Prof. George Lyman Kittredge, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (8 Hilliard 

St.). 1884. 
Dr. William H. Klapp, Academy of the Protestant Episcopal Church, 1324 Locust 

St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1894. 
Prof. Charles Knapp, Barnard College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

(1737 Sedgwick Ave.). 1892. 

* P. A. Knowlton, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal. 1909. 
Charles S. Knox, St. Paul's School, Concord, N. H. 1889. 

Miss Lucile Kohn, 1138 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1905. 

* Dr. Alfred L. Kroeber, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1902. 
Prof. William H. Kruse, Fort Wayne, Ind. 1905. 

* Dr. Benjamin P. Kurtz, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1906. 
Prof. Gordon J. Laing, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1907. 

cxxxii American Philological Association 

Prof. A. G. Laird, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 1890. 

Prof. William A. Lamberton, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1888. 

* Prof. A. F. Lange, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2629 Haste St.). 


Prof. W. B. Langsdorf, Westminster College, Westminster, Col. 1895. 
Prof. Charles R. Lanman, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (9 Farrar St.). 


Lewis H. Lapham, 8 Bridge St., New York, N. Y. 1880. 
Prof. Abby Leach, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 1888. 
Dr. Arthur G. Leacock, Phillips Exeter Academy, Exeter, N. H. 1899. 
Dr. Emory B. Lease, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. (502 

West 1 5 ist St.). 1895. 

Prof. David Russell Lee, University of Chattanooga, Chattanooga, Tenn. 1907. 
Prof. Winfred G. Leutner, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, O. 1905. 

* Dr. Ivan M. Linforth, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2742 Derby St.). 

Prof. Herbert C. Lipscomb, Randolph-Macon Woman's College, Lynchburg, Ya. 


Prof. Charles Edgar Little, University of Nashville, Nashville, Tenn. 1902. 
Dr. Dean P. Lock wood, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1909. 
Prof. Gonzalez Lodge, Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 


Prof. O. F. Long, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. 1900. 
F. M. Longanecker, High School, Charleston, W. Va. 1906. 
Prof. George D. Lord, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 1887. 
Daniel W T . Lothman, East High School, Cleveland, O. 1909. 
D. O. S. Lowell, Roxbury Latin School, Boston, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. Frederick Lutz, Albion College, Albion, Mich. 1883. 
Prof. Nelson G. McCrea, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1890. 
Prof. Walton Brooks McDaniel, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

(College Hall). 1901. 

Prof. J. H. McDaniels, Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y. 1871. 
Miss Mary B. McElwain, Sage College, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1908. 
Prof. A. St. Clair Mackenzie, State College of Kentucky, Lexington, Ky. (Life 

member). 1901. 

Prof. George F. McKibben, Denison University, Granville, O. 1885. 
Miss Harriett E. McKinstry, Lake Erie College, Painesville, O. 1 88 1. 
Prof. Charlotte F. McLean, Albert Lea College, Albert Lea, Minn. 1906. 
Pres. George E. MacLean, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, la. (603 College 

St.). 1891. 

Prof. John MacNaughton, McGill University, Montreal, Can. 1909. 
Donald Alexander MacRae, Macmillan Co., 66 Fifth Ave., New York, N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. Grace H. Macurdy, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. Ashton Waugh McWhorter, Hampden-Sidney College, Hampden-Sidney, 

Va. 1909. 

Robert L. McWhorter, University of Georgia, Athens, Ga. 1906. 
Prof. David Magie, Jr., Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. (12 Nassau St.). 


Proceedings for December, 1909 cxxxiii 

Dr. Ralph Van Deman Magoffin, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1908. 

Dr. Herbert W. Magoun, 70 Kirkland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1891. 

Prof. John D. Maguire, Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C. 1906. 

Pres. J. H. T. Main, Iowa College, Grinnell, la. 1891. 

Prof. J. Irving Manatt, Brown University, Providence, R. I. (15 Keene St.). 

Prof. John M. Manly, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1896. 

Prof. Richard Clarke Manning, Kenyon College, Gambier, O. 1905. 

Prof. F. A. March, Sr., Lafayette College, Easton, Pa. 1869. 

Prof. Allan Marquand, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1891. 

* Prof. E. Whitney Martin, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, 

Cal. 1903. 

Prof. Henry Martin, Wells College, Aurora, N. Y. 1909. 

Dr. Winfred R. Martin, Hispanic Society of America, 1561!! St., West of Broad- 
way, New York, N. Y. 1879. 

Miss Ellen F. Mason, I Walnut St., Boston, Mass. 1885. 

* Miss Gertrude H. Mason, Berkeley, Cal. (2627 Channing Way). 1906. 
Dr. Maurice W. Mather, 41 Dana St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894. 

* Prof. John E. Matzke, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal. 

(Box 105). 1900. 

Prof. Clarence Linton Meader, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1902. 
Clarence W. Mendell, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1908. 
Prof. Frank Ivan Merchant, Iowa State Normal School, Cedar Falls, la. (1928 

Normal St.). 1898. 

Ernest Loren Meritt, 140 S. Main St., Gloversville, N. Y. 1903. 
Prof. Elmer Truesdell Merrill, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1883. 

* Prof. William A. Merrill, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2609 College 

Ave.). 1886. 

Dr. Truman Michelson, The Harvard Club, 27 W. 44th St., New York, N. Y. 1900. 
Dr. Charles C. Mierow, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1909. 
Prof. Alfred W. Milden, University of Mississippi, University, Miss. 1903. 
Prof. C. W. E. Miller, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1892. 
Prof. Walter Miller, Tulane University, New Orleans, La. 1900. 
Prof. Clara E. Millerd, Iowa College, Grinnell, la. 1902. 
Prof. William McCracken Milroy, Geneva College, Beaver Falls, Pa. 1909. 
Dr. Richard A. v. Minckwitz, De Witt Clinton High School, New York, N. Y. 

(Amsterdam Ave. and iO2d St.). 1895. 

Charles A. Mitchell, Asheville School, Asheville, N. C. 1893. 
Prof. Walter Lewis Moll, Concordia College, Ft. Wayne, Ind. 1909. 
Prof. Annie Sybil Montague, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass. 1906. 
Prof. James Raider Mood, Villanova College, Villanova, Pa. 1909. 
Prof. Clifford Herschel Moore, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (112 

Brattle St.). 1889. 

Prof. Frank Gardner Moore, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1888. 
Prof. George F. Moore, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (3 Divinity Ave.). 


Prof. J. Leverett Moore, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 1887. 
Prof. Warren I. Moore, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M. 1908. 

cxxxiv American Philological Association 

Paul E. More, 260 W. 99th St., New York, N. Y. 1896. 

Prof. Edward P. Morris, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. (53 Edgehill Road). 


Prof. Charles M. Moss, University of Illinois, Urbana, 111. 1907. 
Prof. Lewis F. Mott, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. 1898. 
Frank Prescott Moulton, High School, Hartford, Conn. 1909. 

* Francis O. Mower, High School, Ukiah, Cal. 1900. 

* Miss Geneva W. Mower, Mills College, Alameda Co., Cal. 1908. 

Prof. George F. Mull, Franklin and Marshall College, Lancaster, Pa. 1896. 

* Dr. E. J. Murphy, Tarlac, Tarlac Province, Philippine Islands. 1900. 

* Prof. Augustus T. Murray, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, 

Cal. (Box 112). 1887. 

Prof. E. W. Murray, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kan. 1907. 
Prof. Howard Murray, Dalhousie College, Halifax, N. S. 1907. 
Prof. Wilfred P. Mustard, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1892. 
Prof. Francis Philip Nash, Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y. 1872. 
Dr. K. P. R. Neville, Western University, London, Can. 1902. 

* Prof. A. G. Newcomer, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Palo Alto, Cal. 1902. 
Dr. Charles B. Newcomer, Drake University, Des Moines, la. (Life member). 


Prof. Barker Newhall, Kenyon College, Gambier, O. 1891. 
Prof. Frank W. Nicolson, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn. 1888. 
Prof. William A. Nitze, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1902. 
Prof. Paul Nixon, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Me. 1907. 

* Prof. George R. Noyes, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2249 College 

Ave.). 1901. 

* Prof. H. C. Nutting, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (Box 272). 1900. 
Dr. Charles J. Ogden, Barnard College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

(250 W. 88th St.). 1909. 

Prof. Marbury B. Ogle, University of Vermont, Burlington, Vt. 1907. 
Prof. George N. Olcott, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. (438 W. I i6th St.). 


Prof. William Abbott Oldfather, University of Illinois, Champaign, 111. 1908. 
Prof. Samuel Grant Oliphant, Olivet College, Olivet, Mich. 1907. 

* Dr. Andrew Oliver, Broadway High School, Seattle, Wash. 1900. 
Prof. Edward T. Owen, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 1896. 
Prof. W. B. Owen, Lafayette College, Easton, Pa. 1875. 

Prof. Elizabeth H. Palmer, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 1902. 
Prof. Charles P. Parker, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (1075 Massa- 
chusetts Ave.). 1884. 

* Clarence Paschall, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2736 Parker St.) 


Prof. James M. Paton, care of Morgan, Harjes et Cie., Bd. Haussmann, Paris. 

John Patterson, University of Louisville, Louisville, Ky. (1117 Fourth St.). 1900. 

Dr. Charles Peabocly, Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. (197 Brattle Street, Cam- 
bridge, Mass.). 1894. 

Dr. Mary Bradford Peaks, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 1905. 

Proceedings for December ; 1909 cxxxv 

Prof. Arthur Stanley Pease, University of Illinois, Champaign, 111. 1906. 

Dr. Ernest M. Pease, 31 E. iyth St., New York, N. Y. 1887. 

Prof. Tracy Peck, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1871. 

Miss Frances Pellett, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. (Kelly Hall). 1893. 

Dr. Daniel A. Penick, University of Texas, Austin, Tex. 1902. 

Prof. Charles W. Peppier, Emory College, Oxford, Ga. 1899. 

Dr. Elizabeth Mary Perkins, 1355 Irving St., Washington, D. C. 1904. 

Prof. Emma M. Perkins, Western Reserve University (College for Women), Cleve- 
land, O. 1892. 

W. H. Perkins, 700 Equitable Bldg., Baltimore, Md. 1909. 

Prof. Bernadotte Perrin, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. (463 Whitney Ave.). 

Prof. Edward D. Perry, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1882. 

* Dr. Torsten Petersson, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1905. 
Prof. John Pickard, University of the State of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 1893. 

* Dr. W. R. Pinger, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2551 Benvenue 

Ave.). 1908. 

Dr. William Taggard Piper, 179 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1885. 
Prof. Perley Oakland Place, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 1906. 
Prof. Samuel Ball Plainer, Adelbert College of Western Reserve University, 

Cleveland, O. (2033 Cornell Rd.). 1885. 

* Dr. William Popper, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2326 Russell St.). 


Prof. William Porter, Beloit College, Beloit, Wis. 1888. 
Prof. Edwin Post, De Pauw University, Greencastle, Ind. 1 886. 
Prof. Franklin H. Potter, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, la. 1898. 
Henry Preble, 42 Stuyvesant Place, New Brighton, S. I., N. Y. 1882. 
Prof. William K. Prentice, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1895. 
Prof. Henry W. Prescott, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1899. 

* Prof. Clifton Price, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (17 Panoramic Way) 


Prof. Benjamin F. Prince, Wittenberg College, Springfield, O. 1893. 
Prof. Robert S. Radford, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, Tenn. 190x3. 
Prof. Edward Kennard Rand, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (107 Lake 

View Ave.). 1902. 

Prof. Charles B. Randolph, Clark College, Worcester, Mass. 1905. 
Prof. Edwin Moore Rankin, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1905. 

* Miss Cecilia Raymond, Berkeley, Cal. (2407 S. Atherton St.). 1900. 
Prof. John W. Redd, Centre College, Danville, Ky. 1885. 

Prof. Kelley Rees, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1909. 
Prof. A. G. Rembert, Woford College, Spartanburg, S. C. 1902. 

* Prof. Karl G. Rendtorff, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Palo Alto, Cal. (1130 

Bryant St.). 1900. 
Prof. Horatio M. Reynolds, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. (85 Trumbull St.). 

Prof. Alexander H. Rice, Boston University, Boston, Mass. 1909. 

* Prof. Irmagarde Richards, Mills College, Alameda Co., Cal. 1909. 

* Prof. Leon J. Richardson, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1895. 

cxxxvi American Philological Association 

Dr. Ernest H. Riedel, University of the State of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 1908. 
Dr. Ernst Riess, Boys' High School, Brooklyn, N. Y. (221 W. H3th St., N. Y.). 

Prof. Archibald Thomas Robertson, Southern Bapt. Theol. Seminary, Louisville, 

Ky. 1909. 

Prof. John Cunningham Robertson, St. Stephen's College, Annandale, N. Y. 1909. 
Prof. Edmund Y. Robbins, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1895. 
Prof. David M. Robinson, John Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1905. 
Fletcher Nichols Robinson, Phillips Exeter Academy, Exeter, N. H. 1909. 
Dr. James J. Robinson, Hotchkiss School, Lakeville, Conn. 1902. 
Prof. W. A. Robinson, Lawrenceville School, Lawrenceville, N. J. 1888. 
Prof. Joseph C. Rockwell, Buchtel College, Akron, O. 1896. 
Prof. Frank Ernest Rockwood, Bucknell University, Lewisburg, Pa. 1885. 
George B. Rogers, Phillips Exeter Academy, Exeter, N. H. 1902. 
Prof. John C. Rolfe, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1890. 
C. A. Rosegrant, Potsdam State Normal School, Potsdam, N. Y. 1902. 
Prof. Clarence F. Ross, Allegheny College, Meadville, Pa. 1902. 
Martin L. Rouse, 39^ Buchanan St., Toronto, Can. 1908. 
Prof. Herbert Victor Routh, Trinity College, Toronto, Can. 1909. 
Prof. August Rupp, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. 1902. 

* Dr. Arthur W. Ryder, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2337 Telegraph 

Ave.). 1902. 
Prof. Julius Sachs, Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

(149 West 8ist St.). 1875. 

Prof. William Berney Saffold, University of Alabama, University, Ala. 1909. 
Benjamin H. Sanborn, Wellesley, Mass. 1890. 
Prof. Henry A. Sanders, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. (1227 

Washtenaw Ave.). 1899. 

Prof. Myron R. Sanford, Middlebury College, Middlebury, Vt. 1894. 
Winthrop Sargent, Jr., Haverford, Pa. 1909. 

Miss Catharine Saunders, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 1900. 
Prin. Joseph H. Sawyer, Williston Seminary, Easthampton, Mass. 1897. 
Pres. W. S. Scarborough, Wilberforce University, Wilberforce, O. 1882. 
John N. Schaeffer, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1909. 

* Prof. H. K. Schilling, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2316 Le Conte 

Ave.). 1901. 

Prof. J. J. Schlicher, State Normal School, Terre Haute, Ind. 1901. 
Dr. Charles P. G. Scott, 49 Arthur St., Yonkers, N. Y. 1880. 
Prof. John Adams Scott, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. (2040 Orrington 

Ave.). 1898. 
Prof. Henry S. Scribner, Western University of Pennsylvania, Allegheny City, Pa. 


* Prof. Colbert Searles, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal. 

(60x40). 1901. 

Prof. Helen M. Searles, Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass. 1893. 
Charles D. Seely, State Normal School, Brockport, N. Y. 1888. 

* Prof. Henry Senger, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (1429 Spruce St.). 


Proceedings for December, 1909 cxxxvii 

J. B. Sewall, Brandon Hall, Brooklinsi, Mass. 1871. 

* S. S. Seward, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal. (Box 

771). 1902. 

Prof. R. H. Sharp, Jr., Randolph-Macon Woman's College, Lynchburg, Va. (Col- 
lege Park P.O.). 1897. 

George M. Sharrard, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, la. 1908. 

J. A. Shaw, Highland Military Academy, Worcester, Mass. 1876. 

Dr. T. Leslie Shear, Barnard College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1906. 

Prof. Edward S. Sheldon, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass, (n Francis Ave.). 

Miss Emily Shields, 2021 Maryland Ave., Baltimore, Md. 1909. 

Prof. F. W. Shipley, Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. 1900. 

Prof. Paul Shorey, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1887. 

Prof. Grant Showerman, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 1900. 

Dr. Edgar S. Shumway, Manual Training High School, Brooklyn, N. Y. (472 E. 
i8th St.). 1885. 

Prof. E. G. Sihler, New York University, University Heights, New York, N. Y. 

Prof. Kenneth C. M. Sills, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Me. 1906. 

Rev. John Alfred Silsby, Shanghai, China. 1907. 

Prof. Charles F. Sitterly, Drew Theological Seminary, Madison, N. J. 1902. 

* Prof. Macy M. Skinner, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, 

Cal. 1906. 

Prof. Moses Stephen Slaughter, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 1887. 
Pres. Andrew Sledd, University of Florida, Lake City, Fla. 1904. 
Prof. Charles N. Smiley, Iowa College, Grienell, la. 1907. 
Prof. Charles Forster Smith, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 1883. 
Prof. Charles S. Smith, The George Washington University, Washington, D. C. 

(2122 H St.). 1895. 

David Wilkinson Smith, Brown University, Providence, R. I. 1909. 
G. Oswald Smith, University College, Toronto, Can. 1908. 
Prof. Harry de Forest Smith, Amherst College, Amherst, Mass. 1899. 
Prof. Josiah R. Smith, Ohio State University, Columbus, O. (950 Madison Ave.). 


Prof. Kirby Flower Smith, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1897. 
Prof. Herbert Weir Smyth, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (15 Elmwood 

Ave.). 1886. 

Dr. Aristogeiton M. Soho, Baltimore City College, Baltimore, Md. 1909. 
Prof. Edward H. Spieker, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. (915 Ed- 

mondson Ave.). 1884. 
Dr. Sidney G. Stacey, Erasmus Hall High School, Brooklyn, N. Y. (177 Woodruff 

Ave.). 1901. 
Prof. Wallace N. Stearns, University of North Dakota, Grand Forks, N. D. 

Prof. R. B. Steele, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn. (2401 West End). 


Prof. J. R. S. Sterrett, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. (2 South Ave.). 1885. 
Prof. Manson A. Stewart, Yankton College, Yankton, S. D. 1909. 

cxxxviii American Philological Association 

Prof. Francis H. Stoddard, New York University, University Heights, New York, 

N. Y. 1890. 

Prof. Duane Reed Stuart, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1901. 
Dr. E. H. Sturtevant, Barnard College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

(Sterling PI., Edgewater, N. J.). 1901. 

Prof. William F. Swahlen, De Pauw University, Greencastle, Ind. 1904. 
Prin. William Tappan, Jefferson School, Baltimore, Md. 1909. 
Prof. Frank B. Tarbell, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1882. 
Prof. Julian D. Taylor, Colby University, Waterville, Me. 1890. 
Prof. Glanville Terrell, University of Kentucky, Lexington, Ky. 1898. 

* Reuben C. Thompson, University of Nevada, Reno, Nev. 1908. 
Prof. William E. Thompson, Hamline University, St. Paul, Minn. 1877. 

Dr. Willmot Haines Thompson, Jr., Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1909. 

* Prof. David Thomson, University of Washington, Seattle, Wash. 1902. 
Prof. George R. Throop, Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. 1907. 
Dr. Charles H. Thurber, 29 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1901. 

Prof. FitzGerald Tisdall, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. 


Prof. Henry A. Todd, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1887. 
Prof. Herbert Cushing Tolman, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn. 1889. 
Prof. Edward M. Tomlinson, Alfred University, Alfred, N. Y. 1882. 
Prof. William W. Troup, Westminster College, New Wilmington, Pa. 1907. 
Prof. J. A. Tufts, Phillips Exeter Academy, Exeter, N. H. 1898. 
Mrs. Josephine Stary Valentine, Orienta Ave., Belle Harbor, N. Y. 1899. 
Prof. Esther B. Van Deman, Afaerican School of Classical Studies, Rome, Italy 

(Via Vicenza 5). 1899. 

Dr. Harry Brown Van Deventer, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1907. 
Henry B. Van Hoesen, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1909. 
Prof. LaRue Van Hook, Barnard College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 


Addison Van Name, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. (121 High St.). 1869. 
Prof. N. P. Vlachos, Temple University, Philadelphia, Pa. 1903. 
Prof. Frank Vogel, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston, Mass. 1904. 
Dr. W. H. Wait, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1893. 
Miss Mary V. Waite, Kemper Hall, Kenosha, Wis. 1908. 
Dr. John W. H. Walden, 13 Mt. Auburn St., Cambridge, Mass. 1889. 
Prof. Arthur T. Walker, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kan. 1895. 
Prof. Alice Walton, care of Brown Shipley & Co, 123 Pall Mall, London. 1894. 
Prof. Harry Barnes Ward, Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y. 1905. 
Dr. Edwin G. Warner, Polytechnic Institute, Brooklyn, N. Y. (56 Montgomery 

Place). 1897. 
Andrew McCorrie Warren, care of Brown, Shipley & Co., 123 Pall Mall, London. 


* Prof. Oliver M. Washburn, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (Faculty 

Club). 1908. 
Prof. William E. Waters, New York University, University Heights, N. Y. (604 

West 1 1 5th St.). 1885. 
Prof. John C. Watson, University of Nevada, Reno, Nev. 1902. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 cxxxix 

Dr. Robert Henning Webb, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 1909. 

Dr. Helen L. Webster, Farmington, Conn. 1890. 

Prof. Raymond Weeks, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1902. 

Prof. Charles Heald Weller, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa. 1903. 

Prof. Andrew F. West, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1886. 

Prof. J. H. Westcott, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1891. 

Prof. J. B. Weston, Christian Biblical Institute, Stanfordville, N. Y. 1869. 

Prof. Monroe Nichols Wetmore, Williams College, Williamstown, Mass. 1906. 

Prof. L. B. Wharton, College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Va. 1888. 

Prof. Arthur L. Wheeler, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1899. 

* Pres. Benjamin Ide Wheeler, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1879. 
Prof. James R. Wheeler, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1885. 

Prof. G. M. Whicher, Normal College, New York, N. Y. (507 West nith St.). 

Dr. Andrew C. White, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. (424 Dryden Road). 


Prof. John Williams White, 1 8 Concord Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1874. 
Miss Mabel Whiteside, Randolph-Macon Woman's College, College Park, Va. 


* Prof. Edward A. Wicher, San Francisco Theological Seminary, San Anselmo, 

Cal. 1906. 

Prof. Alexander M. Wilcox, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kan. 1884. 
Prof. Henry D. Wild, Williams College, Williamstown, Mass. 1898. 
Charles R. Williams, Indianapolis, Intl. (1005 N. Meridian St.). 1887. 
Prof. George A. Williams, Kalamazoo College, Kalamazoo, Mich. (136 Thompson 

St.). 1891. 

Prof. Mary G. Williams, Mt. Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass. 1899. 
Dr. Gwendolen B. Willis, Milwaukee-Downer College, Milwaukee, Wis. 1906. 
Prof. Harry Langford Wilson, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1898. 
Dr. John Garrett Winter, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1906. 

* Dr. F. Winther, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (2131 Haste St.). 1907. 
Prof. Boyd Ashby Wise, Oklahoma Agricultural and Mechanical College, Still- 
water, Okla. 1909. 

Prof. Henry Wood, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1884. 

John Neville Woodcock, Trinity College, Toronto, Can. 1908. 

Prof. Willis Patten Woodman, Hobart College, Geneva, N.Y. 1901. 

Prof. Frank E. Woodruff, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Me. 1887. 

C. C. Wright, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. 1902. 

Prof. Ellsworth D. Wright, Lawrence College, Appleton, Wis. 1898. 

Prof. Henry B. Wright, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. (86 Connecticut 

Hall). 1903. 

Prof. Henry P. Wright, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. (128 York St.). 1883. 
Prof. Herbert H. Yeames, Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y. 1906. 
Prof. Clarence H. Young, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. (3 1 2 West 88th St.) . 

Mrs. Richard Mortimer Young, care of MoYgan, Harjes et Cie, Bd. Haussmann, 

Paris. 1906. 

[Number of Members, 640] 

cxl American Philological Association 


Albany, N. Y. : New York State Library. 
Amherst, Mass. : Amherst College Library. 
Ann Arbor, Mich. : Michigan University Library. 
Auburn, N. Y. : Theological Seminary Library. 
Austin, Texas : University of Texas Library. 
Baltimore, Md. : Johns Hopkins University Library. 
Baltimore, Md. : Peabody Institute. 
Berkeley, Cal. : University of California Library. 
Boston, Mass. : Boston Public Library. 
Brooklyn, N. Y. : The Brooklyn Library. 
Brunswick, Me. : Bowdoin College Library. 
Bryn Mawr, Pa. : Bryn Mawr College Library. 
Buffalo, N. Y. : The Buffalo Library. 
Burlington, Vt. : Library of the University of Vermont. 
Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard College Library. 
Chicago, 111. : The Newberry Library. 
Chicago, 111. : Public Library. 

Clermont Ferrand, France : Bibliotheque Universitaire. 
Cleveland, O. : Library of Adelbert College of Western Reserve University. 
Columbus, O. : Ohio State University Library. 
Crawfordsville, Ind. : Wabash College Library. 
Detroit, Mich. : Public Library. 
Easton, Pa. : Lafayette College Library. 
Evanston, 111. : Northwestern University Library. 
Gambier, O. : Kenyon College Library. 
Greencastle, Ind. : Library of De Pauw University. 
Hanover, N. H. : Dartmouth College Library. 
Iowa City, la. : Library of the State University of Iowa. 
Ithaca, N. Y. : Cornell University Library. 
Lincoln, Neb. : Library of the State University of Nebraska. 
Marietta, O. : Marietta College Library. 
Middletown, Conn. : Wesleyan University Library. 
Milwaukee, Wis. : Public Library. 
Minneapolis, Minn. : Athenaeum Library. 
Minneapolis, Minn. : Library of the University of Minnesota. 
Nashville, Tenn. : Vanderbilt University Library. 
Newton Centre, Mass. : Library of Newton Theological Institution. 

New York, N. Y. 
New York, N. Y. 
New York, N. Y. 
New York, N. Y. 

Philadelphia, Pa. 
Philadelphia, Pa. 
Philadelphia, Pa. 

New York Public Library. 

Library of Columbia University. 

Library of the College of the City of New York. 

Union Theological Seminary Library. 

Olivet, Mich. : Ol vet College Library. 

American Philosophical Society. 
The Library Company of Philadelphia. 
The Mercantile Library. 

Proceedings for December, 1909 cxli 

Philadelphia, Pa. : University of Pennsylvania Library. 

Pittsburg, Pa. : Carnegie Library. 

Poughkeepsie, N. Y. : Vassar College Library. 

Providence, R. I. : Brown University Library. 

Rochester, N. Y. : Rochester University Library. 

Stanford University, Cal. : Leland Stanford Jr. University Library. 

Tokio, Japan : Library of the Imperial University. 

Toronto, Can. : University of Toronto Library. 

Tufts College, Mass. : Tufts College Library. 

University of Virginia, Va. : University Library. 

Urbana, 111. : University of Illinois Library. 

Washington, D. C. : Library of the Catholic University of America. 

Washington, D. C. : United States Bureau of Education. 

Wellesley, Mass. : Wellesley College Library. 

Worcester, Mass. : Free Public Library. [60] 



Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. 

American School of Classical Studies, Athens. 

American School of Classical Studies, Rome (Via Vicenza 5). 

British Museum, London. 

Royal Asiatic Society, London. 

Philological Society, London. 

Society of Biblical Archaeology, London. 

Indian Office Library, London. 

Bodleian Library, Oxford. 

University Library, Cambridge, England. 

Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, Scotland. 

Trinity College Library, Dublin, Ireland. 

Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta. 

Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Shanghai. 

Japan Asiatic Society, Yokohama. 

Public Library of Victoria, Melbourne, Australia. 

Sir George Grey's Library, Cape Town, Africa. 

Reykjavik College Library, Iceland. 

University of Christiania, Norway. 

University of Upsala, Sweden. 

Stadsbiblioteket, Goteborg, Sweden. 

Russian Imperial Academy, St. Petersburg. 

Austrian Imperial Academy, Vienna. 

Anthropologische Gesellschaft, Vienna. 

Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence. 

Reale Accademia delle Scienze, Turin. 

Societe Asiatique, Paris. 

cxlii American Philological Association 

Athenee Oriental, Louvain, Belgium. 

Curatorium of the University, Leyden, Holland. 

Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, Batavia, Java. 

Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences, Berlin. 

Royal Saxon Academy of Sciences, Leipsic. 

Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences, Munich. 

Deutsche Morgenlandische Gesellschaft, Halle. 

Library of the University of Bonn. 

Library of the University of Freiburg in Baden. 

Library of the University of Giessen. 

Library of the University of Jena. 

Library of the University of Konigsberg. 

Library of the University of Leipsic. 

Library of the University of Toulouse. 

Library of the University of Tubingen. 

Imperial Ottoman Museum, Constantinople. [44] 



The Nation. 

Journal of the American Oriental Society. 
Publications of the Modern Language Association of America. 
Classical Philology. 
Modern Philology. 
The Classical Journal. 
Athenaeum, London. 
Classical Review, London. 
Revue Critique, 28 Rue Bonaparte, Paris. 
Revue de Philologie, Paris (Adrien Krebs, 1 1 Rue de Lille). 
Memoires de la Societe de Linguistique, a la Sorbonne, Paris. 
Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, Berlin. 
Wochenschrift fur klassische Philologie, Berlin. 
Deutsche Litteraturzeitung, Berlin. 
Literarisches Centralblatt, Leipsic. 

Indogermanische Forschungen, Strassburg (K. J. Triibner). 
Musee Beige, Liege, Belgium (Prof. Waltzing, 9 Rue du Pare). 
Zeitschrift fur die osterr. Gymnasien, Vienna (Prof. J. Coiling, Maximilians- 

Rivista di Filologia, Turin (Ermanno Loescher). 
Bolletino di Filologia Classica, Via Vittorio Amadeo ii, Turin. 
La Cultura, Rome, Via dei Sediari i6A. 
Biblioteca delle Scuole Italiane, Naples (Dr. A. G. Amatucci, Corso Umberto 

I, 106). [22] 

[Total (640 + 60 + 44 + 22) = 766] 





1. This Society shall be known as "The American Philological Association." 

2. Its object shall be the advancement and diffusion of philological knowl- 


1. The officers shall be a President, two Vice-Presidents, a Secretary and 
Curator, and a Treasurer. 

2. There shall be an Executive Committee of ten, composed of the above 
officers and five other members of the Association. 

3. All the above officers shall be elected at the last session of each annual 

4. An Assistant Secretary, and an Assistant Treasurer, may be elected at the 
first session of each annual meeting, on the nomination of the Secretary and the 
Treasurer respectively. 


1. There shall be an annual meeting of the Association in the city of New 
York, or at such other place as at a preceding annual meeting shall be deter- 
mined upon. 

2. At the annual meeting, the Executive Committee shall present an annual 
report of the progress of the Association. 

3. The general arrangements of the proceedings of the annual meeting shall 
be directed by the Executive Committee. 

4. Special meetings may be held at the call of the Executive Committee, when 
and where they may decide. 


I. Any lover of philological studies may become a member of the Association 
by a vote of the Executive Committee and the payment of five dollars as initiation 
fee, which initiation fee shall be considered the first regular annual fee. 

1 As amended December 28, 1907. 



American Philological Association 

2. There shall be an annual fee of three dollars from each member, failure in 
payment of which for two years shall ipso facto cause the membership to cease. 

3. Any person may become a life member of the Association by the payment 
of fifty dollars to its treasury, and by vote of the Executive Committee. , 


1. All papers intended to be read before the Association must be submitted 
to the Executive Committee before reading, and their decision regarding such 
papers shall be final. 

2. Publications of the Association, of whatever kind, shall be made only under 
the authorization of the Executive Committee. 


Amendments to this Constitution may be made by a vote of two-thirds of 
those present at any regular meeting subsequent to that in which they have been 


CERTAIN matters of administration not specifically provided for in 
the Constitution have been determined from time to time by special 
votes of the Association, or of its Executive Committee. The more 
important of these actions still in force are as follows : 

1. WINTER MEETINGS. On September 19, 1904, the Association, which had 
been accustomed to hold its annual meetings in the month of July, voted, "That, 
by way of experiment, the next two meetings of the Association be held during 
Convocation Week in 1905 and 1906" (PROCEEDINGS, xxxv, li). At the second 
of the annual meetings under this vote, held at Washington, January 2-4, 1907, 
it was voted " That until further notice the Association continue the practice of a 
winter meeting, to be held between Christmas and New Year's, if possible in 
conjunction with the Archaeological Institute of America" (XXXVII, xi). This 
action was further confirmed at the Baltimore meeting, December 30, 1909 
(XL, xii). 

2. NOMINATING COMMITTEE. On July 8, 1903, the Association, in session at 
New Haven, voted to establish a permanent Nominating Copimittee of five 
members, one of whom retires each year after five years of service, and is replaced 
by a successor named by the President of the Association. In accordance with 
the terms of the vote in question the standing Committee on Nominations was 
confirmed by the Association at the Toronto meeting (xxxiv, xix, xlvi ; XXXIX, 
xii). The present membership of the Committee is as follows: 

Professor Herbert Weir Smyth, Chairman. 
Professor Samuel Ball Plainer. 
Professor Edward Capps. 
Professor Elmer Truesdell Merrill. 
Professor Charles E. Bennett. 

Association, in session at Madison, accepted the recommendation of the Execu- 
tive Committee defining the terms of affiliation between the Philological Associa- 
tion of the Pacific Coast and the American Philological Association (XXXI, xxix; 
cf. XXXII, Ixxii). 

tive Committee fixed the salary of the Secretary and Treasurer at $300, to include 
any outlay for clerical assistance (xxxn, Ixxii). 

5. PUBLISHING CONTRACT. The contract with Messrs. Ginn & Co. has been 
renewed July i, 1906, by authority of the Executive Committee, on the same 
terms as for the preceding lustrum (cf. XXXII, Ixxii). 





1869-1870 .... William Dwight Whitney 

1870-1871 .... Howard Crosby 

1871-1872 .... William W. Goodwin 

1872-1873 .... Asahel C. Kendrick 

1873-1874 . . . . Francis A. March 

1874-1875 . . . . J. Hammond Trumbull 

1875-1876 .... Albert Harkness 

1876-1877 . . . . S. S. Haldeman 

1877-1878 .... Basil Lanneau Gildersleeve 

1878-1879 .... Jotham B. Sewall 

1879-1880 .... Crawford H. Toy 

1880-1881 .... Lewis R. Packard 

1881-1882 .... Frederic D. Allen 

1882-1883 .... Milton W. Humphreys 

1883-1884 .... Martin Luther D'Ooge 

1884-1885 .... William W. Goodwin iterum 

1885-1886 .... Tracy Peck 

1886-1887 .... Augustus C. Merriam 

1887-1888 .... Isaac H. Hall 

1888-1889 .... Thomas Day Seymour 

1889-1890 .... Charles R. Lanman 

1890-1891 .... Julius Sachs 

1891-1892 .... Samuel Hart 

1892-1893 .... William Gardner Hale 

1893-1894 .... James M. Garnett 

1894-1895 . . . . John Henry Wright 

1895-1896 .... Francis A. March iterum 

1896-1897 .... Bernadotte Perrin 

1897-1898 .... Minton Warren 

1898-1899 .... Clement Lawrence Smith 

1899-1900 .... Abby Leach 


American Philological Association 



Samuel Ball Platner 

Andrew F. West 

Charles Forster Smith 

George Hempl 

Herbert Weir Smyth 

Elmer Truesdell Merrill 

Francis W. Kelsey 

Charles E. Bennett 

Basil Lanneau Gildersleeve iterum 

Paul Shorey 






George F. Comfort 
Samuel Hart 
Thomas C. Murray 
Charles R. Lanman 
John Henry Wright 
Herbert Weir Smyth 
Frank Gardner Moore 


J. Hammond Trumbull 
Albert Harkness 
Charles J. Buckingham 
Edward S. Sheldon 
John Henry Wright 
Herbert Weir Smyth 
Frank Gardner Moore 

1 The offices of Secretary and Treasurer were united in 1884 ; and in 1891- 
1892 the title Curator was allowed to lapse. 


THE annually published PROCEEDINGS of the American Philological 
Association contain, in their present form, the programme and minutes 
of the annual meeting, brief abstracts of papers read, reports upon the 
progress of the Association, and lists of its officers and members. 

The annually published TRANSACTIONS give the full text of such 
articles as the Executive Committee decides to publish. The PRO- 
CEEDINGS are bound with them as an Appendix. 

For the contents of Volumes i-xxxiv inclusive, see Volume xxxiv, 
pp. cxliii if. 

The contents of the last six volumes are as follows : 

1904. Volume XXXV 

Ferguson, W. S. : Historical value of the twelfth chapter of Plutarch's Life of 


Botsford, G. W. : On the distinction between Comitia and Concilium. 
Radford, R. S. : Studies in Latin accent and metric. 
Johnson, C. W. L. : The Accentus of the ancient Latin grammarians. 
Boiling, G. M. : The Cantikalpa of the Atharva-Veda. 
Rand, E. K. : Notes on Ovid. 
Goebel, J. : The etymology of Mephistopheles. 

Proceedings of the thirty-sixth annual meeting, St. Louis, 1904. 
Proceedings of the fifth and sixth annual meetings of the Philological Association 
of the Pacific Coast, San Francisco, 1903, 1904. 

1905. Volume XXXVI 

Sanders, H. A. : The Oxyrhynchus epitome of Livy and Reinhold's lost 


Meader, C. L. : Types of sentence structure in Latin prose writers. 
Stuart, D. R. : The reputed influence of the dies natalis in determining the 

inscription of restored temples. 
Bennett, C. E. : The ablative of association. 

Harkness, A. G. : The relation of accent to elision in Latin verse. 
Bassett, S. E. : Notes on the bucolic diaeresis. 
Watson, J. C. : Donatus's version of the Terence didascaliae. 


American Philological Association cxlix 

Radford, R. S. : Plautine synizesis. 
Kelsey, F. W. : The title of Caesar's work. 

Proceedings of the thirty-seventh annual meeting, Ithaca, N. Y., 1905. 
Proceedings of the seventh annual meeting of the Philological Association of the 
Pacific Coast, San Francisco, 1905. 

1906. Volume XXXVII 

Fay, E. W. : Latin word-studies. 

Perrin, B. : The death of Alcibiades. 

Kent, R. G. : The time element in the Greek drama. 

Harry, J. E. : The perfect forms in later Greek. 

Anderson, A. R. : ^'-readings in the Mss of Plautus. 

Hopkins, E. W. : The Vedic dative reconsidered. 

McDaniel, W. B. : Some passages concerning ball-games. 

Murray, A. T. : The bucolic idylls of Theocritus. 

Harkness, A. G. : Pause-elision and hiatus in Plautus and Terence. 

Cary, E. : Codex F of Aristophanes. 

Proceedings of the thirty-eighth annual meeting, Washington, D. C., 1907. 
Proceedings of the eighth annual meeting of the Philological Association of the 

Pacific Coast, Berkeley, 1906. 
Appendix Report on the New Phonetic Alphabet. 

1907. Volume XXXVIII 

Pease, A. S. : Notes on stoning among the Greeks and Romans. 
Bradley, C. B. : Indications of a consonant-shift in Siamese. 
Martin, E. W. : Ruscinia. 

Van Hook, L. R. : Criticism of Photius on the Attic orators. 
Abbott, F. F. : The theatre as a factor in Roman politics. 
Shorey, P.: Choriambic dimeter. 
Manfy, J. M. : A knight ther was. 
Moore, C. H. : Oriental cults in Gaul. 

Proceedings of the thirty-ninth annual meeting, Chicago, 111., 1907. 
Proceedings of the ninth annual meeting of the Philological Association of the 
Pacific Coast, Stanford University, 1907. 

1908. Volume XXXIX 

Spieker, E. H. : Dactyl after initial trochee in Greek lyric verse. 
Laing, G. J. : Roman milestones and the capita viarum. 
Bonner, C. : Notes on a certain use of the reed. 
Oldfather, W. A. : Livy i, 26 and the supplicium de more maiorum. 
Hadzsits, G. D. : Worship and prayer among the Epicureans. 
Anderson, W. B. : Contributions to the study of the ninth book of Livy. 
Hempl, G. : Linguistic and ethnografic status of the Burgundians. 
Miller, C. W. E. : On r6 5<? = whereas. 

Proceedings of the fortieth annual meeting, Toronto, Can., 1908. 
Proceedings of the tenth annual meeting of the Philological Association of the 
Pacific Coast, San Francisco, 1908. 


Proceedings for December, 1909 

1909. Volume XL 

Heidel, W. A. : The &vap/j.oi 6yicoi of Heraclides and Asclepiades. 

Michelson, T. : The etymology of Sanskrit punya-. 

Foster, B. O. : Euphonic embellishments in the verse of Propertius. 

Husband, R. W. : Race mixture in early Rome. 

Hewitt, J. W. : The major restrictions on access to Greek temples. 

Oliphant, S. G. : An interpretation of Ranae, 788-790. 

Anderson, A. R. : Some questions of Plautine pronunciation. 

Flickinger, R. C. : Scaenica. 

Fiske, G. C. : Lucilius and Persius. 

Mustard, W. P. : On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus. 

Shorey, P. : $6<ris, //.eXe-n;, IwurT^fjirj. 

Proceedings of the forty-first annual meeting, Baltimore, Md., 1909. 
Proceedings of the eleventh annual meeting of the Philological Association of 
the Pacific Coast, San Francisco, 1909. 

Appendix Index to volumes XXXI-XL. 

The Proceedings of the American Philological Association are 
distributed gratis upon application to the Secretary or to the Pub- 
lishers until they are out of print. 

Fifty separate copies of articles printed in the Transactions, twenty 
of articles printed in the Proceedings, are given to the authors for 
distribution. Additional copies will be furnished at cost. 

The " Transactions for" any given year are not always published 
in that year. To avoid mistakes in ordering back volumes, please 
state not the year of publication, but rather the y ear for which 
the Transactions are desired, adding also the volume-number, accord- 
ing to the following table : 

The Trans, for 1885 form Vol. xvi 

The Transactions for 1869 and 

1870 form Vol. 


The Trans, for 

1871 " " 


tt tt 

1872 " " 


a a 



" " 

1874 " 


K ft 

1875 " " 


" " 

1876 " 






1878 " 


u tt 

1879 " 



1880 " 



1881 " 


" " 

1882 " 


1883 " " 



1884 " " 


1886 " 


1887 " 


1888 " 

" XIX 

1889 " 

" XX 

1890 " 

" XXI 

1891 " 


1892 " 


1893 " 


1894 " 

" XXV 

1895 " 


1896 " 


1897 " 


1898 " 


1899 " 

" XXX 

1900 " 


American Philological Association cli 

The Trans, for 1901 form Vol. xxxn 
" " 1902 " " xxxiir 
" " 1903 " " xxxiv 
" " 1904 " " xxxv 

The Trans, for 1906 form Vol. xxxvn 
" " 1907 " " xxxvin 
" " 1908 " " xxxix 

" " 1909 " " XL 

" 1905 " " xxxvi 

The price of these volumes is $2.00 apiece, except Volumes xv, 
xx, xxm, xxxii, and XL, for which $2.50 is charged. The first two 
volumes will not be sold separately. A charge of fifty cents each is 
made for the Index of Authors and Index of Subjects to Vols. i-xx, 
to Vols. xxi-xxx, and to Vols. XXXI-XL. 


Back volumes will be bound in the style of this volume for thirty- 
five cents each by F. J. Barnard & Co., 1 7 Province St., Boston, Mass., 
provided at least twelve volumes are sent at a time, and the cost of 
transportation both ways is paid by the owner. All parcels should 
be plainly marked with the name and address of the sender, and the 
binders should be notified at the time the unbound volumes are sent 
in order that the sender may be identified. 

Libraries may obtain bound copies of the annual volumes at twenty- 
five cents per volume in addition to the regular price. 


Single COMPLETE SETS of the Transactions and Proceedings will be 
sold, until further notice, at a reduction of 20% 

It is especially appropriate that American Libraries should exert themselves to 
procure this series while it may be had. It is the work of American scholars, 
and contains many valuable articles not elsewhere accessible ; and, apart from 
these facts, as the first collection of essays in general philology made in this country, 
it is sure to be permanently valuable for the history of American scholarship. 



For indices to Volumes l-xx, xxi-xxx, see appendix to Volumes XX and xxx 

Roman numerals denote volumes of the Transactions, heavy faced Arabic numerals 
volumes of the Proceedings. Other figures refer to pages, the Roman pages of the 
Proceedings being here represented for brevity by Arabic. 

P. A. indicates a presidential address, with asterisk added for the Philological 
Association of the Pacific Coast. 

Brackets indicate papers of which no abstract was available ; but, beginning with 
Volume XXXVII, titles appearing in the Programme only are omitted. 


The theatre as a factor in Roman politics under the republic : XXXVIII 49. 


The Harpalos case : xxxii 121. 


Notes on the history of the doctrine of poetic justice : 40 95. 


The relation of the German Gregorius auf dem Stein to the Old French 
poem La Vie de Saint Gregoire : 39 5-2. 


The so-called praetorium in the Roman legionary camp at Lambaesis : 
38 12. 


The verbal in -reo in Polybius : 38 13. 

Polybius and the gods : 39 is. 

The use of c^rre in Biblical Greek compared with the Hebrew : 40 16. 


[The use of the optative with et in protasis] : 31 63. 

On the so-called iterative optative in Greek: xxxni 101. 

[Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 817, and secrecy in voting in the Athenian 

law courts, fifth century B.C.] : 35 87. 

On the costume of the Greek tragic actor in the fifth century B.C. : 37 40. 
The idle actor in Aeschylus : ib. 
Notes on Aeschylus {Sept. 495 f. ; Ag. 539, 1118) : 39 52. 


/u-readings in the Mss of Plautus : xxxvn 73. 
The status of the ^-diphthong in Plautus : 39 14. 
Some questions of Plautine pronunciation : XL 99. 


Some notes on Chaucer's treatment of the Somnium Scipionis : 33 98. 


[Logical thought power of Greek as shown in its hypothetical expres- 
sion] : 31 48. 


An examination of Shakspere's artistic reasons for introducing prose 
scenes and speeches in plays which are chiefly or partly in verse : 32 47. 


Contributions to the study of the ninth book of Livy : xxxix 89. 


2 Index of Contributors 


The fable in Archilochus, Herodotus, Livy, and Horace : 33 88. 


The source of Sheridan's Rivals : 34 105. 

Poe and plagiarism theory and practice : 38 si. 


On Bennett's critique of Elmer's theory of the subjunctive of obligation 

or propriety : 32 5. 
On the so-called prohibitive in Terence, Andr. 392 and elsewhere : ib. 85. 


Questions with /xij : 32 43. 

BADE, W. F. 

The decipherment of the Hittite inscriptions and the determination of 

the language : 36 66. 

The "Hand at the throne of Jah," Exod. xvii, 16: 37 40. 
Not monotheism, but mono-Jahwism asserted in Deuteronomy: 39 52. 


The Greek comic poets as literary critics : 34 34. 

BALL, A. P. 

The theological utility of the Caesar cult : 40 n. 


The cult of the nymphs as water-deities among the Romans: 34 6. 
The influence of Terence upon English comedy : 37 13. 


Two notes on the Latin present participle : 40 is. 


The scholia on gesture in the commentary of Donatus : 34 103. 
Direct speech in Lucan as an element of epic technic : 35 94. 
Quintilian on the status of the later comic stage : 40 21. 


Notes on the bucolic diaeresis: xxxvi in. 
The local allusion in Euripides : 40 22. 


Emendations to the tenth book of Pausanias : 31 6. 

The early Greek alphabets in the light of recent discoveries in Egypt : 

32 76. _ 

The dating of the Tphigenia in Tauris of Euripides: ib. 122. 
New inscriptions from the Asclepieum at Athens : 37 14. 
An unpublished portrait of Euripides : 39 15. 


The stipulative subjunctive in Latin : XXXI 223. 

The ablative of association : xxxvi 64. 

An ancient schoolmaster's message to present-day teachers (P. A.) : 39 15. 

BILL, C. P. 

Notes on the Greek deupbs and Qeupia: XXXII 196. 


On the minor and problematic Indo-European languages : 35 27. 


The Cantikalpa of the Atharva- Veda : xxxv 77. 

Contributions to the study of Homeric meter. I. Metrical lengthening 
and the bucolic diaeresis : 37 15. 


The Danaid-myth : XXXI 27. 

Two critical notes: (i) on a gloss in Suidas, (2) on Artemidorus, u, 
25 : 38 14. 

Index of Contributors 3 

Notes on a certain use of the reed, with special reference to some 
doubtful passages (Xen. Hell. II, I, 1-4; Plut. Dem. 29-30; Dem. de 
Cor. 129; Lucian, Scytha, 1-2) : XXXIX 35. 


On the distinction between comitia and concilium : XXXV 21. 


The pronominal group of words : 31 48. 

[Is " we " the plural of " I " ?] : 33 108. 

The Siamese vowels and diphthongs : 34 71. 

The Siamese vocabulary : its formal and conceptual features : 35 so. 

Indications of a consonant-shift in Siamese since the introduction of 

alphabetical writing : xxxvni 19. 

On certain determinatives of direction in Siamese : 38 si. 
Graphical analysis of the Siamese " tones " : 40 95. 


The music and poetic rhythm of the Greeks in the light of modern 
research : 33 53. 


The secession of Spartan nauarchs in Hellenica \ : XXXIV 33. 

Boyhood and youth in the days of Aristophanes : 37 15. 
BUCK, C. D. 

The source of the so-called Achaean-Doric KOLV^ : 31 19. 

The /ScwiXt/cds \6yos : 31 27. 


A study of Browning's Agamemnon: 32 97. 

A note on Seneca, Medea, 378-382 : 33 7. 

The first four feet of the hexameter of Horace's Satires : ib. 56. 

Comparisons and illustrations in the TO. irpbs eavr6v of Marcus Aurelius 

Antoninus : 36 29. 

The Aeschylean clement in Mrs. Browning's Writings: 38 14. 
A classification according to the subject-matter of the comparisons and 

illustrations in the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus: 39 16. 
Some new material dealing with the classical influence on Tennyson: 

40 22. 


Studies in Greek agonistic inscriptions: XXXI 1 1 2. 
Notes on rd d/3xai6repa Atovtffia : 32 29. 


The Athens of Aristophanes : 32 13. 

The cognomina of the goddess " Fortuna " : XXXI 60. 

Abstract deities in early Roman religion : 36 34. 


Victorius and codex T of Aristophanes : xxxvn 199. 

CERF, B. H. 

An interpretation of Plautus, Rudens, 148-152: 37 40. 

The Poetica of Ramon de Campoamor ; Is the Dolora a new literary 
type ? : 34 so. 

The vowel r and the coronal vowels in English : 35 so. 

The Don Juan Tenorio of Zorrilla and the legend of Don Juan : 37 42. 

Sun myths in Lithuanian folksongs: XXXI 189. 

Latin verbs in -cinari : 32 73. 

4 Index of Contributors 


Sepultura = sepulcrum : 34 73. 

The construction of Juvenal, Satire I : 35 71. 

Old problems in Horace and Vergil {Carm. I, 3, 18; Aen. I, 249; 

proper names of winds in Aen.) : ib. 96. 
The same continued (Carm. 1. c.) : 36 55. 
[The lesser ^zV-formulae in Roman burial inscriptions : 37 43.] 
The identity of the child in Vergil's Pollio : 38 32. 
Do., an afterword : 40 97. 


Pindar's accusative constructions : xxxii 16. 
On hiatus in Pindar : 33 so. 

A quantitative difficulty in the new metric : 35 43. 
On hiatus in Greek melic poetry : ib. 63. 

The correption of diphthongs and long vowels in hiatus, in Greek hex- 
ameter poetry : ib. 92 ; concluded : 36 57. 
The mind of Pindar (P. A.*) : 37 43. 
AiTrapal ' Addvai : 39 53. 
Notes on elision in Greek : 40 97. 


Citations of Plato in Clement of Alexandria : 33 12. 


The expression of certain orders of concepts in Old and Modern French : 

a study in linguistic progress : 39 53. 
The expression of certain categories of abstract thought in Villehardouin, 

Commines, and Michelet : 40 98. 


The metaphorical use of pronuba : 39 21. 


The use of the infinitive in Lucan, Valerius Flaccus, Statius, and 
Juvenal : 33 71. 


Zeus the heaven : 32 uo. 

Nature aspects of Zeus : 33 65. 

Emendation on Caesar, Bellum Gallicum, VI, 30, 4 : 36 25. 

The latest dated inscription from the site of Lavinium : 40 25. 

The reading of Propertius, II, 28, 54 : 38 32. 

The Latin indirect object governed by verbs signifying " favor," " help," 
" injure," etc.: 36 63. 


The treatment of time in the Aeneid : 40 25. 
D'OOGE, M. L. 

On the meaning of irpo^avreia: 35 11. 
DUNN, F. S. 

Juvenal as a humorist : 31 49. 

Cicero's lost oration pro Muliere Arretina : 33 100. 

The first steps in the deification of Julius Caesar : 40 27. 


The words used by Victor Hugo in Le Jour des Rois : 37 44. 
Two XIV century treatises on the education of women : 38 33. 


Miscellanea critica (Aesch. Prom. 2, Soph. O. T. 54 sq., Eur. Med. 
214-224, Eur. Hipp. 1-2, Person's rule) : 32 28. 

Index of Contributors 5 

Notes on the nominative of the first person in Euripides : 32 99. 

Studies in Sophocles' Trachiniaws : xxxm 5. 

[The prologue of the Agamemnon] : 33 84. 

Notes on Cicero de Natura Deorum, i : ib. 70. 

[Notes on Sophocles' Antigone\ : ib. 78. 

Notes : (a) Hor. C. I, 3, 1-8 ; (6) Plato, Rep. 423 B : 34 22. 


Phases of the diminutive suffix -ka in the Veda : 40 28. 


The question of the coincidence of word-accent and verse-ictus in the 

last two feet of the Latin hexameter : 34 26. 
Diaeresis after the second foot of the hexameter in Lucretius : Jb. eo. 


Notes on the conditional sentence in Horace : 32 98. 


On the subjunctive with forsitan : XXXII 205. 

Is there still a Latin potential ? A reply to Professor Hale : 32 m. 
A suggestion for a new Latin dictionary : 35 34. 


Notes on the text of Plautus : 32 66. 

Livy's account of the dramatic satura : 34 67. 

The subjunctive in the so-called restrictive ^#0</-clauses : 35 66. 

Notes on Horace, Sat. I, 6, 126, and Aristophanes, Peace 990: ib 92. 

[Plato's use of ayr6$] : 36 68. 

The pronominal use of 6 cnrr6s in Plato : 37 45. 

Note on the episode of the Delphic oracle in Plato's Apology : 38 88. 


The Etruscan necropolis of Abbadia del Fiume, near Pitigliano : 35 68. 


The gesture of supplication implied in yovvov/j.a.1, yowdfonai, yovv&v 

XajSeij/, etc., in Homer : 32 115. 
[On Aristophanes' testimony to social and economic conditions in 

Athens] : 33 77. 
Note on the standpoint for the study of religion in Homer : 36 48. 


The connection between music and poetry in Greek literature : 31 49. 

[Homeric song and the mode of rhapsodizing] : 33 86. 

The influence of Greek and Roman Art on Vergil : 35 69. 

A study of the forms of interrogative thought in Plato : ib. 94. 

The Helen episode in Vergil's Aeneid '(n, 559-621) : 36 57. 

A study of ctpo. in Plato : 37 46. 

The character of the hero in the fourth book of the Aeneid: ib. 

Virgil (P.A.*) : 38 34. 

Notes on the Aeneid ' : ib. 36. 

Some forms of interrogative thought in Plato : 40 99. 

FAY, E.W. 

Latin word-studies : XXXVII 5. 


[Some notes on Athenian constitutional history] : 34 71. 

Historical value of the twelfth chapter of Plutarch's Life of Pericles : 

xxxv 5. 

Athenian politics in the early third century before Christ : 35 79. 
Epigraphical notes : 36 62. 


The politics of the patrician Claudii : 32 74. 
Lucilius and Persius: XL 121. 

Index of Contributors 


The proprieties of epic speech in the Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius : 



The prooemium to the Aeneid ' : 34 32. 

The galliambic rhythm : 36 38. 

Prolegomena to the history and lexicography of the preposition de : 

Rhythmic alternation and coincidence of accent and ictus in Latin 

metric art : 38 15. 
The pre-acute, acute, grave, and zero stress in Latin speech and rhythm : 

The evolution of the Saturnian verse : 40 29. 


The accusative of exclamation in Plautus and Terence : 38 17. 
Certain numerals in the Greek dramatic hypotheses : 39 27. 
Scaenica : XL 109. 


Some notes on the history of philology during the middle ages : 32 eo. 

The history of English philology and its problems (P. A.*) : 33 85. 

History of the word religio in the middle ages : ib. 101. 

A Middle English anecdoton : 34 94. 

The study of English etymology during the seventeenth century : 35 70. 


Nicander and Vergil : 33 %. 

[Word-accent in Latin verse] : 35 70. 

[Notes on Propertius] : 36 67. 

Two notes on Propertius (n, 19, 23 f.; Ill, 9, 43 f.) : 37 46. 

On certain euphonic embellishments in the verse of Propertius : XL 31. 


Pliny, Pausanias, and the Hermes of Praxiteles : xxxi 37. 
The visits of Simonides, Pindar, and Bacchylides at the court of Hiero : 
32 so. 


Public appropriations for individual offerings and sacrifices in Greece : 
xxxn 72. 


The sources of the Paris Promptuarium Exemplorum : 34 96. 


[Philology of the Chinese language] : 31 49. 

Chinese literature : 32 54. 

Chinese poetry : 33 92. 

The Chinese normal essay : 34 100. 

The Chinese drama : 35 55. 


Supposed irregularities in the versification of Robert Greene : 31 63. 
Fresh light on facts and dates in the life of Robert Greene : 32 49. 
An important but neglected Elizabethan dramatist, Henry Porter : 33 82. 
What is comparative literature? (P. A.*) : 34 74. 
The master playwright of Wakefield : 35 89. 

The necessity for an American bureau for the facsimile reproduction of 
manuscripts : 36 64. 


The range and character of the philological activity of America (P. A.) : 
40 38. 

Index of Contributors J 


Structure of the verb in Hupa (a Californian language) : 34 98. 
The duration of English vowels in monosyllabic words : 35 90. 


[Goethe's Homunculus] : 31 50. 

The principles of hermeneutics : 32 66. 

[Faust as a document of Goethe's inner life] : 33 100. 

Herder and Goethe : 34 72. 

The etymology of Mephistopheles : XXXV 148. 

Cabala and alchemy in Goethe's Faust : 35 62. 

Neo-Platonic demonology in Goethe's Faust : 36 5. 


[Notes by an amateur on reading Plautus and Terence] : 31 50. 


Word-accent in Catullus' galliambics : XXXIV 27. 
A point in the plot of Oedipus Tyrannus : 39 28. 

GRAY, L. H. 

Notes on Indo-Iranian phonology : 32 82. 
Armenian dialectology : ib. 127. 


Htp in Thucydides, Xenophon, and the Attic orators : 32 186. 

Verbs compounded with prepositions in Aeschylus : 33 38. 

"IStos as a possessive in Poly hi us : 34 4. 

The land of Cocaigne in Attic comedy : ib. 32. 

The optative mood in Diodorus Siculus : ib. 62. 

The sources of the Germania of Tacitus : XXXI 93. 

[The purpose of the Germania of Tacitus] : 31 6. 

The incongruities in the speeches of ancient historians, from Herodotus 
to Ammianus Marcellinus, Introduction : 34 43. 

Quintilian's criticism of the metres of Terence : ib. 48. 

The Britons in Roman poetry (Lucr., Catull., Verg., Hor.) : 39 29. 

Apollo and the Python myth : 38 17. 

Significance of worship and prayer among the Epicureans : XXXIX 73. 

The theory of the worship of the Roman emperors : 40 39. 
HALE, W. G. 

Is there still a Latin potential? xxxi 138. 

The genitive and ablative of description : 31 31. 

[Notes on several points in Latin syntax] : 32 37. 

Leading case-forces in the Indo-European parent speech : ib. 88. 

Leading mood-forces in the Indo-European parent speech : ib. 120. 

[The Latin subjunctive of the second singular indefinite as a mood of 
statement] : 35 27. 

Relative standards in science and in syntax : 39 30. 

Conflicting terminology for identical conceptions in the grammars of 
Indo-European languages : 40 40. 

HALL, F. A. 

A reason for the length of the first choral ode of the Agamemnon : 33 32. 


Aristotle's theory of imagination : 32 so. 


The relation of accent to elision in Latin verse, not including the drama : 
xxxvi 82. 

8 Index of Contributors 

The relation of accent to pause-elision and to hiatus in Plautus and Ter- 
ence : xxxvn 153. 
The final monosyllable in Latin prose and poetry : 40 43. 


Tibullus as a poet of nature : 31 84. 

Propertius as a poet of nature : 32 20. 

The birth year of Tibullus : ib. 137. 

Cicero's Puteolanum : 33 52. 

Studies in the metrical art of the Roman elegists : 34 28. 

Horace as a nature poet : 35 5. 

The classification of Latin conditional sentences : 36 41. 

The " Latinity " fetish : 37 20. 

The classical element in XVIth century Latin lyrics : 40 44. 

Catullus, 66, 77-78: ib. 48. 


Repetition in Shakspere : 31 43. 

A misunderstood passage in Aeschylus [Prom. 119] : XXXII 64. 

The use of K^/cX^ai, and the meaning of Euripides, Hippolytus, 1-2 : 

On the omission of the copula in certain combinations in Greek : 34 8. 

The meaning of fyt/ia T^rpairrai, Euripides, Hippolytus, 246 : ib. 41. 

A misinterpreted Greek optative : 35 4. 

Some grammatical myths : ib. 24. 

Medea's marriage problem : 36 28. 

The meaning of Aeschylus, Prometheus, 435 : ib. 45. 

The perfect forms in later Greek from Aristotle to Justinian : XXXVII 53. 

The use of olos, TTO?OS, and oiroios : 38 18. 

On the interpretation of the first antistrophe of the Ajax of Sopho- 
cles: ib. 19. 

Plato, Phaedo, 66 B : 39 33. 

Emendations, with a new interpretation of Aeschylus, Prometheus, 791 
792 : 40 48. 


The use of sense-epithets in poetry : 32 17. 

HART, W. M. 

A note on the interpretation of the Canterbury Tales : 39 53. 


On Plato's Euthyphro : xxxi 163. 

Interpretation of Catullus, 8: 31 39. 

Catullus and Furius Bibaculus : 32 41. 

The problem of d\\ow<ns in pre-Socratic philosophy : 35 14. 

The dvap/Mi 67*01 of Heraclides and Asclepiades: XL 6. 


Lex de imperio Vespasiani ( CIL. vi, 930) : 32 iso. 

HELM, N. W. 

The carmen figuratum as shown in the works of Publilius Optatianus 

Porphyrius : 33 43. 
Cicero's villas : a comparative study : 36 27. 


The Salian hymn to Janus: XXXI 182. 

The origin of Latin -issimus .-31 30. 

The psychological basis of word order : ib. so. 

The variant runes on the Franks casket: XXXII 1 86. 

The Duenos inscription : xxxm 150. 

[America and the English Language (P. A.)] : 35 9. 

Report on the new phonetic alphabet (with C. P. G. Scott) : 37 95. 

The linguistic and ethnografic status of the Burgundians : XXXix 105. 

Index of Contributors 9 

Etruscan and other Old-Italic dialects : 39 34. 

Runic syllabic writing : ib. 54. 

[Specimen Venetic and Etruscan inscriptions] : 40 100. 


The technique of literary characterization in Dionysius of Halicar- 
nassus: 31 38. 


The major restrictions on access to Greek temples : XL 83. 


On variation of gender in Plautus : 32 88. 


Rousselot's Phonetic Synthesis : 34 28. 
[The ablative of time in Sanskrit] : ib. 40. 
Futures in -bo in modern Hindu dialects : 36 11. 
The Vedic dative reconsidered : xxxvn 87. 


Dramatic satura in relation to book satura and the fabula togata: 31 so. 


A proposed supplement to the Thesaurus linguae Latinae ; 35 22. 


Notes on Greek Grammar : 34 28. 


Race mixture in early Rome : XL 63. 


Platonists and Aristotelians : 39 34. 


Subjunctive meanings and a science of relations : 32 89. 
Stohr's Algebra der Grammatik : 33 11. 


The accentus of the ancient Latin grammarians : xxxv 65. 


Gemination in Terence : 36 44. 


[The use of le, la, les before me, te, vous, nous, lui, leur in Old French] : 

31 58. 

The episode of Yvain, the lion, and the serpent in Chretien de Troies : 

32 61. 

The fountain episode in Chretien de Troies's Yvain : 33 83. 

The use of ella, lei, and la as polite forms of address in Italian : 34 89. 

Sources of the Lay of Yonec : 35 94. 

Sources of the Lay of the Two Lovers : 36 64. 

Survival of the imperfect indicative of the Latin fieri in Italian : 37 47. 

Use of lai in the sense of lamenti in Italian poetry : 38 39. 

Sources of the legend of Floire and Blanchefloir : 40 100. 


Critical notes on Cicero's Letters : 32 4. 

Study of a proverb attributed to the rhetor Apollonius : 37 20. 
The satirical elements in Rutilius Claudius Namatianus : 39 35. 
A poetical source of Tacitus, Agricola, 12, 4: 40 49. 


The title of Caesar's work on the Gallic and Civil Wars: xxxvi 211. 
Codrus' Chiron (Juvenal 3, 205) : 37 22. 
Is there a science of classical philology? (P. A.) : 38 20. 
Pompeian illustrations to Lucretius : 40 51. 

io Index of Contributors 

KENT, R. G. 

When did Aristophanes die? 36 47. 

The time element in the Greek drama : xxxvn 39. 


Some phases of alliteration and rime in modern English and German : 

33 102 - 
The omission of the auxiliary verb in German : 34 95. 

KEYS, D. R. 

The study of philology in Ontario : 39 36. 

KIRK, W. H. 

Note on Velleius, n, 42, 2 : 33 10. 


Notes on the Medea of Seneca : 33 8. 

Note on Tacitus, Agricola, 31,5: ib. 49. 

A discussion of Cicero de Officiis, I, 7, 8 : 36 36. 

Notes on Plautus and Terence : ib. 46. 

Travel in ancient times as seen in Plautus and Terence : ib. 47. 

Recent contributions to the study of Lucilius : 39 39. 

Cicero de Officiis, n, io : 40 si. 

The dramatic satura among the Romans : ib. 52. 


[The relationship of the Indian languages of California] : 34 88. 
Numeral systems of the native languages of California: 35 69. 
The Yokuts Indian language of California : 36 59. 
Shoshonean dialects of California : 37 48. 
Compound nouns in American languages : 39 54. 


[Style and habit] : 37 48. 

Aristotle, Poetics, 24, 8-10 (1460 a) : 39 55. 


Roman milestones and the capita viarum : XXXIX 15. 

Some notes on the sources of Deloney's Gentle Craft : 33 82. 

On the relation of Old Fortunatus to the Volksbuch : 34 92. 


The criticism of the Atharva- Veda : 35 21. 


The indebtedness of Fielding to Cervantes : 32 62. 


The Athenian democracy in the light of Greek literature (P. A.) : 31 8. 


Notes on the pseudo-Vergilian Ciris : 36 52. 


Aristophanes in the XVth century : 40 56. 


Some passages concerning ball-games: xxxvii 121. 


Notes on Tacitus and Vergil : 32 79. 

The metrical reading of Latin poetry, and the treatment of elided sylla- 
bles in Latin verse : ib. 104. 

Is the present theory of Greek elision sound : 34 24. 

The dactylic, heroic, and KO.T' tvbir\iov forms of the hexameter, and their 
relation to the elegiac pentameter and the prosodiac tetrameter : ib. 51. 

Some popular errors in time relations (mechanically demonstrated) : 
36 33. 

Index of Contributors II 

Can ancient and modern views of the minor Sapphic and other logaoedic 

forms be reconciled : ib. 49. 

Three-eight and other analyses of logaoedic forms; 40 57. 
Aryan root vowels a query: ib. 60. 


A knight ther was : xxxvni 89. 


Three new types : xxxiv 104. 

[Alphabetic notation of variant sounds] : 35 22. 


Pleonastic formative elements in the Semitic languages: 31 59. 

Jeremiah a protesting witness of the act of 621 : 33 106. 

The plural of segolates : 35 63. 

A plea for the republication in a revised form of the Hebrew-Aramaic 
equivalents in the Oxford Concordance to the Septuagint and the 
other Greek Versions of the Old Testament : ib. 87. 


The terms cyma recta and cyma reversa ; 36 24. 


The derivation and meaning of luscinia : 35 86. 
Notes on the birds of Ovid : 36 66. 
Ruscinia : xxxvni 31. 


[The sources of Corneille's tragedy La mart de Pompee~\ : 31 69. 

The Anglo-Norman poet Simund de Freine : 33 90. 

[Saint George as an active figure in mediaeval tradition] : 34 99. 

[A neglected source of Corneille's Horace~\ : 35 69. 

Examples of French as spoken by Englishmen in Old French literature : 

ib. %. 

The composition of the Old French Roman de Galeran : 36 01. 
The Old French lay of Eliduc : 37 49. 


Notes on the order of words in Latin : 34 31. 

Types of sentence structure in Latin prose writers : xxxvi 32. 


Note on a certain periodicity in vital statistics: 31 20. 

Some observations on the arch of Trajan at Beneventum : XXXII 43. 

[On Pliny's prefecture of the treasury] : 33 -26. 

Supplementary note on the arch of Trajan at Beneventum : 35 14. 

On the date of Pliny's governorship of Bithynia : ib. 43. 

On the date of Notitia and Curiosum : 36 35. 

On certain Roman characteristics (P. A.) : 37 22. 

Budaeus and the lost Paris codex of Pliny's Letters : ib. 

On the eight-book tradition of Pliny's Letters in Verona : 40 62. 


Some Lucretian emendations: 31 12. 

Educare, educere, and educate : 32 61. 

Notes on the influence of Lucretius on Vitruvius : 35 16. 

Lucretiana : ib. 62. 

[On the problem of literary influence as illustrated by the relations of 

Horace to Lucretius (P. A.*)] : ib. 82. 
On Lucretius, v, 1006: 37 49. 
On Cicero's acquaintance with Lucretius' poem : 39 56. 


Some text emendations to the Rig- Veda, Atharva- Veda, and A'ena 
Upanishad : 32 76. 

12 Index of Contributors 

On some verb-forms in the Rdmdyana : 34 40. 
The etymology of Sanskrit punya- : XL 23. 

MlLDEN, A. W. 

The possessive in the predicate in Greek : 37 24. 
The article in the predicate in Greek : 40 63. 


Hephaestion and the anapaest in the Aristophanic trimeter : xxxiv 49. 
On rd M = ' whereas ' : XXXIX 121. 


The Oxyrhynchus epitome of Livy, Julius Obsequens, and Cassiodorus : 

35 16. 

The distribution of Oriental cults in the Gauls and the Germanics: 
xxxvin 109. 


Studies in Tacitean ellipsis : descriptive passages : xxxiv 5. 

Accent and ictus in late Latin hexameters : 35 10. 

Note on Tacitus, Histories, II, 40 : 40 64. 

The Aramaic papyri recently found at Assuan : 38 20. 

Greek and Roman rain-gods and rain-charms : XXXII 83. 

Remarks on the water supply of ancient Rome : xxxm 30. 

[The charge of ei^a in the Old Comedy] : 31 59. 

Corrections to Liddell and Scott's Greek Lexicon (8th ed.) : 32 57. 

The citizenship of Aristophanes : 34 82. 

On Iliad, ix, 334~343 : 35 75 - 

Aratus and Theocritus : 36 65. 

The bucolic idylls of Theocritus : xxxvn 135. 

Theocritus' treatment of the Daphnis story : 38 39. 

The interpretation of Aeschylus' Agamemnon : 39 56. 

On a use of 5o/c<3 : 40 101. 


[The influence of Homer upon Tennyson] : 31 21. 

Virgil's Georgics and the British poets : 37 25. 

Two notes in classical mythology : (i) Siren-mermaid, (2) Pegasus as 
the poet's steed : 38 21. 

Later echoes of the Greek bucolic poets : 39 39. 

On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus: XL 151. 

The literary relations of Edgar Allan Poe and Thomas Holley Chivers : 

34 W. 

The effect of enclitics on the accent of words in Latin : 37 27. 

Dryden's quarrel with Settle : 34 90. 

Tolstoy's literary technique in The Cossacks : 39 57. 

Cicero's use of the imperfect and pluperfect subjunctive in ^/-clauses: 
31 59. 

On the history of the unreal condition in Latin : 32 48. 

On the early history of conditional speaking : 33 105. 

The modes of conditional thought : 34 67. 

Concessive jz-clauses in Plautus : 35 54. 

Notes on the conspiracy of Catiline : ib. 83. 

[Note on the correlatives of si : 37 49]. 

A note on Cicero pro Sulla, 52 : 38 39. 

Index of Contributors 13 


Cretati pedes : 35 74. 

The lunula worn on the Roman shoe : 36 61. 

OGLE, M. B. 

The house-door in Greek and Roman religion and lore : 40 66. 


Livy, i, 26 and the supplicium de more maiorum : xxxix 49. 


An interpretation of Ranae, 788-790 : XL 93. 


[Lucretius' attitude towards children] : 34 106. 

AY-clauses in Virgil ; with special reference to protases in which the 
present subjunctive appears: 38 40. 

OWEN, E. T. 

A revision of pronouns with especial attention to relatives and relative 
clauses: 31 9. 


Plutarch's theory of poetry : 33 100. 
[English notes] : 35 88. 


The semasiology of Eng. loaf, Ger. Laib : 39 59. 


Notes on stoning among the Greeks and Romans : xxxvm 5. 


The potential subjunctive in Latin : 31 63. 

Note on Hor. Sat. I, 5, 1 6 nauta atque viator : 32 63. 

[The genuineness of the greeting in the letters to Appius] : 33 83. 


The Nikias of Pasiphon and Plutarch : XXXIII 139. 
The fiscal joke of Pericles : 34 20. 
The death of Alcibiades : xxxvn 25. 


The story of a grease spot : 40 68. 

PlNGER, W. R. 

Goethe and his public : 39 69. 


Notes on the Pompeian election-notices: 40 70. 


The archaic inscription in the Roman Forum : 32 u. 
The credibility of early Roman history (P. A.) : ib. si. 


Fragments of an early Christian liturgy in Syrian inscriptions : XXXIII 8l. 


Two German parallels to the Daphnis-myth : 33 105. 

Magister curiae in Plautus' Aulularia, 107: xxxiv 41. 

The name of the slave in Plautus' Aidularia : 35 97. 

Some phases of the relation of thought to verse in Plautus : 36 53. 

[The " Clubbruisian Ironrattlian Islands " of Plautus] : 37 49. 

Studies in the grouping of nouns in Plautus : 39 eo. 


Commands and prohibitions in Horace: 31 eo. 
[Inscription 2719 (Orelli) treated paleographically] : 34 94. 
CIL, XIV, 309 : 36 64. 

14 Index of Contributors 


The Middle English origin of many a man and similar phrases : 33 95. 

The Scalacronica version of Havelok : 34 91. 

Aftermath notes on the unique Havelok manuscript : 36 54. 


Greek elements in Schiller's poems : 32 66. 


Remains of synapheia in Horace and Roman tragedy : 32 9. 

The judgment of Caesar upon the vis of Terence : ib. 39. 

[The asyndeton of participles in the Attic orators] : 33 78. 

The Latin monosyllables in their relation to accent and quantity. A 

study in the verse of Terence : xxxiv 60. 
Studies in Latin accent and metric : XXXV 33. 
Plautine synizesis. A study of the phenomena of brevis coalescens : 

xxxvi 158. 
Assonance between ave, am, and au in Plautus : 37 28. 

RAND, E. K. 

Notes on Ovid: xxxv 128. 

Early mediaeval commentaries on Terence : 39 41. 

Do., addendum : 40 72. 


The apocope of s in Lucretius : 34 65. 


On the use of the sign of interrogation in certain Greek Mss : 40 73. 

The distribution of the roles in the new Menander : 40 75. 

A problem in German syntax : 32 50. 

p in Bacchylides : 32 55. 
RICE, C. C. 

The pronunciation of Gallic clerical Latin in the Merovingian and later 
periods : 35 64. 

Romance etymologies : ib. 90. 

The evidence of the monuments for the dress of Roman women : 40 101. 

On the form of syllables in classical Greek and Latin poetry: 31 u. 

Shortcomings in the rules of prosody : ib. 61. 

On the form of Horace's lesser Asclepiads : 32 64. 

On certain sound properties of the Sapphic strophe as employed by 
Horace: xxxm 38. 

Rhythm as concerned in poetry: 34 87. 

On figures of prosody in Latin : 35 88. 

Horace's Alcaic strophe : 36 67. 

Head of an ephebos from the theatre at Corinth : 34 37. 

Ancient Sinope : 36 25. 

The formation of Latin substantives from geographical adjectives by 
ellipsis: XXXI 5. 

Some uses of the prepositions in Horace : 31 34. 

Varia : 33 62. 

Notes: () On Plaut. Stick. 193 ff. (^) Some references to seasickness 
in the ancient writers : 34 5. 

Index of Contributors 15 

Afterthoughts: (a) Ab before proper names beginning with a conso- 
nant. () De tenero ungui, Hor. C. in, 6, 24. (<) Additional notes 
on canicula : ib. 65. 

Sicca ntors, Juvenal, 10, 113: 40 78. 


The pronunciation of c, g, and v in Latin : 40 78. 


The plot-structure of the Sanskrit drama : 37 so. 


The younger Ennius : 32 23. 

Some explanations and emendations to Livy : ib. 124. 

The grave of Tarpeia and the origin of the name of the Tarpeian rock : 

33 58 
The Oxyrhynchus epitome of Livy and Reinhold's lost chronicon : 

xxxvi 5. 

Greek Mss from Egypt, in the possession of Mr. Charles L. Freer : 38 22. 

Iphigenia in Euripides, Racine, and Goethe : 32 87. 

Brief notes on Thucydides : ib. 79. 

Notes on the meaning and use of <j>l\ajv and &vwv in Demosthenes de 

Corona, 46 : 33 20. 
Notes on Andocides and the authorship of the Oration against Alcibia- 

des : 34 41. 

Notes on Thucydides : 37 so. 
The Greeks and suicide : 38 22. 


The semasiology of Germ, schenken, Engl. skink : 33 87. 
Anthologia Latino, (Riese), no. 285 : 37 50. 
Framea : 39 60. 


Some unpublished manuscripts of the library of Maihingen : 32 52. 
Sudermann's dramatic development : 33 103. 


Further contributions to the Lithuanian accent question : 32 24. 

Some affinities in the Maya language : 31 21. 

The vowel in the writing of ancient Egypt : 32 189. 
SCOTT, C. P. G. 

[Assumed singulars] : 34 10. 

[Attraction in English (fourth paper)] : ib. 63. 

[West Indian Words in East Indian Languages] : ib. 

Report on the new phonetic alphabet (with G. Hempl) : 37 95. 


The force of sigmatism in Homer : 38 23. 
Homeric choice of dissyllables as influenced by metre : 39 42. 
Certain linguistic tests for the relative antiquity of the Iliad and Odys- 
sey : 40 83. 

" La moglie involata" in the Orlando Innamorato, I, XXII : 33 91. 

Herder's attitude toward the French stage : 34 72. 

Luigi Pulci, the first of the courtly cantastorie : 35 79. 

A neglected factor in the question of the mise en scene of the French 

classic tragedies of the sixteenth century : 36 53. 
The Cid before the French Academy: 39 ei. 

Chapelain's manuscript of the sentiments of the French Academy on the 
Cid : 40 102. 

1 6 Index of Contributors 


Notes on Aeschylus and Aristophanes : 32 138. 


[/^^/-interpretations] : 31 63. 

The figurative expressions in the works of Heinrich von Kleist : 35 89. 

A criticism of texts offered for the reading of advanced German in our 

colleges and universities : 36 eo. 
Heinrich Heine as a prophet : 37 51. 


Notes on Homeric war : xxxi 82. 

The Homeric Hades and the dead : 35 13. 


Etymologies of some Latin words of -will and desire : 31 24. 


Numeral corruptions in a ninth-century Ms of Livy : xxxm 45. 

A critical note on Catullus, Carm. 68, 93 : 35 7. 

[The Puteanus group of Mss of the third decade of Livy : a revision 

of the classification of /3 and X] : ib. 44. 

The Puteanus group of Mss of the third decade of Livy : 39 42. 
The effect of enclitics on Latin word accent in the light of republican 

prose usage : 40 83. 


[On the principle and terminology of motion in the pre-Socratic cos- 
mogonies] : 35 14. 

Choriambic dimeter and the rehabilitation of the antispast: XXXVin 57. 
4>tf(ris, /*eX^T77, ^7rt<m)/r>7 : XL 185. 


Was Attis at Rome under the Republic ? XXXI 46. 
Cicero's appreciation of Greek art : 34 35. 


Notes on juristic Latin : 32 3. 

Note on an elusive preposition (</0) : ib. 36. 


On a certain matter in the earlier literary history of Aristophanes : 31 13. 

As to Caesar's personal culture : his affinity for Menander : 32 101. 

Studies in Hesiod : 33 26. 

Filelfo in his letters : 36 6. 

On the personality of Pausanias the periegete : ib. si. 

Macrobius and the dusk of the gods : 40 85. 

SILLS, K. C. M. 

On virtus and for tuna in certain Latin writers: 39 43. 


Traces of epic usage in Thucydides : XXXI 69. 

Poetical words and constructions in Xenophon's Anabasis : 33 34. 

Character-drawing in Thucydides (P. A.) : 34 10. 


A preliminary study of certain manuscripts of Suetonius' Lives of the 
Caesars : 32 26. 


[Irregular forms of the elegiac distich] : 32,104. 


Aspects of Greek conservatism (P. A.) : 36 20. 

On the use of the dactyl after an initial trochee in Greek lyric verse: 
xxxix 5. 

Index of Contributors \j 


On the Greek in Cicero's Epistles: 31 16. 

Anaphora and chiasmus in Livy : XXXII 154. 

The ablative absolute in Livy : 32 33. 

Some forms of complemental statements in Livy: XXXIII 55. 

The pestilences mentioned by Livy : 33 64. 

The gerund and gerundive in Livy : 34 38. 

The ablative absolute in the epistles of Cicero, Seneca, Pliny, and 

Fronto : 34 i. 
The genitive in Livy : 40 87. 


The reputed influence of the dies natalis in determining the inscription 
of restored temples : XXXVI 52. 


Contractions in the case-forms of the Latin io- and zVz-stems and of deus, 
is, and idem : 32 LJI. 


Lost Greek literature : 37 si. 


An inscribed proto-Corinthian lecythus: 31 19. 


Historical note on Herodotus i, 106: 31 IT. 

The temple of Zei)s 877X0?, Herodotus i, 181 : 32 %. 

The Persian fta<ri\^ioi 6eol of Herodotus, III, 65, v, 106: 33 67. 

Danielsson's Assimilation mit nachtraglicher Diektasis : 34 20. 

Critical note on irpodeovai, Iliad, i, 291 : 35 42. 

A reexamination of the inscription of Artaxerxes II, on the mouldings 

of columns from Ecbatana : 36 32. 

A conjectural Persian original of Aristophanes, Acharnians, 100: 37 3-2. 
The historical and the legendary in Herodotus' account of the accession 

of Darius, ill, 27-88 : 38 24. 
The recently discovered Turfan fragments of the crucifixion of Jesus : 

The Etruscan aisar, ais, altrol : 40 88. 


Three terra-cotta heads : 34 37. 


The criticism of Photius on the Attic orators: xxxvni 41. 


On some ancient and modern etymologies: xxxn no. 
Did Cicero write helium Poenicum in Brutus, 75 ? 34 43. 
On the stele inscription in the Roman Forum : 37 33. 


An Horatian gloss : 32 95. 

The uses of the preposition cum in Plautus : 33 75. 

On Iliad, II, 408 aur6^taros ... 5" ?}A0e . . . Me^Aaos : 36 19. 


[On the relation between the scene-headings and the miniatures in the 

Mss of Terence] : 33 56 
Donatus' version of the Terence didascaliae : XXXVI 125. 


Contributions to the study of Suppletivwesen : 35 37. 


The lost parts of Latin literature (P. A.) : 33 21. 


Index of Contributors 


The place of philology: 31 si. 

The causes of uniformity in phonetic change: XXXH 5. 
Herodotus' account of the battle of Salamis: xxxni 127. 
The so-called mutation in Indo-European compounds: 34 68. 
The parodos of Sophocles' Antigone : 35 65. 


[Two lexicographical notes] : 33 ei. 


The use of the word i\aa-T^piov in Rom. iii, 25 and Heb. ix, 5 : 40 102. 


Some linguistic principles and questions involved in the simplification 
of the nomenclature of the brain : 36 13. 


The use of the simple for the compound verb in Juvenal : xxxi 202. 
The Codex Canonicianus Lat. XLI and the tradition of Juvenal : 34 19. 


Carlyle and the German classics : 38 41. 
Venice Preserved : 40 103. 


Notes on Demosthenes de Corona : 32 26 
Plato's simile of the cave : 35 22. 


a, confused with au (Gothic) : XXXI 185. 

ab, in Hor. : 31 34 ; before proper names with init. cons. : 34 56. 

abata : XL 85, 89 f. 

Abbadia del Fiume, Etruscan necropolis at : 35 68 ff. 

Abbreviations, resolution of: XXXI 183, etc. 

abhi, with ace. in Skt. : XXXVII 117, 119. 

abiurare : XXXII 114. 

Ablative, absolute, in Livy : 32 88 ff . ; in epistles of Cic., Sen., Plin., Fronto : 34 

61 f. ; association : XXX VI 64 ff. ; descriptive : 31 81. 
Aborigines, in Italy : XL 65 f., 68 ff. 

Abstract thought, expression of, in French of different periods : 40 98 f. 
Abstracts, as names : XXXIII 158; in Homer : 4088. 

deities in early Roman religion : 36 84 f. 
acalanthis : xxxvin 31, 36 ff. 
Accent, Greek : XXXV 65 f., 74 ; XL 70. 

Latin: xxxv 65 ff. ; early history of: XL 68 ff. ; recessive : xxxiv 71 ff., 93 ff., 

101 ; initial : ib. 95 f. ; XL 68 ff. ; stress, in relation to pitch : xxxv 66 ff. ; 

XL 70; acute: xxxv 67 ff., 70 ff. ; grave: ib. 67, 69, 71 ; circumflex: ib. 

68 ff. ; penultimate law, due to native tribes of Italy : XL 69 f. ; accent of 

adj. : xxxv 48 f. ; conj. : ib. 34 ff. ; pron. : ib. 36 ff. ; effect of enclitics on 

accent : 37 27 f. ; 40 83 f. ; accent and pause-elision in verse : xxxvi 82 ff. ; 

XXXVII 153 ff . ; and ictus, alternation and coincidence of: 38 15 ff. ; and 

ictus in hexam. : 34 26 ff. ; do. in late Latin : 35 10 f. 
Lithuanian : 32 24. 
accersif, arcessit : xxxvn 5, 24. 
Accusative, Skt., abhi with: ib. 117, 119; in Greek, Find.: XXXII 16 ff. ; in 

Latin, exclamatory, in Plaut. and Ter. : 38 n. 
Achaean-Doric KOIVJ): 31 19. 
actum est : xxxi 206. 
Acute stress, in Latin : 39 21 ff . 
adiurare : XXXII 114. 
Adnominatio, in Prop. : XL 54 f. 
Aeolica of Claudius : ib. 101 f. 
aequare, for cpd. : xxxi 203. 
Aeschines, style of: xxxvin 46. 
Aeschines, the Socratic : XXXIII 144 ff. 
Aeschylus, and Sophocles : XL 97 f. ; and Mrs. Browning : 38 14 f. ; on Salamis : 

XXXIII 127 ff . ; idle actor in: 37 40 ; time element in: xxxvn 39 ff., 50; 

verbs cpd. with prep, in: 33 38 ff. ; Agam., tr. Browning: 32 97 ff. ; length 

of first choral ode : 33 82 ; comp. with Med. and Track. : XXXIII 19 ; 

interpr. of: 39 56 f. ; 539,1118: ib. 52 ; 817: 3587; arg. Agam. : XLiogff.; 

Choeph. 277, 367 f . : 32 138 f . ; Prom. 2: ib. 28; 119: xxxn 64 ff.; 435: 

36 45 f . ; 79 1 f. : 40 48 f. ; Sept. 495 : 39 52. 
AyaXfjia : XXXII 92. 
Age statistics, Roman: 31 20. 

'Ay-^v: time and place of presentation : XXXII 128 ff. 
ager Ar\d fundus : XXXI 14. 
agere, for cpd. : ib. 203, 205. 
Agonistic inscrr. : ib. 112 ff. 
0z>/>/~ in Latin: xxxni 156. 

1 See page i (Index of Contributors). 

2O Index of Subjects 

aisar, ais, Etruscan : 40 88 f. 

afoot : ib. 

aKavdts: XXXVIII 40. 

Alchemy : 35 6-2. 

Alcibiades, date of return to Athens: XXXIV 40; death of: XXXVII 25 ff. 

Alcuin, calligraphic school of: xxxm 45. 

Alexandria, capture of (Pierre de Lusignan) : xxxvin 91, 96 ff. 

Algebra der Grammatik (Stohr) : 33 11. 

Algezir (Algeciras), siege of: xxxvin 91 ff. 

alibi . . . alibi, in Livy : XXXIII 69. 

aliquis dicat, etc. : XXXI 141 ff. 

Alliteration, Latin, in Juv. : ib. 209 ; in Prop. : XL 35, 44 ff. ; Mod. Eng. and 

Germ. : 33 102 f. 

XL 8 f. ; problem of, in pre-Socratics : 35 14. 
in Horn. : 35 75 ff. 
Alphabet, early Greek: 32 76 f. ; runic: XXXI 183; Siamese and Skt. : xxxvin 

20 ff. ; phonetic, new : 37 95 ff. 
ama-, amayavd- (Avest.) : xxxvii 21. 
d,u, : ib. 23. 

Amalgamation, in Roman religion : XXXI 6l. 
d/j.dpa, AW. XXXVII 21. 

amare, orig. sense of: ib. 19 ff.; etym. : 31 25. 
amarus, connected with amare, amoenus : xxxvii 19. 
dneivuv, etym. of: XXXIII 163. 
ameise : xxxvii 21. 

America, philological activity in : 40 38 f. 
American languages, cpd. nouns in : 3(5 54. 
dmes, (Ji}amus (?) : XXXVII 23. 
amlbi (Skt.) : ib. 21. 
amitram (Skt..) : ib. 

Ammianus, his indebtedness to Posidonius : XXXI 108. 
amoenus, connection with amare, amarus : xxxvii 19. 
Amulets: xxxv 87, 89, 104 ff., 108, 119 f., 122. 
Amymone : XXXI 29 ff . 
Anaclasis in galliambics : XXXIV 29 ff . 
Anacrustic scansion of iambic trim. : ib. 50 f., 53, 59. 
dvdyKrj: XXXVII 9 ; 'AvdyK-rj and Bia : XL 91. 
dvaKpova-ta: XXXVII 125. 

Analogy, changes due to: XXXIII 153 ; effect upon Latin accent: xxxiv 75. 
Anapaest, in the trim, of Aristoph. : XXXIV 49 ff. ; table of frequency : ib. 53 ; 

preponderance in even feet : ib. 52 ff. ; not a resolution of irrat. spond. : ib. 

54 ; in Mid. and New Com. : ib. 

Anaphora, in Livy: xxxn 154 ff. ; in Prop.: XL 37 ff., 62. 
avap/Aoi 6yKoi of Heraclides and Asclepiades: XL 5 ff. 
&vap/j.os, meaning of: ib. 19 ff. 
dva.6riiJ.aTa : XXXII 74 ff. 

Andocides, style of: XXXVIII 42 f. ; in Alcib. : 34 41. 
answer : XXXII 1 1 3. 
Anthol. 285 (Riese) : 37 50 f. 
Antigonus of Carystus, source of Plin. Sr. : XXXI 44. 
Antiphon, style of: xxxvni 41 f. 
Antiphon, the Sophist: XL 189 f. 

Antispast, rehabilitation of, in new metric : XXXVIII 57 ff., 67 ff., 8l, 87 f. 
Antoninus : v. Aurelius. 
Aorist, instead of pres., owing to character of verb : xxxn 67 : sigmatic : in 

XII Tab.: 324. 

v. Zeus. 

aperire : xxxn 113. 
Aphrodite, restrictions in her worship : XL 88 f. 
Apocope of s, in Lucr. : 34 65 f. 

Index of Stibjects 21 

&irb KOIVOV constr. : XXXI 5, 10. 

Apollo, and the Python : 38 n ; restrictions on access to his temples (Kdpvctos, 
H.60ios, STnjXcu'TTjs, etc.) : XL 85 f. 

Apollodorus, and the Danaid-myth : xxxi 27 ff. 

Apollonius Rhetor, a proverb attrih. to : 37 20 ff. 

Apollonius Rhodius, Arg., proprieties of epic speech in : 33 59 ff. 

d.Tr6ppal;is : 37 124 f. 

Apotheosis, of Caesar : 40 27 f. 

Apperception in sentence-structure : XXXVI 32 ff. 

Appropriations, public, for individual sacrifices, etc., in Greece: XXXII 72 ff. 

aquaelicium : ib. 102. 

Aramaic papyri (Assuan) : 38 20 f. 

Aratus and Theoc. : 36 65. 

arbor infeiix : XXXIX 51 ff., 69 f. 

Archaeology, terra-cotta heads : 34 37 ; head of an ephebus from Corinth : ib. ; 
Etruscan necropolis at Abbadia del Fiume : 35 68 ff. ; portrait of Eur. 
39 15 ; fibulae, Burgundian: xxxix 108 ff. ; Hermes of Praxiteles: q. v. 

Archers in Horn. : xxxi 88 f. 

Archilochus, fable in : 33 88 f. 

Archinus, decree of: XXXII 72, 80 f. 

Ares, access to his temples : XL 87 f. 

Aristides, at Salamis : XXXIII 134. 

Aristophanes, citizenship of: 34 82 ff. ; date of death: 36 47 f . ; early literary 
history of : 31 13; in the XVth century : 4056; boyhood and youth in: 37 
15 ff. ; places at Athens mentioned by: 32 1:5 ; parody of Eur.: xxxix 5 ff., 
12; time element in: XXXVII 47 ff . ; verse of: XXXIV 49 ff. ; codex F, his- 
tory of: xxxvn 199 ff. ; Ach. ioo, Persian original of: 37 32 f . ; Ach. and 
Aves, text of: xxxvn 199 ff. ; Pax, 990: 35 92 ff. ; Ran. 788 ff.: XL 93 ff. ; 

1437 f : 3 2 139 - 

Aristotelians : 39 34 f. 

Aristotle : ib. ; on the time element in tragedy : XXXVII 43 f., 50 f. ; theory of 
imagination : 32 so f. ; on the marvellous {Poet. 24, 8-10) : 39 55 f. 

Armenian, dialectology of: 32 127 ff. 

Armies before Troy, size of: XXXI 85. 

Art, Greek, Cic.'s appreciation of: 34 35 ff. ; influence on Verg. : 35 69. 

Artaxerxes II, inscr. of: 36 32 f. 

Artemidorus (emend.) : 38 14. 

Artemis, restrictions in her cult : XL 89 f. 

Article, Greek, in Horn. : 40 83 ; in pred. : 37 24 f. ; 40 63. 

Aryan and Semitic root vowels : 40 60 ff. 

Asclepiades of Prusa, his Avappoi 6jKoi: XL 5 ff. 

Asclepiads, in Hor. : 32 64 f. 

Asclepius, his Aftarov: XL 90. 

asia = ' rye ' : ib. 73. 

Asoka, inscrr. of: ib. 23 f., 26, 28. 

Assimilation in Horn. : 34 20 ff. 

Association, in sentence-structure : xxxvi 32 ff. ; abl. of: ib. 64 ff. 

Assonance, in Plaut. : 37 28 ff. ; XL 102 ; in Prop. : ib. 34, 38 f. 

Assuan, papyri : 38 20 f. 

asted = ast ? XXXin 1 54. 

ater and alter : xxxii 1 16 f. 

Atharva-Veda, criticism of: 35 21 ; Cantikalpa of: xxxv 77 ff. 

Athena, restrictions in her cult : XL 90. 

Athens, of Aristophanes : 32 13 ; boyhood at : 37 15 ff. ; courts of: 35 87 ; democ- 
racy in the light of Greek lit.: 31 8 ; economics of building: XXXV 12 ff. ; 
politics: 3579; transportation: XXXV 17 ; \nrapal 'AOavai : 395:5. 

Attis, in Catull. : xxxi 46, 55 f. ; earliest evidence: ib. 51 ff. ; in Greek lit. : ib. 
52 ff. ; in Roman lit. : ib. 46, 55 f., 59 ; in the East: ib. 52 f. ; not at Rome 
under the Republic : ib. 46 ff. ; under Empire : ib. 58. 

au confused with a (Gothic) : xxxi 185. 

22 Index of Subjects 

Aurelius, M., comparisons and illustrations in : 36 29 f.; 39 19 ff.; prayer to 

Zeus : xxxn 88. 
avffTf)p6s : xxxvii 1 6. 
aut . . . aut, in Livy : XXXlii 57. 
afir6s, in Plato : 36 68. 

Auxiliary verb omitted, in German : 34 95 f. 
ave, am, au, in Plaut. : 37 28 ff. 
Ba'al, in Gaul : xxxvni 113, 117 ff. 
Bacchylides, f in : 32 55 ; visits to Hiero : ib. 30. 
Bacon, Roger : 32 eo. 
Bo\apo : XL 74. 
Balingen fibula : xxxix 1 1 3 ff . 
Ball-games, Greek and Roman : xxxvii 121 ff. 
Baptista Mantuanus : v. Mantuanus. 
Barclay, Alexander, as imitator of Mantuan : XL 171 f. 
/3a<nX^ioi deol, the Persian : 33 67 ff. 
j3a<ri,\iKOs \67os : 31 27. 

Bassus, Aufidius, libri belli Germanici : XXXI 105. 
battuere, batter e : xxxii 113. 
bears < packs : XXXVII 10. 
/SejSijfcws as pres. : ib. 67 f. . 
Bellona, in Gaul and Germany : xxxvm 115 f. 
Belmarye : ib. 92 f. 
Belus, in Gaul : ib. 113. 

Beneventum, arch of Trajan at : xxxii 43 ff.; 35 14 ff. 
Bible, Freer Mss of : 38 22. 

Biblical Greek, &<rre in, compared with Hebrew : 40 16. 
Birds : xxxvni 31 ff.; in Ovid : 36 66 f. 
* Black stone ' inscr. (Forum) : 32 u ff . ; 37 83 f. 
-bo futures, Hindu dialects : 36 11 ff. 
Bodincus : XL 72 f. 
Bojardo, Orlando : 33 91. 

Boyhood, Athenian, temp. Aristoph. : 37 15 ff. 
Brain, simplified nomenclature of : 36 13 ff. 
brevis brevians : xxxvi 176 f. ; coalesce ns : ib. 173 ff. 
Britons in Roman poetry : 39 29 f. 
fipovr&v : v. Zeus. 
Browning, Agam.: 32 97 ff. 
Browning, Mrs., and Aesch. : 38 14 f. 
Bucolic, reality of the : xxxvii 135 ff., 151 f.; poets, Greek, modern echoes of: 

39 39 ff. 

Bucolic diaeresis : xxxvi in ff.; 37 15. 
Budaeus and Pliny's Ep.: 37 22 ff. 
Burgundians, linguistic and ethnographic status of : xxxix 105 ff.; their language 

a link between Norse and Anglo-Frisian : ib. 117 f.; their migrations : 

ib. 107 f. 

Burton, Anat. of Mel., quotations from Mantuan : XL 168. 

c, Latin, confused with r : xxxi 183 ; with z : ib. ; pronunciation of : 40 78 ff. 
Cabiri : XL 91. 

cadere, for cpd. : xxxi 210 f. 
Caecilius (rhetor) : xxxvni 41 ff. 

caedere, for cpd.: XXXI 21 1; and s cinder e : XXXVII 8. 
Caesar, Julius, deification of: 40 27 f. ; his personal culture : 32 101 ff.; his 

affinity for Menander : ib.; as source for Tac. Germ.: xxxi 96 f. ; indebted 

to Posidonius : ib. 108 ; on the vis of Ter. : 32 39 ff. ; title of his work: 

xxxvi 21 1 ff.; B.C., date of : ib. 216 ff. ; purpose of : ib. 219 ff.; vi, 30, 4, 

emended : 36 25 ; B.C., date of : xxxvi 234 f. 
Caesar cult, theological utility of : 40 17 f.; theory of : ib. 39 f. 
Caesura, in Hor.'s Sapphics : XXXIII 38 ff. 
campana, ' bell ' : XXXI 14. 

Index of Subjects 23 

Campoamor, Poetica : 34 so ff. 

canicula = Sirius : ib. 69 f. 

Canterbury Tales : xxxvin 89 ff.; structure and interpretation of : 39 68 f. 

Cantikalpa of the Atharva- Veda : XXXV 77 ff. 

capere, for cpd. : XXXI 204. 

capita viarum : XXXIX 15 ff. 

Capitolium, meaning of : XXXII 102. 

Carlyle, and the German classics : 38 41. 

Cases, I.-E., force of, in parent speech : 32 88 ; Skt., interchanged in Rig- Veda : 

xxxvn 95, 97, 107. 
Cassiodorus, and Livy : 35 16. 
castra, castella : 38 12. 
Catiline, conspiracy of : 35 83 ff. 
Catullus, and Furius Bibac.: 32 41 ff.; galliambics in : XXXIV 27 ff. ; rime in : XL 

41 ; 8, interpr. of : 31 39 ; 63, Attis in : XXXI 46, 55 f.; 66, 77 f. : 40 48 ; 

68, 93, crit. note on : 35 7 ff. 
Causal : v. Clauses. 
cedere, for cpd.: XXXI 206, 21 1. 
Cephisodotus, sculptor of a Hermes and Dionysus : ib. 37 ff. ; of Eirene and 

Plutus : ib. 39 ; not of the Hermes at Olympia : ib. 42 ff. 
Ceros: ib. 187 f. 

Cervantes and Fielding : 32 62 ff. 
Chapdain's Ms (Academy on the Cid} : 40 102. 
Chariots in Horn. : XXXI 89 f. 
Charms, for rain : xxxn 83 ff. 
Chaucer, as an artist : 39 53 f.; his treatment of the Somn. Scip.: 33 98 f. ; the 

Knighfs Tale, sources of the adventures : xxxvin 89 ff. ; age of the 

Knight : ib. 104 ; the Squire's Tale : ib. 107. 
Chiasmus, in Livy : XXXII 1 66 ff. 
Chinese literature : 3254f.; poetry : 33 92 ff.; normal essay : 34 100 ff.; drama : 

35 55 ff. 

Chivers, literary relations of, to Poe : 34 92 ff. 
Choriambic dimeter : xxxvin 57 ff. 

Chorus, in New Comedy, relation to the actors : xxxi 132 ff. 
Chretien de Troies : 32 51 f.; 33 83 f. 
Christian ideas in Lithuanian folksongs: xxxi 190, 198. 
Chronicon, Lost, of Reinhold : XXXVI 5 ff. 
Chronology, Roman : ib. 6 ff. 
Cicero, his villas : 36 27 ; Puteolanum : 33 5-2 f.; appreciation of Greek art : 34 

35 ff.; acquaintance with Lucr. : 39 56 ; indebted to Posidonius : xxxi 108 ; 

mistranslates Soph. Track.; xxxm 21 ff. ; on Latin accent: XXXV 66, 70; 

comitia and concilium in : xxxv 22 ff.; ellipsis in: XXXIV 8 f., II ; subjv., 

imperf. and plup. in (^'-clauses): 31 59 ; potential : q. v.; stipulative : q. v.; 

Mss of the Orations (P, B, and 2) : 40 68 f.; Brut. 75 (Poenicum) : 34 43 ; 

in Cat.: 35 83 ff.; pro Mul. Arret.: 33 100 ; pro Sulla, 52 : 38 39 ; P.p., crit. 

notes on : 32 4 ; abl. abs. in : 34 61 f.; Greek in : 31 16 ; N.D. I, notes on : 

33 70 f. ; de Off. i, 7, 8 : 36 36 f.; II, 10 : 40 51 f.; Somn. Scip. and Chaucer: 

33 98 ; T.D. i, 3 : 40 52. 

CIL, XIV, 309 : 36 54 ; IV, 1936 : xxxvn 129 ; vi, 9797 : ib. 122. 
-cinari, Latin verbs in : 32 73 f. 
Cista Ficoroniana : xxxm 153. 
Classical influences on Latin lyrics of the XVIth cent. : 40 44 ff.; on Tennyson : 

ib. 22 ff. 

claudere and cludere, for cpd. : XXXI 211. 
Claudian, de Cons. StiL, M.E. trans, of : 34 94 f. 
Claudii, politics of the : 32 74 f. 

Clauses, capacity, availability, etc.: xxxi 159; causal, in complemental state- 
ments, in Livy : xxxni 76 ; result, of possibility or capacity : XXXI 159. 
Clement, citations from Plato in : 33 12 ff. 
cliafi (O.I.) : 39 59. 

24 Index of Subjects 

Clouds, prayers to : xxxn 91. 

Cocaigne, land of, in Attic comedy : 34 32. 

coemere, early form of comer e : XXXI 187. 

coemptio : XL 66 f. 

cognomen, in technical religious sense : XXXI 61. 

Cognomina of Fortuna : ib. 60 ff. 

colere, for cpd. : ib. 212. 

Comedy, Attic, land of Cocaigne in : 34 32 ; Mid. and New, trimeter, frequency 

of anapaest : XXXIV 54 ; New, chorus in : xxxi 132 ff. ; distribution of roles 

in Menander : 40 75 f. ; Roman, later, status of: ib. 21 f.; English, influence 

of Ter. on : 37 13 f. 
comere : v. coemere. 
Comic poets, Athenian, at Delian festivals : xxxi 122 ff.; Greek, as literary critics : 

34 34. 
comitia and concilium, distinction between: XXXV 21 ff.; and contiones : XXXVIII 

49 . 

commentarii, meaning of: xxxvi 224 ff. 
Commines, abstract thought in : 40 98 f. 
compact^ hard : xxxvn 17 
Comparative literature, nature of: 34 74 ff. 
Comparative statements, in Livy : XXXIII 70 ff. 
Comparative syntax : xxxi 146 ff . 
Comparisons, in M. Aurelius : 39 19 ff. 
Complemental statements, in Livy: XXXIII 55 ff. 
Compound for simple verb, in Juv. : XXXI 202 ff. 
Compounds, I.-E., so-called mutation in: 34 68 ff. ; Latin: XXXiv 84^,97 ^-> 

Law Latin : 323; in American languages : 39 54. 
Concepts, certain, expression of, in French : 39 53. 
Concessive clauses, in complemental statements, in Livy : XXXIII 76 ff. 
Conditiors, early history of: 33 105 ; modes of cond. thought: 34 67; Greek, 

generic: XXXIII 101 ff.; with opt.: ib. 105 ff., 114, 116 ff. ; with subjv. : ib. 

105 ff., 115; Latin, classification of: 36 41 ff. ; unreal: 32 48 f . ; in Hor. : 

ib. 93 ff. 

conea = ciconea : xxxvin 33. 
confarreatio : XL 66 f. 
Conflentis for Confliientis : XXXII 113. 
congiarium, given to children : ib. 6l. 
conierare : ib. no. 

Conjunctions, Latin, occasional oxytonesis of: xxxv 34 ff. 
conlegia : XXXIV 44 ff. 

Conservatism in language, religious: XXXIII 153 ; Greek, aspects of: 36 20 ff. 
Consonants, shift of, in Siamese: XXXVIII 19 ff.; Latin: ib. 36; Romance: ib. 

31 ^ 

Contraction, in Latin : 32 m ff. 
Copula, omission of, in Greek : 34 8 ff. : v. Ellipsis. 

Corinthian, vas, aes : XXXI 9, 12 ff . ; cavum aedium : ib. 17 ; lecythus : 31 19. 
Corneille, the Cid, and the Academy: 39 61 ; 40 102; Horace, sources of: 35 69. 
Correption in hiatus (Greek) : 35 92 ; 36 57. 
Costume, in Greek tragedy : 37 40 ; v. Dress. 
Councils, in Homer, not for plans of campaign : XXXI 87. 
Cratesippidas, Spartan nauarch : XXXiv 33 ff., 37, 40. 
cretati pedes : 35 74. 
Crete, language of: ib. 29 f. 
Criticism, in Greek comic poets : 34 34 ; of Attic Orators : XXXVIII 41 ff. ; in 

Aristotle : 39 55 ff. 
Crucifixion, among the Romans: xxxix 56 ff. ; early history of: ib. 61 ff.; of 

Jesus, in the Turfan fragments : 39 45 f. 
culritalis Insus : xxxvii 132. 
Cuckoo, as harbinger of spring: XXXI 188. 
cuculus, early form of: ib. 183, 187. 

Index of Subjects 25 

Cults: v. Religion. 

cum, in XII Tab. : 32 3. 

cum . . . turn, in Livy : XXXIII 60. 

cum (prep.), in Plaut. : 33 75 ff. 

curiae : XXX I v 41 ff. 

ciiridtius xxxi 187. 

Curiosum (and Notitia), date of: 36 35 f. 

cyma recta and reversa : ib. 24 f. 

Cynosura: xxxin 127. 

-</> -t, in Latin : XXXIII 153 f. 

Dactyl, after initial trochee, in Greek lyrics : XXXIX 5 ff. ; in anacrustic scansion 
of Aristophanes' trimeters, table of frequency : xxxiv 53. 

Dactylic form of hexameter : 34 51 ff. 

Dactylic words, accentuation of, in Latin verse : XXXiv 67 f. 

Danaid-myth : xxxi 27 ff. 

Dante, his views on language (de Vulg. Eloq.} : 32 61. 

Daphnis-myth, Theocritus' treatment of: 38 39 ; German parallels: 33 106. 

dare, for liedere, prodere : xxxi 212 ; for edere : ib. 204. 

Darius, accession of, Herodotus on : 38 24 f. 

Dative, Sanskrit, in Rig-Veda: xxxvn 87 ff. ; local force of: ib. 89, III ff., 115 ; 
compared with ace.: ib. 91 f., 96, 107, 116; object of verbs: ib. 92 ff. ; com- 
pared with loc. : ib. 92 ff. ,98, 104, ill, 117; final and infin. dat. : ib. 94, 
96, 105; opposed to abl. : ib. 97 f., 112; with adjj. : ib. 104; 'for '-dat.: 
ib. 116; 'ethical': ib. 96; of price: ib. 114; Greek and Latin: ib. 1 12; 
Latin, with verbs of favoring, helping, etc. : 36 68 f. 

Davos, Davits : XL 101 f. 

de, Latin, history, etc., of: 37 n ff. 

de tenero tingui : 34 55 ff. 

Dea caelestis (Tanith), in the West: XXXVin 114 f. 

Death, age of, at Rome : 31 20 ; dry death ' : 40 76 ff. 

deierare XXXII 1 1 1 ff. 

Demarches, as source in the Harpalos case: ib. 122 ff. 

deivos : xxxin 152. 

Dekker's share in Old Fortunatus : 34 92. 

Deloney's Gentle Craft : 33 82 f. 

Delphic oracle and Socrates : 38 33 f. 

Demonology, in Fatist : 36 5 f. 

Demosthenes, the Harpalos case: XXXII 121 ff. ; Photius on his style: XXXVin 
45 f. ; 7-6 5<* in : XXXIX 128 f. ; de Cor. 46: 33 20. 

deus, contraction in the forms of: 32 131 ff. 

Deuteronomy, xii-xxvi, and Jeremiah : 33 ioe ff. 

5ei<5u' t/uLpaXXeiv: XL 94 ff. 

Diaeresis, .bucolic: XXXVI ill ff. ; 37 15; in Horn., how related to the thought : 
xxxvi 112 ff. ; after second foot in Lucr. : 34 eo f. ; in Hor.'s Sapphics : 
xxxin 38 ff. 

Dialects, Italic : 39 34. 

Dictionary, Latin, suggestions for a new : 35 34 ff. 

didascaliae, Ter., Donatus' version of: xxxvi 125 ff. 

Diektasis, in Horn. : 34 20 ff. 

dies ater, meaning and etym. : XXXII 116. 

dies natalis, relation of, to inscrr. on restored temples: XXXVI 52 ff. 

5iKaio(Tijvr] and 60-16x775, in Plato : xxxi 175. 

dilectatio, of Roman troops, in sculpture : 32 55. 

Dimeter, choriambic : xxxvin 57 ff. 

Diodorus Siculus, not a source of Tac. Germ, : XXXI 106 f. ; his debt to Posido- 
nius : ib. 108 ; optative in : 34 62 f. 

Aiovtiffia, ra apxadrepa : 32 29. 

Dionysius Hal., literary characterization in : 31 33. 

Dionysus, access to his temples : XL 88. 

Direct speech in Lucan : 35 94 ff. 

26 Index of Subjects 

Direction, determinatives of, in Siamese : 38 31 f. 

Dissyllables, in Horn. : 39 42. 

dixti : xxxvn 176. 

do, in endo, quando, cedo, etc. : 32 36. 

5o/c<3, a use of: 40 101. 

Dolora, in Campoamor : 34 so ff. 

Don Juan, legend of: 37 42. 

Donatus, on Latin accent: xxxv 71 ff., 75; his version of the Terence didasca- 
liae : xxxvi 125 ff. ; scholia on gesture in: 34 103 f. ; references to empha- 
sis : xxxvn 164 ff. 

Door, house, in Greek and Roman religion and folklore : 40 66 ff. 

Drama, Sanskrit, plot -structure of: 37 50 ; Greek, time element in: xxxvn 39 ff. 

Dramatic hypotheses, certain numerals in : 39 27. 

Dramatic satura : v. Satura. 

Dress, Roman, of women, evidence of monuments : 40 101 f. 

Dryden's quarrel with Settle : 34 90 f. 

ducere, for cpd. : xxxi 213 ff. 

Duenos inscription: xxxm 150 ff. 

duplici pila : XXXVM 1 28. 

Duris, of Samos, used by Plin. Sr. : XXXI 44. 

Ecbatana, inscr. at : 36 32 f. 

Eclogues, modern, as echoes of the Greek bucolic : 39 39 ff . ; of Mantuan : XL 
151 ff. 

Editions of the classics : 39 17. 

educare, educere, and Eng. ' educate ' : 32 61 f. 

Education, Quintilian on: 39 15 ff . ; of women, XlVth century treatises on: 
38 33 ; education vs. talent : XL 185 ff. 

egosum : xxxiv 88. 

Egypt, Mss from, Aramaic : 38 20 ; Greek, Biblical (Freer) : ib. 22 ; from Oxy- 
rhynchus : 35 16 ; XXXVI 5 ff . 

Egyptian writing, vowel in : 32 139. 

ei > t, in Latin: xxxm 156. 

ei, written oi : ib. 155 ; confused with e and i (Gothic) : XXXI 185. 

^'-readings in the Mss of Plautus : xxxvii 73 ff. ; theory of: ib. 85 ff. ; represent- 
ing Plautine orthography: ib. 77 ff. ; not representing do. : ib. 8l ff. 

ei'5, eidrjs : XXXVII 53. 

eierare : XXXII no. 

Elections, Roman : xxxvm 49 ff. ; election-notices at Pompeii : 40 70 ff. 

Elegists, Roman : metrical art of: 34 28 ff. ; rime: XL 32 f., 41. 

Elicius : v. Jupiter. 

Eliduc, lay of: 37 49. 

T EXis, as a proper name : xxxi 119. 

Elision in Greek verse : 34 24 f. ; 40 97 f. ; Pindar : 33 si ; in Latin verse : 32 
104 ff. ; how related to accent : xxxvi 82 ff. ; pause-elision : ib. ; in Hor.'s 
Sapphics : XXXIII 42. 

ella, as polite form of address in Italian : 34 89. 

Ellipsis, in Greek, formation of substt. : XXXI 1 1 ; copula omitted : 34 8 ff. ; in 
Latin, formation of substt. by : xxxi 5 ff. ; frequent in late Latin : ib. 1 1 ; 
in poetry: ib. 12; names of trees, fruits, etc.: ib. 15; ellipsis in Cic. : 
xxxiv 8 f., ii; Livy : ib. 9; Tac., descriptive passages: ib. 5 ff. ; Sail.: 
ib. 8 f. ; Verg. : ib. 10 f. 

Emperors, worship of: 40 17 f., 27 f., 39 f. 

Enclitics in Latin : xxxiv 73, 87 ff. ; effect on accent : 37 27 f. ; 40 83 f. 

ev/ivox*: XXXVII II. 

English comedy and Ter. : 37 13 f. 

English poets and the Georgics : ib. 25 ff. 

English language in America : 35 9. 

English philology, its history and problems : 33 85 f. ; XVIIth century etymology : 
35 TO. 

Ennius, influence of, on Livy : xxxix 90 ff. 

Index of Subjects 27 

Ennius, the Younger : 32 23. 

Ephebi, under supervision of generals in charge of Mounychia: xxxn 126. 

Epic influence on Thucyd. : 31 69 ff. 

Epicureans, worship and prayer among : XXXIX 73 ff. 

Epideictic speeches, in Greek : 31 27 f. 

Epigraphy, Greek, notes : 36 02 f. ; Latin : XXXVI 52 ff. ; 36 64 ; v. Inscriptions. 

liriffT^/jLTf), 0i/(Tts, /ieX^TT; : XL 185 ff. 

Epistoleus, succession of, to the Spartan nauarchia : XXXIV 36, 40. 

Epithet, in technical religious sense: xxxi 61. 

Epithets of sense, in poetry : 32 17 ff. 

Eponym, in technical religious sense: XXXI 61. 

cparcu, fyts : XXXVII 2O. 

fpyov, meaning of, in Plato's philosophy: XXXI 174. 

'Eptrifjios, as a proper name : ib. 124. 

Ethnicon, significance of omission of, in choregic inscrr. : ib. 115 ff. 

froi/xoj, copula omitted with : 34 8 ff. 

etquidem : xxxiv 86. 

Etruscan, language : 39 84 ; 40 88 f. ; tombs near Pitigliano : 35 68 ff. 

Etruscans : 40 63 ff., si ; and Lemnos : 35 so. 

ettamen : xxxiv 86. 

Etymology, value of, in mythological study : xxxi 60. 

Etymologies, ancient and modern : xxxn no ff. 

Euphonic embellishments in verse, Propertius: XL 31 ff. 

617377/07 : XXXVII 54. 

Euripides, unpub. portrait of: 3915; in Aristoph. Ranae : XL 97 ; parodied by 
Aristoph. : xxxix 5 ff., 12; local allusion in: 40 22; time-element in: xxxvn 
44 ff., 50; nominative of 1st person in: 32 99 ff. ; Ale. and Soph. Track.: 
XXXIII 5 ff. ; EL and Soph. El. : XL 1 10, 1 15 ; Hel., date of: 32 122 f. ; Hipp. 
1-2: ib. 28 ; 33 40 ff. ; 246: 3441 f. : /. 7'., date of: 32 122 ff. ; Med. 214- 
224; ib. 28; 240: 3628; and Soph. Track.: xxxm 15 ff. 

Euthyphro, a typical Athenian: xxxi 165 ; a foil to Socrates: ib. 165 ff. 

Exclamation, ace. of, in Plaut. and Ter. : 38 17. 

Exhibitions, Greek, musical and dramatic: XXXI 1 12 ff. 

Exodus xvii, 1 6 : 37 40. 

'Extended' and 'remote' deliberatives, in Greek: xxxi 138, 162. 

p, in Bacchyl. : 32 55. 

Fable, Greek and Roman : 33 88 f. 

Fabula togata: 31 50. 

Facsimiles, Ms, bureau for : 36 64 f. 

Februarius, Febrarius : xxxii 113. 

ferre, for cpd. : XXXI 204, 209, 214. 

Festus, confused with Verrius Flaccus and Paulus : XXXII 103 f. 

Fibulae, Burgundian : xxxix 108 ff. 

fidere, for cpd. : xxxi 214. 

fiebat, survival of, in Italian : 37 47 f. 

Fielding, indebted to Cervantes : 32 62 f. 

figere, for cpd.: xxxi 214. 

Figura etymologica, in Prop. : XL 54. 

Filelfo, in his letters : 36 6 ff. 

Final monosyllable, in Latin prose and poetry : 40 43. 

Flaccus, Valerius, infin. in : 33 73. 

fleckir, etym. of: 35 90. 

Floire and Blanchefloir, legend of: 40 100. 

flumen, meaning of, in Tac. Agr. 10, 6 : 32 79. 

Folklore, value of, in mythological study : xxxi 60 ; house-door in : 40 66 ff. 

Folksongs, Lithuanian: xxxi 189 ff. 

follis, in ball-games: xxxvn 122 f., 131 ff. 

Footnote, a possible example of, in antiquity: xxxi 130 ff. 

forsitan, subjv. with: ib. 155 f. ; XXXII 205 ff. 

fortasse, subjv. with : ib. 

28 Index of Subjects 

Fortuna, cognomina of: XXXI 60 ff. ; list : ib. 63 ; in certain Latin writers : 39 43. 

Fortuna Publica, not = Primigenia : xxxi 66 f. 

Forum Boarium, in sculpture : xxxii 54. 

Fosse, La : 40 103 f. 

framed, nature and etym. of: 39 60 f. 

frangere, for cpd. : XXXI2I5; deriv. of : xxxvn 23. 

Franks casket, runes on: xxxii 186 ff. 

frater, derivation of: ib. 114 ff. 

French, as spoken by Englishmen in O. F. literature : 35 96. 

freqtienter, in Cato : XXXII 120. 

Frontinus : xxxm 30 ff. 

Fronto, Ep., abl. abs. in : 34 61 f. 

fundtts and p medium: xxxi 14. 

furca, use of, in executions : xxxix 66, 69 f. 

Furius Bibaculus : 32 41 ff. 

Future in -bo, in Hindu dialects: 36 11 ff.; Latin, early form of: xxxi 187. 

g, pronunciation of, Latin : 40 78 ff. 

Gaia, not a rain-goddess: xxxii 91 ff., 96 ff. ; &ya\/j.a of, in Acropolis: ib. 

Gaius' Institutes : 32 4. 

Galliambics, anaclasis in: xxxiv 29 ff.; in Catullus : ib. 27 ff . ; rhythm of: 3688 ff. 

Gallic language, compared with Ligurian : XL 73 ff. 

Games : v. Ball-games. 

Gaul, Oriental cults in : xxxvm 109 ff. 

Romanization of: ib. 1 12 et passim. 
ytyova and yfytvijuai : XXXVII 68 f. 
Gender, Latin, in Plaut. : 32 83 ff. 
Genitive, adnominal : ib. 90. 

Latin, descriptive : 31 31 ; in Livy : 40 87 f. 
Geographical adjj., Latin substt. formed from : XXXI 5 ff. ; list : ib. 24 ff. 

English substt. from : ib. 7 ff. 
German, auxiliary verb omitted : 34 95 f.; texts for advanced classes, criticism of: 

36 eo f. 

Germani, first mention of the name : xxxi 109. 
Germany, Roman, Oriental cults in : XXXVIII 109 ff. 
Gerund, in Livy : 34 38 ff. 
Gerundive, Skt. : xxxvn 109. 

Latin, in Livy : 34 38 ff. 
Gesture, scholia on, in Donatus : 34 103 f. 
777 * floor of the stage ' : XL 1 1 6 f. 
Gloria in excelsis : xxxm 87. 
Gloria Patri : ib. 88. 
Glyconics: xxxvm 71 f. 
Gods, in Polybius : 39 13. 
Goethe and Herder: 347-2; and his public: 3959; Faust, Cabala and alchemy 

in: 3562; demonology in: 36 5 f.; v. Mephistopheles. 
Good, the, in Plato: XXXI 173 ff. 
Gothic, a, au, u, and <?, ei, i : ib. 185. 
yovvdofj,ai, yovi>ov/j,at, yovv&v \aj3eiv, in Horn. : 32 115 f. 
Grammars, Greek, mythical forms in : 35 24 ff. 
Grave stress, in Latin : 39 21 ff. 
Great Mother, cult of, at Rome : xxxi 46 ff.; in the East : ib. 51, 54; Germany 

and Gaul : xxxvm 128 ff. 
Greek conservatism, aspects of: 36 20 ff. 

Greek drama, costume in : q. v.; time-element in: XXXVII 3,) ff. 
Greek literature, lost : 37 31 f. 
Greeks, and suicide : 38 22 f. 

Greene, Robert, life of: 32 49; verse of: 31 63; and Mantuan: XL 164 f., 174. 
Gregoire, Vie de S. : 39 52. 
Gregorius auf dem Stein: ib. 
Groups, noun, in Plaut. : ib. 60. 

Index of Subjects 29 

Guilds, at Rome: xxxv 18 f. 

haerere, for cpd. : XXXI 215. 

Hagno, nymph : xxxn 94 f. 

Hanging, not meant in infelici arbori reste suspendito : XXXIX 51 ff. 

Harpalos case: XXXII 121 ff.; sources: ib. 122 ff.; chronology: ib. 124 ff.; 

policy of Demosthenes: ib. 134 ff.: conclusion as to Demosthenes' guilt: 

ib. 151. 

harpastum: xxxvn 122 f. 

Havelok, the Scalacronica version of: 34 91 f.; Ms of: 36 64. 
Heavy armed troops in Horn. : XXXI 90. 
Hebrews, ix, 5 : 40 102 f. 

Heine, Nordsee : xxxi 192; as a prophet : 37 61. 
Hephaestion and the anapaest in the trimeters of Aristoph. : XXXIV 49 ff. ; his 

erroneous idea of the anapaest: ib. 54, 57. 

Hera, as rain-goddess : XXXii 90; restrictions in her cult : XL 89. 
Heraclides Ponticus, his &vap/jioi 6yKoi : XL 5 ff. 
Hercules, treated by Eur. first as tragic character : XXXIII 14. 
Herder, and Goethe : 34 72; his attitude toward the French stage : ib. 72 f. 
Hermeneutics : 32 56 f. 

Hermes of Praxiteles: XXXI 37 ff.; types of Hermes and Dionysus: ib. 38 ff. 
Hermes 2^77X01x77$ : XL 90; Trismegistos : XXXV 152. 
Hermophantus, in Athen., shown to be a known comic actor: XXXI 134 f. 
Herodotus, fable in: 33 88 f.; on the accession of Darius: 38 24 ff.; his account 

of the battle of Salamis: xxxm 127 ff.; I, 106, historical note on: 31 17; 

I, 181 : 32 % f.; in, 27-88 : 38 24 ff.; ill, 65 : 33 67 ff. 
Hesiod, studies in (esp. reminiscences of Horn.) : 33 26 ff. 
Hexameter, dactylic, Greek, forms of: 34 51 ff.; correption in: 35 92. 

Latin, last two feet, coincidence of word-accent and verse-ictus: 34 26 ff.; 

do. do. in late Latin : 35 10 f. ; 1st four feet, in Hor. Sat. : 33 66 ff. ; diaere- 
sis, after 2d foot, in Lucr. : 34 60 f. ; rime : XL 32 ff. 
Hiatus, Greek, correption in, in melic poetry : 35 43, 63 f. ; in hexameters, ib. 92; 

36 57; in Pind. 33 so ff. 
Latin, in Plaut. : xxxvn, 192 ff.; in his argumenta : ib. 195; in Ter. : ib. 

I73f., 176, 179, 192 ff., 197. 
hiberna: 38 12. 

hirundo : and derivv. : xxxvni 32 ff. 

Historians, ancient, speeches in, incongruities of: 34 43 ff. 
History and fiction, in Herod. : 38 24 ff. ; Alcibiades : xxxvn 25 ff. 
Hittite language, probably not I.-E. : 35 28; inscrr. and lang. : 36 66. 
hlaifs, Gothic : 39 69. 
Hoffman nsthal: 40103. 
Homer, and Hes. : 33 26 ff.; religion in, study of: 36 48 f. ; Hades and the dead : 

35 is; war in: xxxi 82 ff. ; assimilation and diektasis in: 34 20 ff.; metre: 
3715; bucolic diaeresis, and its relation to the thought: xxxvi in ff.; 
do., as related to metrical lengthening: 3716; choice of dissyllables: 39 42; 
sigmatism: 38 23 f.; ace. with yi-yverai (in Od.} : xxxvn, 100; dat. (in 
//.) : ib. no; subjv. and opt., conditional: xxxm, 109 ff.; linguistic tests 
for relative antiquity of //. and Od. : 40 83; //. I, 291 : 35 42 f . ; II, 408: 

36 19 f.; IX 334 ff. : 35 75 ff. 

* Hop o' my thumb ' story : xxxi 31. 

Hoplites in Horn. : ib. 90. 

Horace, as a poet of nature: 35 5 ff. ; fable in: 33 88 f.; and Posidonius : xxxi 
108; and Lucr.: 35 82; and Ov. : xxxv 136 ff.; and Persius: XL 121, 
123 ff., 137, 141, 146 ff.; Alcaic strophe: 36 67 f.; Sapphic: xxxm 88 ff.; 
lesser Asclepiads : 32 64 f.; hexameters (Sat.), 1st four feet of: 33 66 ff.; 
rime: XL 42; synapheia: 329; commands and prohibitions: 31 eo; condi- 
tional sentences: 32 93; prepp. 31 34. 
Carm. I, 3, 1-8: 34 22 f.; 35 96; 36 55 ff.; I, 20, gloss on: 32 95 f.; in, 

6, 24 : 33 62 ff . ; 34 55 ff. 
Sat. I, 5, 16: 32 63 f.; I, 6, 126: 35 92 f. 

3O Index of Subjects 

Horatians and Curiatians: xxxi 187. 

Horses of the sun: ib. 198 f. 

House, ceremony for protection of, in ancient India: xxxv 88, 107, 121. 

House-door, in Greek and Roman religion and folklore : 40 66 ff. 

Hugo, Victor, vocabulary of, in Le Jour des Rois : 37 44. 

Humanists, Filelfo : 36 6 ff. 

Hupa (California language), structure of verb in: 34 98 f. 

Hytnnus tersanctus : XXXIII, 82, 87; trisagius : v. trisagion. 

Hyperbaton, in Latin : 34 31 f. 

Hypereides, as source in the Harpalos case: xxxn 122 ff. 

Hypostasis, in Roman religion : xxxi 61. 

Hypotheses, dramatic, certain numerals in : 39 27. 

iam . . . iam, in Livy : XXXIII 66. 

Iambic shortening: xxxvi 173 ff.; relation of pause-elision and hiatus to: xxxvii 

Iambic trimeter, anapaest in (Aristoph.) : XXXIV 49 ff.; Person's rule: 32 29. 

Iambic words, in galliambics: xxxiv 28 ff.; how far oxytone in Latin: xxxv 58 f. 

lanarius, for lanuarius : XXXII 113. 

ianua, lanualis, I anus : XXXIII 162. 

Ictus, problem of, in ancient poetry: XXXV 50; ancient testimonia : ib. 51 ff.; 
relation to word-accent, Latin : ib. 60 ff., 73; v. Accent. 

idagit : XXXI v 8 1, 98. 

idego : ib. 98. 

idem : contractions of: 32 m ff. 

toios, as a possessive in Polyb. : 34 4 f. 

Idus, adjective: xxxii 117. 

IK/J.O.IOS: v. Zeus. 

i\a<TTr]piov: 40 102 f. 

ille, quantity of: xxxvi 159 ff. 

Illyrians, and their language : 35 31 f. 

Imbricitor : v. Jupiter. 

Imperfect subjv. in Cic. : 31 59. 

Indian words, in Siamese : xxxvm 19 ff. 

Indirect obj., Latin, with verbs of favoring, helping, etc. : 36 63 f. 

Individualization of Fortuna : XXXI 64. 

Indo-European languages, minor and problematic : 35 27 ff. ; parent speech, force 
of cases in: 32 88; mood-forces in: ib. 120 ff. 

Indo-Iranian languages, phonology of: 32 32 f. 

Infinitive, Latin, in Lucan, Val. Flacc., Stat., Juv. : 33 71 ff. ; historical, in 
Tac. : xxxiv 6 f., 13, 26. 

Initial intensity, theory of: xxxiv 95 f. 

Inscriptions, Persian, of Artaxerxes II, at Ecbatana : 36 32 f. ; Greek, agonistic, 
of Delphi, discussed and restored: xxxi 124 ff. ; choregic, from Delos, dis- 
cussed and restored : ib. 1 14 ff. ; liturgical, from Syria : XXXIII 81 ff. ; new, 
from Asclepieum, Athens : 37 14 f. ; bearing on prayers for rain : xxxn 85, 
88, 92 ; East Italic and Venetic : 39 54 ; Ligurian : XL 74 ff. ; Latin, graver's 
corrections in: xxxni 151 f., 159, 165 f., 168 ; lesser hie- formulae : 3743; 
evidence for orthography : XL 99 f., 102 f. ; ' Black-stone ' : 32 14 ff.; 3733 f. ; 
Duenos: XXXIII 150 ff. ; on restored temples: XXXVI 52 ff. ; tituli sacri in 
Gaul and Germany : xxxvm 113 ff. ; pertaining to roads : xxxix 158.; 
Burgundian : xxxix 108 ff. 

interdum . . . interdum, in Livy : xxxm 67. 

Interpretatio Graeca et Romano, : xxxi 109 f. 

Interrogation, sign of, in Greek Mss : 40 73. 

Interrogative thought, forms of, in Plato : ib. 99 f. 

Introire, form of: XXXVII 189. 

to- and za-stems, Latin, contraction of: 32 131 ff. 

z'onic verse, in Hor. : xxxiv 27. 

iourare, iurare, etym. of: XXXII 1 12 f. 

ipvesat, ioveset, in the Duenos inscr. : ib. 112. 

Index of Subjects 31 

iovestod ': ib. 

Io(vis) : XXXIII 150, 152. 

Iphigenia, in Eur., Racine, and Goethe : 32 37 ff. . 

ire, for cpd. : XXXI 215. 

is, contracted forms of: 32 131 ff. 

Isaeus, Photius on : xxxvni 45. 

Isis, in Gaul and Germany: ib. 123 ff. 

Isocrates, Photius on: ib. 44 f. ; Karii. T&V <ro<t>i<TT&v, and Plato's Phaedrus : XL 
185, 191, 193. 

-issimus, origin of: 31 so. 

ita (sic) . . . tamquam, in Livy : XXXIII 73. 

ita .../, do. : ib. 77. 

Italic, East : 39 54. 

Italy, Roman walls and milestones in: XXXIX 15 ff. 

Iterative optative, in Greek : xxxm 101 ff. 

ius and vis : XL 66 f. 

Janus, Salian hymn to: XXXI 182 ff. 

Janus Curiatius : ib. 187. 

Jeremiah and Deuteronomy, xii-xxvi : 33 106 ff. 

John of Salisbury : 32 60. 

Jupiter, Ammon, in Gaul: xxxvin 116; Dolichenus, in Gaul and Germany: 
ib. 119 f . ; Elicius: XXXII 105; Heliopolitanus, in Gaul and Germany: 
XXXVIII 117 ff . ; Imbricitor: XXXII 99; Lapis: ib. 60; Olbius, in Ger- 
many: xxxvin 1 16; Pluvialis: xxxn 100 ; Pluvius: ib. 91,98 ff.; Sabasius, 
in Gaul and Germany: xxxvni 116 f. 
urisprudence, early Roman, dualism in : XL 66 f. 
ustice, poetic, history of the doctrine : 40 95. 
ustin and Posidonius : XXXI 108. 

uvenal, as a humorist : 31 49 ; infin. in : 33 74 f. ; simple for cpd. verb in : XXXI 
202 ff. ; cod. Canonicianus Lat. XLI : 34 19 ; Sat. I, construction of: 35 71 ff. ; 
3, 205 : 37 22 ; 10, 1 13 : 40 76 ff. 

-ka, diminutive suffix in the Veda : 40 28 f. 

KaXa/jLiTrjs: XXXIX 44 ff. 

Kd\a/j,os : ib. 35 ff., 39 ff. 

kdm, Skt., KCV: XXXVII 102. 

KO.T M-jrXtov form of dactylic hexameter : 34 51 ff. 

KK\ayyvlai : XXXVII 55. 

K^K\if]/, use of: 33 40 ff. 

Kleist, figurative expressions in : 35 89 f. 

Koivf], Achaean- Doric : 31 19. 

Koptic, affinity of, to Maya language : ib. 21. 

K&PVKOS: xxxvn 133 f. 

/< d, Latin: XL 71. 

l>r, Romance: xxxvin 31 f., 36. 

Labeo, Antistius : 32 114. 

Laelius Felix, on comitia and concilium : xxxv 21, 26, 31. 

lai = lamenti : 38 39. 

Lambaesis, ' praetorium ' at : ib. 12 f. 

Latin, early history of: XL 68 ff. ; not Ligurian: ib. 63 ff., 81 ; changes due to 
mixture of population : ib. 68 ff. ; pronunciation of c, g, v: 40 78 ff. ; word- 
order: 34 31 f. ; of monosyllables : xxxiv 60 ff . ; juristic: 323; Gallic cleri- 
cal, pronunciation of: 35 64 f. ; literature, lost parts of: 33 21 ff. ; methods 
in teaching : 39 ie ff. 

Latinity, a fetish : 37 20. 

Lavinium, latest dated inscr. from : 40 25. 

Lay of the Two Lovers, sources of: 36 64. 

Lecythos, a Proto-Corinthian : 31 19. 

Legend and history, in Herod. : 38 24 ff. ; concerning Alcibiades : XXXVII 25 ff. 

legere, for cpd. : XXXI 205. 

Legions, Roman, in Germany: xxxvni 112 ff. 

32 Index of Subjects 

lei, Italian, as polite address : 34 89. 

Xe\i//cw : xxxvn 53. 

Lemnos, language of: 35 30. , 

Lemuria : xxxvin 36. 

Lepontii, their inscrr. : XL 75. 

Lernaean marsh : xxxi 28 f., 33. 

Lex de imperio Vespasiani : 32 iso. 

Library, Laurentian: xxxvn 213 ff. ; S. Marco, Florence: ib. 199, 212. 

libum, etym. of: 39 59. 

Liddell and Scott, corrections to : 32 57 ff. 

Ligurian language, probably I.-E., but not Celtic: 35 33 f. ; XL 72 ff. ; compared 
with Gallic : ib. 73 ff. ; became largely Gallic : ib. 8l ; inscrr. : ib. 74 ff. ; 
inflections : ib. 76 f. ; vocabulary : ib. 77 f. ; suffixes : ib. 79 f. 

Ligurians, as primitive population of Rome : XL 63 ff., 8 1 ; clients and plebeians, 
due to: ib. 81. 

linquere for cpd. : xxxi 203. 

\Lirapal 'Adavat, meaning of: 39 53. 

Liquid perfects : xxxvn 54. 

Literary criticism : v. Criticism. 

Literature, comparative : 34 74 ff. 

Lithuanian, accent: 32 24; folksongs, collections of: XXXI 189 f . ; how com- 
posed and transmitted : ib. 197; tendencies in : ib. 198 ; origin of: ib. 199 ; 
sun-myths in: ib. 189 ff. 

Little Russian folksong: xxxi 192. 

Liturgies, early Christian, in Syrian inscrr.: XXXIII 81 fT. 

Livy, youthful efforts: XXXIX 94 ff. ; debt to Posidonius: XXXI 108 ; comitia and 
concilium in: XXXV 21, 28 f. ; dramatic satura in: 34 67 f . ; Germany in : 

XXXI 106 ; pestilences mentioned : 33 64 f. ; poetic coloring : xxxix 89 ff. ; 
hidden verses : ib. 90 ; genitive in : 40 87 f. ; abl. abs. in : 32 32 ff. ; ellip- 
sis: XXXIV 9; gerund and gerundive: 34 38 ff. ; anaphora and chiasmus: 

XXXII 1 54 ff.; complemental statements : xxxin 55 ; Oxyrhynchus epitome : 
35 16 ; xxxvi 5 ff. ; Cod. Bamberg. : xxxin 53 ; Puteanus : ib. 45 f ; Codd. 
Puteani, 3d decade : 35 44; 39 42 f.; Reginensis : xxxin 45 ff. ; numeral cor- 
ruptions in a Ms s. IX : ib. ; I 26, and the supplicium de more maiorum : 
xxxix 49 ff. ; ix, study of, and notes on : ib. 89 ff., 100 ff. ; x, 30, 5, emend. : 
32 124 ; xxi, 5, 6 and 17, 9, emend. : ib. 

loaf, semasiology of: 39 59. 

Local allusion, in Eur. : 40 22. 

Logaoedic, ancient and modern views of: 36 49 ff. ; three-eight and other analy- 
ses : 40 57 ff. 

Lucan, infin. in : 33 72 f. ; direct speech in : 35 94 ff. 

Lucanica (sc. hird) : xxxi 15. 

Lucilius, recent studies on: 39 39 ; direct influence on Pers. : XL 121 ff. 

Lucretius, and Memmius: 356-2; and Cic. : 3955; and Posidonius : xxxi 108 ; 
influence on Vitruv. : 35 16 ff. ; attitude toward religion : xxxix 74 ff. ; invo- 
cation of Venus : ib. 88 ; Pompeian illustrations : 40 51 ; apocope of s in : 
34 65 f. ; diaeresis after 2d foot : ib. 60 f. ; rime : XL 41 f. ; pres. ptcp. in : 
40 19. ; emendations in : 31 12 f. ; V, 1006 : 37 49. 

lumila, and Roman shoes: 36 61 f. 

luscinia: XXXVIII 31 ff. ; etym. of: 35 86 f. 

Lycians, language of: 35 29. 

Lyeys (Layas, Ayas) : xxxvni 99 f. 

Lyrics, Latin, XVIth cent. : 40 44 ff. 

Lysias, Photius on the style of: xxxvni 43 f. 

m final, when weakened: XXXIII 168. 

Macrobius, and the dusk of the gods : 40 85 ff. 

Magic rites, for rain : XXXII 94 ff., 103 ff. 

magister curiae, in Plaut. Anl. 107: XXXIV 41 ff. 

Magna Mater, in Germany and Gaul: xxxvm 128 ff. 

Mahacanti: xxxv 78 ff., 83, 86 ff., 101 ff., 117 ff. 

Index of Subjects 33 

Maihingen, Mss in library of: 32 52. 

malum, displaced by pomum in late Latin : XXXI 1 6. 

Mana: xxxm 162. 

manalis lapis : XXXII 102 ff. 

manes, etym. of: XXXIII 163. 

Manichaean literature : 39 45. 

Manilius, his debt to Posidonius : XXXI 108. 

manos, /j.av6s : XXXIII 162. 

Mantuanus, Baptista, his life: XL 151 ff . ; Eclogues: ib. 151 ff., 160 ff. ; other 

writings: ib. 155 ff. ; influence: ib. 161 ff . ; his indebtedness to Roman 

poets: ib. 180 ft. ; to Vulgate: ib. 183 ; to Boccaccio: ib. 181 f. 
manus, mancipare, mancipio : 32 8. 

Manuscripts, facsimiles : 36 64 f. ; Greek, sign of interrogation in : 40 78 f. 
many a man, origin of: 33 95 f. 
Marcellinus : v. Ammianus. 
Marinus of Tyre : XXXI 102. 

Martial, passages concerning ball-games : XXXVII 123 ff. 
Marvellous, criticism of the, in Aristotle : 39 55 f. 
Maya language (Central America), relation to Koptic : 31 21. 
Medea's marriage problem : 36 -28. 
meinom: XXXIII 163. 
jtie/wi/, etym. of: ib. 

Mela, Pomponius, not a source of Tac. Germ. : xxxi 98 ff., 102. 
/LteX^TT/, 0i5<m ^TTIO-T^/XT/ : XL 1 85 ff. 
Aie/uikfl : XXXVII 55. 

Menander, and J. Caesar : 32 101 ff. ; distribution of roles : 40 76 f. 
Menecrates, comic actor at Delos, identified with comic didascalus at Delphi : 

xxxi 1 1 8. 

Menedemos and the Eretrian school : XXXIII 144, 146. 
Mephistopheles, etym. of: XXXV 148 ff. 
Mephistophiel : ib. 151. 
Messapians, language of: 35 32 f. 
Metaphor, lexical treatment of: ib. 34 ff. 
Metric, Greek, the new : xxxvm 57 ff. ; a quantitative difficulty in : 3543; dactyl 

after initial trochee in lyrics : xxxix 5 ff. ; Latin, studies in : xxxv 43 ff. ; 

acute, grave, etc., stress : 39 21 ff. 
Metrical, art, Roman : 38 15 ; art of the Roman elegists : 34 28 ff . ; notation : 

XXXVin 58, 62, 65, 71 ff., 77, 8l ff. ; 38 15 ff. ; reading of Latin poetry : 32 104 ff. 
fji,^, questions with : 32 43 ff. 
Michelet, abstract thought in : 40 98 f. 
Midas, tomb of: xxxi 51. 

Milestones, Roman, system of numbering: xxxix 15 ff. 
Mindarus, Spartan nauarch : XXXIV 33 ff., 40. 
mirari, for cpd. : xxxi 215. 

Miswriting: ib. 184 ff.; xxxin 152, 160, 166, 168. 
Mithras, in Gaul and Germany : xxxvm 1 38 ff. 
miltere, for cpd. : XXXI 206. 
modo . . . modo, in Livy : XXXIII 65. 
Mono-Jahwism, in Deuteronomy : 39 52. 
/j.6vos: xxxin 162. 
Monosyllables, Latin, relation to accent and quantity: XXXIV 60 ff.; commonly 

proclitic: ib. 71 ff.; commonly atonic: ib. 63 f. (but cf. 71 ff.); final, in 

prose and poetry : 40 43. 

Mood-forces in I.-E. parent speech: 32 120 ff. 
mors, sicca : 40 76 ff. 
Moschus, later echoes of; 39 40. 
Motion in pre-Socratic cosmogonies : 35 14. 
Mucianus, as source of Plin. Sr. : xxxi 44. 
Music and poetry, Greek, connection between: 31 49; and rhythm: 33 53; and 

accent : xxxv 66 ff . 

34 Index of Subjects 

Mutation in I.-E. cpds. : 34 68 ff . 

Myths, the Danaid story: XXXI 27 ff.; Daphnis: 33 105: Python: 38 17; Lithua- 
nian: xxxi 189 ff.; v. Legend. 

n, when weakened before a fricative: xxxm 168. 

n and ti confused in writing (Latin) : xxxi 184. 

Naksatrakalpa : XXXV 78 ff . 

Naksatrayaga : ib. 81 ff., 92 ff., 109 ff. 

Names, abstracts used as: xxxm 158; of rivers, lakes, islands, etc.: xxxi 12. 

Napoleon, on the Iliad : xxxi 82. 

vdpdrjZ : XXXIX 39 ff ., 48. 

Nasal weakening in Latin, chronology of: XXXin, 1 68. 

Nature, in Horace: 35 5 ff . ; Propertius: 32 20 ff. ; Tibullus : 31 34. 

Nauarchs, Spartan, succession of in Xen. Hell. I : XXXiv 33 ff. 

ne, after meinom: xxxm 165. 

ne . . . qtiidem : ib. 

necesse: xxxvii 9, n. 

nectegala: xxxvin 31. 

Negatives, two : XXXIII 165. 

net, as final conj. : ib. 154. 

neisi, written noisi : ib. 155. 

Neo-Platonic demonology, in Faust: 36 5 f. 

neque . . . neque, in Livy : xxxm 58. 

Nicander, and Vergil : 33 96 ff. 

Nightingale, the: xxxvm 31 ff. 

Nigidius Figulus, etymologies of: XXXII 114 ff., Il8. 

nihil agere : XXXI 206. 

Nikanor at Olympia : XXXII 125. 

Nicias, of Pasiphon and Pint. : XXXIII 139 ff. 

Nine, indefinite number in Lithuanian : XXXI 193 f. 

Niobe of Mt. Sipylus, so-called: ib. 51. 

Nirrtikarman : XXXV 84 ff., 101, 116 f. 

nise(i} =mst: xxxm 156. 

ni-strim<;as : XXXVII 19. 

nisthuras = asper : ib. 1 8. 

noisi =- neisi : XXXIII, 155. 

Nomenclature of the brain, simplification of: 36 13 ff. 

non modo . . . sed etiam, in Livy : xxxm 6 1 ff. 

Nordendorf fibula: xxxix 1 10 ff. 

Notitia and Curiosum, date of: 36 35 f. 

Nouns, grouping of, in Plautus : 39 eo; compound, in American languages: 
ib. 54. 

nudipedalia: XXXII 101 ff. 

Numerals, in dramatic hypotheses: 39 27; corruptions in a Ms s. IX of Livy: 
xxxm 45 ff. ; systems in California languages: 35 69 f. 

nunc . . . nunc, in Livy : xxxm 65 ff. 

Nymphs, as rain-goddesses: xxxn 108 f.; as water-deities among the Romans: 
346 ff. 

> u, Latin : XL 99. 
Obsequens and Livy : 35 16. 
obtains < cuts, strikes : XXXVII 23. 
0<?-diphthong, in Plaut. : 39 14. 

67*01, Avap/jLoi, of Heraclides and Asclepiades : XL 5 ft. 

01 > ei > i in Latin : xxxm 152 f., 156. 
oi written for ei : ib. 155. 

oios, use of: 38 is f. 

dKpifidvTwv, ^TT', meaning of: XL, 118 ff. 

Old Fortunatus, relation of, to the Volksbuch : 34 92. 

Olympia, Hermes of: XXXI 37 ff.; statues at, not often copied: ib. 40 ff. 

6/j.f3pios : v. Zeus. 

T^rpaTTTcu, Eur. Hipp. 246 : 34 41 f. 

Index of Subjects 35 

in pause-elision : xxxvn, 160, 163. 
, of Anaxagoras : XL 1 1 f. 

Onomatopoeia, in Prop. : XL 59 f. 

Ontario, philology in : 39 36 ff. 

operire, dropping of v (u) in: XXXII 113. 

opetos : xxxin 157. 

120A77S : xxxv 149. 

Ophiel: ib. 152. 

Opinion, public, Roman, and the theatre : XXXVin 49 ff. 

OTroios, use of: 38 is f. 

optare : XXXIII 158. 

Optatianus, his carmina figurata : 33 43 ff. 

Optative, Greek, in Diod. Sic. : 34 0-2 f.; rare in later Greek: XXXVii 56; redupli- 
cated aor. opt.: ib. 65 ; a misinterpreted (Soph. Aj. 186) : 35 4 f.; itera- 
tive: xxxin, 101 ff.; conditions: ib. 105 ff., 114. 

optimus: xxxm 157. 

optio: ib. 158. 

orare, etym. of: 31 26. 

opare, how used by the different writers : XXXII 67 ff ., 70 f. 

Orators, Attic, opare in: ib. 71; irtp in: 32 135 f . ; Photius' criticisms of: 
xxxvin 41 ff. 

Order of words, psychological basis of: 31 so. 

Latin, adj. and subst. : XXXI ii; monosyllables: xxxiv, 71, 73 ff.; reflexive: 
xxxin 162; hyperbaton: 3431; in Hor.'s Sapphics : XXXIII 43. 

oriri, early form of: xxxi 187. 

Orthography, Latin: XL 99 ff. 

o-s, as plur. ending: xxxin 152. 

Oschiros (tVx^s) : xxxv 156. 

fttriovi r6, its relation to diKaiofftivr] in Plato: XXXI 175. 

&<TTe, in Biblical Greek : 40 16. 

Otway, Venice Preserved : ib. 103 f. 

Ovid, imitated by Hor. : xxxv 136 ff.; allusive reminiscences of Hor. : ib. 143 f. ; 
birds in: 36 66 f . ; hemistich echoed perversely: XL 55 f.; rime: ib. 41 ; 
Her. 21, 1-144, Harvard Ms of: xxxv 128 ff. 

Oxyrhynchus epitome of Livy : 35 ic ; xxxvi 5 ff. 

Pali, dat. in: xxxvn 87; and Siamese : xxxvni 19 ff. 

Panegyricus Messallae, rime in : XL 41. 

Papyri, Aramaic, from Assuan : 38 20 f. 

parare, for cpd. : XXXI 203. 

Paricistas of the Atharva- Veda : xxxv 79 ff., 84 ff. 

partim . . . partim, in Livy : xxxm 59. 

Pasiphon of Eretria: xxxm 139 ff. 

Pasippidas, Spartan nauarch: xxxiv 33 ff. 

Participle, pres., Latin, as periphr. with esse : 40 78 ff.; as index of style : ib. 20 f. 

Passive, in German : 32 50. 

Pastorals, modern : 39 39 ff. 

Patricians and plebeians : XL 63, 65. 

Pausanias, personality of: 36 31 f . ; his sources of information: xxxi 43 ; on 
the Danaid myth: ib. 28, 33 f.; on rain-gods: XXXII 89, 91 ff.; his author- 
ity in matters concerning artists, etc. : xxxi 43 ff. 

Pause-elision, in Latin verse (the drama excepted): XXXVI 82 ff.; in Plaut. : xxxvn 
171 ff.; in Ter. : ib. 153 ff.; relation of, to change of role: ib. 162; to em- 
phasis: ib. 159 ff., 163; to hiatus: ib. 173 f., 192, 194 f., 197; in Verg. : 
ib. 198; in Dante and Milton: xxxvi 102 ff. 

Pegasus, as the poet's steed : 38 21. 

pellere, for cpd.: xxxi 204. 

pendere, for cpd. : ib. 215. 

Pentameter, elegiac : 34 51 ff.; rime in : XL 32 ff. 

XXXVII 53 f. 
in Thuc., Xenoph., Orators: 32 135 f. 

36 Index of Subjects 

Perfect, Greek, imv. , opt , subjv. (active), rarity of the forms of: 35 24 ff.; imv. : 
XXXVII, 58; list of: ib. 71 f.; pass.: ib. 62 ff.; opt.: ib. 55; list of : ib. 71; 
subjv. : ib. 54; list of: ib. 70; periphr. forms: ib. 60 ff.; present perf. : ib. 
66 ff. 

Pericles, fiscal joke of: 34 20; his building policy: xxxv 5 ff. 

perierare, peierare, form and etym. of: XXXII no ff. 

perieratiunculae : ib. in. 

Periodicity in vital statistics: 31 20. 

periurare, perierare, forms found in Plaut. : xxxn 112. 

Perkunas: XXXI 191, 195. 

Persius, his debt to Lucilius: XL 121 ff.; and Hor. : ib. 121, 123 ff., 137, 141, 
146 ff. 

Pestilences, in L/ivy : 33 64 f. 

Phaedo's dialogues : xxxin 146 f. 

Philodamus, citharode of the Delphic paean to Dionysus, identified in Delian 
inscrr. : xxxi 123 ff. 

Philodemus : XXXIX 74 ff . 

Philokles, relation to the Ephebi : XXXII 125 ff. 

Philology, history of, in Middle Ages: 32 eo f.; place of: 31 51 ff. ; in America: 
40 38 f.; study of, in Ontario: 39 36 ff. ; classical, science of: 3820; Eng- 
lish, history and problems of: 33 85 f. 

Philomela : xxxvin 33 f. 

Philosophy, early Greek : 35 14. 

Phonetic change, uniformity in : XXXII 5 ff. 

Phonology, Indo-Iranian : 32 3-2 f. 

Photius, on the Attic Orators : xxxvin 41 ff. 

0u(ris, yueXerTj, ^TTIO-T^//.?/ : XL 185 ff. 

Phyle, reward for heroes of: XXXII 72 ff., 78, 80. 

piare, for cpd. : XXXI 216. 

Piety, Epicurean : XXXix 79 ff. 

pilicrepus: xxxvn 129. 

Pindar, the mind of: 37 43 f.; his visits to Sicily: 32 so; daughters of Danaus in: 
XXXI 29, 33 f. ; elision in : 33 81 f. ; hiatus in : ib. so ff . ; ace. in (with dis- 
cussion of numerous passages) : xxxii 16 ff.; frag. 76: 39 53. 

Pitch, musical, in language : xxxv 66. 

Plagiarism, Poe's : 38 31. 

TrXdo-^ua, in poetical recitation: XXXV 58, 61, 64; XXXVIII 63, 68. 

Plato, citations from, in Clement: 33 12 ff.; apa in: 37 46; 6 avr6j, pronominal 
use in: ib. 45 f ; rb 5 in (with interpr. of many passages) : XXXIX 121 ff.; 
forms of interrogative thought in : 35 94; 40 99 f. 
ApoL, its relation to Euthy. : xxxi 172 ff., 178 ff.; episode of the Delphic 

oracle in : 38 33 f. 

Euthy.: xxxi 163 ff.; argument: ib. 167 ff.; relation to ApoL, Theaet., Rep.: 
ib. 169, 172 ff., 174; genuineness of: ib. 176 ff.; date after ApoL and 
Gorg., contemp. with Rep. II : ib. 1 78 ff. 

Phaedo 66 B: 39 33 f. ; Phaedrus, relation of, to Isocr. : XL 185, 193 ff. 
Rep.: XXXI 174; its earlier part contemporary with Euthy.: ib. 1 80; 423 B, 
emended : 34 23; vn, simile of the cave : 35 22. 

Platonists and Aristotelians : 39 34 f. 

Plautus, travel in : 36 47 ; relation of thought to verse in : ib. 53 ; assonance in : 
37 28 ff.; XL 102, 106 f.; brevis coalescens in: xxxvi 173 ff.; hiatus in: 
XXXVII 192 ff. ; synizesis in : xxxvi 158 ff.; ei, orthography as regards the 
use of: XXXVII 73 ff., 77 ff.; ^-diphthong in : 39 14 ; qu + o : XL 104 f. ; 
uo and ue : ib. 105 ff.; uo anduu : ib. 99 ff.; gender, variation of : 32 83 ff. ; 
nouns, grouping of: 39 60 ; prepositions, cum: 33 75 ff.; jz-clauses, conces- 
sive : 35 54; stipulative subjv. in xxxi 224, 226, etc.; pres. ptcp. : 40 19 f.; 
emendations (Aul. 263, Amph. 542, Bacch. 1083, 1149, 1201) : 32 66 ; Asin. 
33 : 37 49 ; AuL, name of the slave in : 35 97 ; 107 : XXXIV 41 ff.; Rud. 
148 ff. : 37 40 f.; Stick. 193 ff. : 34 5. 

Pleonastic formative elements, in Semitic : 31 59. 

Index of Subjects 37 

Pliny the Elder, not a source of Tac. Germ.: XXXI IOO ff. 

Pliny the Younger, governorship of Bithynia : 35 43 ; Ep., abl. abs. in : 34 61 f.; 

lost Paris codex : 37 22 ff. ; eight-book tradition, at Verona : 40 6-2 f. 
plorare, for cpd. : XXXI 216. 
Pluperf. subjv. in Cic. : 31 69. 
Plutarch, his sources : xxxi 62, 74; his method in biography : xxxv 8 ff. ; his 

theory of poetry : 33ioof.; Alcibiades : XXXVH33f.; Nicias : XXXIII 139 ff. ; 

Pericles, 12 : XXXV 5 ff. 
Pluvialis, Pluvius : v. Jupiter. 

Poe, literary relations of, to Chivers : 34 9-2 ff.; plagiarism of : 38 si. 
Poenicum = Punicunt : 34 43 ff. 
Poetic justice : 40 95. 
Poetica of Campoamor : 34 80 ff. 
Poetry, ancient, song-like recitation of: XXXV 53 ff.; effect of this on quantity 

and word-accent : ib. 57 ff. ; connection with music (Greek) : 31 49. 
Trotbs, use of : 38 18 f. 

Poisoned garment in Eur. Med. and Soph. Track.: XXXIII 17. 
Polemo, as source of Pliny, Sr. : XXXI 44. 
Politics, Roman, and the theatre : xxxvm 49 ff. 
Polybius, and the gods : 39 is ; myths, aversion to : ib.; fSios as a possessive in : 

34 4 f. ; verbal in -reo in : 38 is f. 

Pompeii, illustrations to Lucr. : 40 51 ; election-notices : ib. 70 ff. 
ponere, for cpd.: XXXI 206, 216 f., 222. 
irbpoL for r6 Kv6v, in Asclepiades : XL 7 f. 
Person's rule : 32 29. 
Porta Capena, in sculpture : XXXII 50. 
portare : xxxvn n. 
Porter, Henry (Eliz. drama) : 33 8-2. 
Portunus, in sculpture : XXXII 54. 
TrtDs &v, in wishes : XXXI 158. 
Poseidon, access to his temples : XL 87. 
Posidonius : XXXI 97, 106, 107 ff.; influence on other writers : ib. 97, 108 ; and 

the Germani : ib. 109 ; source of Tac. : ib. 109 ff. 
Position, metrical : 31 61. 
Possessive in the predicate, Greek : 37 24 f. 
postid ': XXXIII 154. 
Potential clauses, characterizing : xxxi 160 ; possibility suggested in order to be 

rejected: ib. 159 ; ^#0*/-clause of the limits within which : ib. ; substantive: 

ib. 160; v. Subjunctive. 
*potimos: xxxi 187. 
praediiwi w&& fundus : ib. 14. 
praetorinm : 38 12 f. 
Prakrit, dat. in : xxxvn 87. 
Praxiteles, Hermes of : xxxi 37 ff. 

Prayer among the Epicureans : XXXIX 73 ff.; for rain : v. Rain-gods. 
Pre-acute stress, in Latin : 39 21 ff. 

Predicate, in Greek, article in : 37 24 f. ; 40 63 f.; possessive in : 37 24 f. 
primum . . . deinde, in Livy : xxxm 67 f. 
Proceleusmatic, accent of : XXXIV 76 ff. 
Processions for rain : XXXII 85, 100 ff. 
Proclitics in Latin : xxxiv 71 ff. 
Procne : xxxvni 33 f. 
Prohibitive in Latin : 32 85. 
7rp6/cX77(ris, interpr. of : xxxn 147 ff. 
n-po/j-avTeia, meaning of : 35 11 ff. 

PromptuariTtm Exemplorum, Paris, sources of the : 34 % ff. 
Pronominal group of words, in English : 31 48. 
Pronouns, Latin, oxytonesis of: xxxv 36 ff.; possessive, synizesis of: xxxvi 

187 ff.; English, revised classification of : 31 9, 48. 
pronuba, metaph. use of : 39 21. 

38 Index of Subjects 

Propertius, as a poet of nature : 32 20 ff. ; euphonic embellishments in his verse : 
XL 31 ff.; rime : ib. 32 ff., 44, 6 1 ; alliteration : ib. 35, 44 ff., 6 1 ; an- 
aphora : ib. 37 ff., 62 ; assonance : ib. 34, 38 f.; onomatopoeia : ib. 59 f. ; 
II, 19, 23 f. : 37 46 f.; II, 28, 54 : 38 32 f.; ill, 9, 43 f. : 37 47. 

Propheta : xxxvm 1 26. 

Prosody, figures of : 35 88 ; rules of, shortcomings in : 31 61. 

Proto-Corinthian lecythus : 31 19. 

Proverb, study of a (Greek and Latin) : 37 20 ff. 

Provinces, Roman, roads and milestones in : xxxix 24 ff. 

irp&Tuv, ot airb, in agonistic inscrr. : XXXI 136. 

Prussia, and the Teutonic Order : XXXVIII 101 ff. 

Psyttaleia : XXXIII 127. 

Pulci, Luigi : 35 79 f. 

pull, plough : xxxvn 7. 

Punctuation, ancient : XXXIII 151 : 40 73. 

Punishments, Roman : xxxix 49 ff. 

punya-, etym. of Skt. : XL 23 ff. 

Pushkin, Prisoner of the Caucasus : 39 57 f. 

Puteolanum, of Cic. : 33 52 f. 

Pytheas of Massilia : xxxi, 106, no. 

Python-myth : 38 17. 

q written for qu : XXXIII 161. 

qoi : ib. 154. 

qu + o, Latin : XL 104 f. 

qua . . . qua, in Livy : xxxni 58 f. 

Quadrisyllabic metrical groups : xxxvm 65, 71 ff. 

Quantity, obscured in late Latin : XXXI 16 ; affecting accent : XXXV 70 : rhyth- 
mical modification : xxxvm 59 ff, 64 f. 

quantum . . . tantum, in Livy : XXXIII 75 f. 

quatere, for cpd. : XXXI 217. 

qtiemadmodum . . . ita (sic), in Livy : XXXIII 73. 

Questions with /x,^ : 32 43 ff. 

qui, in wishes : XXXI 158. 

quidego, quidenim, etc. : XXXIV 84 f., 97. 

quinaria : xxxni 32. 

Quinquatrus, etym. of : xxxii 116 f. 

Quintilian, his message to teachers of to-day : 39 15 ff. ; on Latin accent : xxxv 
70, 72 ; orthography : XL 99 f., 105 ; on the metres of Ter. : 34 48 ff.; on 
later comic stage : 40 21 f.; style of : xxxvi 49 f.; 39 is. 

Quod iussu : 32 3. 

(^/tfd'-clauses : v. Subjunctive. 

r, confused with c : xxxi 183 ; vowel, in English : 35 so ff. 

Rain-chariot : xxxii 95. 

Rain-gods and Rain-charms : ib. 83 ff. 

Rdmdyana, some verb-forms in : 34 40 f. 

rarenter : XXXII 120. 

redimitus : xxxvn 21. 

Reduplicated aor. opt. : ib. 65. 

Reed, some uses of the : XXXIX 35 ff.; in medicine : ib. 38 ff. 

Reflexive, in Latin, position of : xxxni 162. 

regere, for cpd. : xxxi 217 ff. 

religio, history of the word in the Middle Ages : 33 101. 

Religion, Oriental, various cults in Gaul and Germany : XXXVIII 109 ff. ; Greek, 
Homeric, study of : 36 48 f. ; definition of, ace. to Plato's Euthy. : XXXI 
172 ff . ; temples, restricted access to : XL 83 ff.; Greek and Roman, ston- 
ing as related to : xxxvm n, 15 ff. ; house-door : 40 66 ff.; paganism, 
last phases of: ib. 85 ff.; Epicurean : XXXIX 73 ff. ; early Roman, abstracts 
in : 36 34 f. ; Caesar cult : 40 17 f., 39 f. 

Repetition in Shakespeare : 31 43 ff. 

Rhotacism, Latin, time of: xxxni 160. 

Index of Subjects 39 

Rhythm, and poetry : 34 87 f ; Greek : 33 53 ff. : xxxvin 58 ff., 68, 74, 76 ff. ; 
ascending and descending : ib. 61, 69 f., 81 ; Latin, marked by word-accent : 
xxxiv 27, 32 ; rhythmic alternation : 38 15 ff. ; stresses in : 39 21 ff. ; Roman 
and later poetry : 40 29 ff. 

Riddles in Lithuanian : XXXI 193. 

Rime, Latin : XL 32 ff., 41 f., 44 ; mod. Eng. and Germ. : 33 102. 

Roads, Roman: XXXIX 15 ff. ; in Gaul: ib. 24 ff. ; Britain: ib. 28; Spain: ib. 
28 ff. ; Africa and the East : ib. 31 ff. ; Danube provinces: ib. 33 f. 

Roman history, early, credibility of: 32 si ff. 

Roman de Galeran : 36 61. 

Romance, Alcibiades : xxxvn 26 ff. 

Romans, characteristics of the: 37 22 ; women, costume of: 40 101 f. 

Romans iii, 25 : 40 102 f. 

Rome, building-guilds at: xxxv 18 f. ; race mixture in early: XL 63 ff. ; water 
supply of: xxxin 30 ff. 

Root vowels, Aryan : 40 eo ff. 

rosca, Spanish, etym. of: 35 90. 

rossignol, rossignuolo : XXXVin 31 f. 

Rousselot's phonetic synthesis : 34 23. 

ruche, etym. of: 35 90. 

ructare, for cpd. : XXXI 219. 

rumpere, for cpd. : ib. 207. 

Runes: xxxix 105 ff.; on Franks casket: xxxn 186 ff. ; syllabic system: 39 54. 

Runic alphabets: XXXI 183. 

ruscinia : xxxvm 31 ff. 

ruscus : ib. 32, 37, 39. 

Rutilius Namatianus, satire in : 39 36 f. 

s, apocope of, in Lucr. : 34 65 f. 

Sabellic, Old : 39 64. 

Sabines : XL 63 ff. 

sacri, as a title : XXXVin 125. 

Salamis, battle of, Herod.'s account of: xxxin 127 ff. 

Salassian inscrr. : XL 75. 

Salian Hymn: xxxi 182 ff. 

(TaAioifyKO, : XL 73 f. 

Sallust : indebted to Posidonius : xxxi 108 ; not a source of Tac. Germ. : ib. 
105 f. ; ellipsis in : XXXIV 8 f. ; Cat. 52, 32 : 35 86. 

saltern, etym. of: XXXII 118 ff. 

Sannazaro : 39 40. 

Sanskrit, and Siamese : xxxvni 20 ff. ; etym. of punya- : XL 23 ff. 

Sapphic, minor, ancient and modern views of: 36 49 ff.; in Hor., sound proper- 
ties of: XXXIII 38 ff. 

Sarapis, in Gaul and Germany: XXXVin 123 ff. 

Satalye (Attalia) : ib. 99 f. 

Satire, in Rutilius Namatianus : 39 35 f. 

Satura, dramatic: 31 50 ; Livy's account of: 34 67 f. ; 40 52 ff. 

Saturnian, evolution of: 40 29 ff. 

Sat(urnos} : XXXIII 150, 152. 

Satyrus, identification of the reciter from Eur. Bacch. with a flute-player on 
Samian inscnr. : XXXI 134 f. 

Scalacronica version of Havelok : 34 91 f. 

schenken : semasiology of: 33 87 f. 

Schiller, Greek elements in : 32 66. 

Scholia, Terence : 39 41 f. ; 40 72 f. 

Science and syntax, relative standards in : 39 so ff. 

scindere : xxxvn 8. 

Scourging to death, as the supplicium de more maiorurn : XXXIX 66 ff. 

scribere, for cpd. : XXXI 205, 207. 

Seasickness, references to, in ancient writers : 34 5. 

Seasons, worship of : xxxii 85 f. 

4O Index of Subjects 

secare, for cpd. : XXXI 207. 

sedego, sedenim : xxxiv 85, 97. 

Segolates, plural of, in Hebrew : 35 53 f. 

Semel insanivimus omnes : XL 165 f., 168, 170 f. 

Semele, inaccessible shrine at Thebes : ib. 88. 

Semitic, pleonastic formative elements in : 31 59. 

Seneca, indebted to Fosiclonius : XXXI 108 ; Nessus, the poison of, in: xxxm 18; 
style of: xxxvi 45 ff. ; Ep., abl. abs. in: 33 61 f. ; Med. 191, 194 if., 301 ft". : 
33 9 f. ; 378 ff. : ib. 7 f. ; 385 f., 390 f., 447, 566 f. : ib. 8 ff. 

Sense-epithets in poetry : 32 17 ff. 

Sense-pauses, in Hor.'s Sapphics : XXXin 42. 

Sentence structure, Latin, types of: xxxvi 32 ff. 

seorsum . . . seorsum, in Livy : xxxm 69. 

Septuagint, Oxford Concordance to : 35 87. 

sepultura = sepulcrum : 34 73 f. 

serius = necessarius : xxxvn 1 7. 

sesgo, Spanish, etym. of: 35 90. 

Settle, Dryden's quarrel with : 34 90. 

severus : xxxvn 16. 

Sextus Empiricus, indebted to Posidonius : XXXI 108. 

Shakespeare, prose scenes in: 32 47 ff. ; repetition in: 31 43; Love's Labour's 
Lost, IV, 2, 95 : XL 151 ; Tempest, I, I, 72: 40 76. 

Sheridan, Rivals, source of: 34 105 ff. 

Shoe, Roman, lunula on : 36 61 f. 

Shoshonean dialects, California : 37 48. 

si, correlatives of: ib. 49. 

^'-clauses, concessive, in Plaut. : 35 54. 

Siam, contact of, with India : XXXVIII 19 ff. 

Siamese, consonant shift in: ib. 19 ff. ; determinatives of direction in: 38 31 f. ; 
vocabulary: 35 80 ; 'tones,' graphical analysis of: 40 95 ff. ; vowels and 
diphthongs in : 34 71 f. 

sice a mors : 40 76 ff. 

Sigmatism in Horn. : 38 23 f. 

signare : 32 so. 

Simonides, in Sicily: ib. so. 

Simplex pro composito, in Juv. : XXXI 202 ff. 

simul . . . simul, in Livy : xxxm 59. 

Simulus, verses of: XL 185 ff. 

Simund de Freine : 33 90. 

Single combats in the Iliad : xxxi 83, 87. 

Sinope, ancient : 36 25 ff. 

Siren-mermaid : 38 21. 

sive . . . sive, in Livy : xxxm 57. 

skink, semasiology of: 33 87 f. 

ffKtjvr}, v /u.&rj7 Ty : XL 115 ff. 

0-K-rivTjs, M rijs: ib. 109 ff., 117. 

ffKipbs, (TK?pos : XXXVII 1 7. 

ffKoiretv, different tenses in sing, and plur. imv. : XXXII 71. 

*so (sam, sos, etc.) : xxxvi 204 ff. 

Socrates, his character, as sketched in Plato's Euthy. : xxxi 164 ff. ; his defence 
in Apol. compared with argument of Euthy. : ib. 170 ff. 

Socratic dialogues : xxxm 144 ff. ; as source for biography : ib. 147. 

solari, for cpd.: XXXI 219. 

Sophocles, and Aesch. : XL 97 f. ; and Eur. : ib. no, 115; scenic background: 
ib. no; time element in: xxxvn 44, 50; TO 5^: XXXIX 127 f . ; Aj., 1st, 
antistr. of: 38 19; 1 86: 35 4 ff. ; EL and Eur. EL : XL no, 115; Ant., 
parodos of: 35 65 ff. ; Oed. R., plot of: 39 28; 54: 32 28; Philoct. and 
Aesch. Prom. : XXXIII 5 f. ; parallels to Aj. and Track. : ib. 6 ; Track, and 
Eur. Ale. : ib. 5 ff. ; Cic. trans, from : ib. 21 ff. ; and Eur. Med. : ib. 1 5 ff. 

sorbere, for cpd. : XXXI 203. 

Index of Subjects 41 

soror, Labeo's deriv. from seorsum : XXXII 1 14. 

spargere, for cpd. : xxxi 219 ff. 

Sparta, nauarchs of: XXXIV 33 ff. 

spec-tare, for cpcl. : XXXI 207. 

Speeches of ancient historians, incongruities in : 34 48 ff. 

Spenser, Shepheards Calender, imitations of Mantuan : XL 173 f. 

spernari, for cpd. : XXXI 208. 

Standards, relative, in science and syntax : 39 so ff. 

stare, meaning of: xxxm 167 ; for cpd.: XXXI 208, 220. 

Statius, rime in : XL 42 ; infin. in : 33 73. 

stercus : XXX vn 18. 

stillare, for cpd. : XXXI 220. 

Stipulation, clauses for, in Latin : XXXI 223 ff. 

Stoning, among the Greeks and Romans : XXXVIII 5 ff. ; penalty for treason, 
cowardice, etc. : ib. 6 ff.; for murder, impiety, etc.: ib. 10 ff. ; due to pri- 
vate hatred, etc. : ib. 13 ff. ; ceremonial instances: ib. 15 ff. 

Strabo, indebted to Posidonius : XXXI 106, 108 ; not a source of Tac. Germ. : ib. 

Strategy, lacking in the Iliad: XXXI 83. 

Stress, in Latin speech and rhythm : 39 21 ff. 

stringer e : xxxvn 18. 

sir uere, for cpd. : XXXI 205. 

a-Tpv<f>v6s : xxxvn 1 8. 

studere, etym. of: 31 24. 

Style, in relation to sentence structure, in Latin : xxxvi 32 ff. 

Subjunctive, meaning of: 32 89 ff. ; conflicting terminology (I.-E. languages'): 
40 40 ff. ; Greek, conditions: XXXIII 105 ft., 115 ; Latin, meaning of: 39 31 ; 
categories of: ib. ; conflicting terminology of: 40 40 ff. ; imp. and pluperf. 
in Cic. : 31 59; of 'contingent futurity': xxxi 139; with forsitan : XXXII 
205 ff. (supposed potential use of the perf. wanting: ib. 215 ff.) ; 'ideal 
certainty': XXXI 139; indef. 2d sing., as mood of statement : 3527; inde- 
pendent, in Cic. Ep. : 32 4 ; obligation or propriety: XXXI 148 ; 32 5 ; poten- 
tial: XXXI 138 ff. ; 31 63 ff. ; xxxn 215 ff. ; 32 m ff. ; restrictive, ^#0</-clauses : 
3555; stipulative: XXXI 223 ff. ; of will: ib. 187. 

Subordinate clauses, in complemental statements, in Livy: xxxm 76 ff. 

Substantives, Latin, from adjj. : XXXI 5 ff. ; list of omitted substt. : ib. 1 6 ff. ; 
from geograph. adjj. : ib. 24 ff. ; English, from adjj. : ib. 7 ff. 

Substitution, metrical : xxxvm 6 1 ff. 

Sudermann's dramatic development : 33 103 f. 

Suetonius, Mss of: 32 26 ff. 

Suicide, the Greeks and : 38 22 f. 

Suidas : ib. 14. 

sulcus : xxxvn 7. 

Sun-myths in Lithuanian : xxxi 189 ff. 

Suppletivwesen, in Latin, 35 37 ff. 

Supplication, gesture of, in Horn. : 32 115. 

Supplicium de more maiorum : XXXix 49 ff. 

suspender e : ib. 52 ff , 59 f. 

SUMS, in Lex lul. Mun. : XL 99 f. 

Swallow, the : XXXVin 33. 

Syllables, in Greek and Latin poetry, form of: 31 14 ; division of: ib. 61 ff. ; Latin, 
shortening of (early Latin), due to word-accent : 34 61 ; to analogy : ib. 75 ; 
of diminishing value : xxxvi 164 ff. ; repeated, in Prop. : XL 49 f. 

Synapheia, in Lesbian poets, Hor., and Roman tragedy: 32 9 ff. 

Syncopation, metrical and musical : xxxvm 87 f. 

Syncope, pretonic : xxxvi 186 ff. 

Synizesis, in Plaut. : ib. 158 ff. ; later: ib. 199 ff. 

Synonyms, reduction in the number of: 39 53. 

Syntax, standards in: ib. so ff. ; comparative: XXXI 146 ff. ; conflicting termi- 
nology in : 40 40 ff. ; German : 32 so f. 

42 Index of Subjects 

t, weak voiceless, in Latin : xxxm 1 54. 

Tables, XII: 32 3 f. 

Tabula smaragdina, of Hermes Trismegistos : xxxv 154. 

Tacitus, and Verg. : xxxi 99 ; style of: xxxvi 41 ff. ; impressionism in : xxxiv 
7, 12, 19, 21 tf. ; subjectivity of: ib. 7, 24; ellipsis in: ib. 5 ff. ; Agr. 10, 6: 
32 79 f. ; 12, 4 : 40 49 ff. ; 31, 5 : 33 49 ff. ; Germ., sources of the : XXXI 93 ff. ; 
Hist. II, 40 : 40 64 f. 

Talent and teaching, history of the antithesis: XL 187 ff. 

tarn . . . quarn, in Livy : xxxm 74 f. 

tanti . . . ut (ne) : XXXI 244 ff. 

Tarpeia, grave of, and the Rock : 33 58. 

taurpbolium: xxxvin 129 ff. 

Texnrcu, Athenian guild of: XXXI 118 ff., 126. 

Temples, Greek, restrictions on access to : XL 83 ff. 

tendere, for cpd. : xxxi 208. 

tenere, for cpd. : ib. 208, 220. 

Te(n}sia: xxxm 158 f. 

Tennyson, classical influence on : 40 22 ff. 

-reo, verbal in, in Polyb. : 38 13 ff. 

Terence, his lack of vis : 32 39 ff. ; influence of, on English comedy : 37 os f. ; 
travel in: 3647; time element in: xxxvii 51; new text tradition : xxxvi 157; 
early mediaeval commentaries : 39 41 ff. ; 40 72 f. ; order of the plays : xxxvi 
151 f . ; metres of, Quintilian on: 34 48 ff. ; hiatus in: q. v. ; pause-elision 
in: q.v. ; monosyllables in, accent and quantity of: xxxiv 60 ff. ; gemina- 
tion in : 36 44 ; pres. ptcp. in : 40 19 f. ; prohibitive in : 32 85 ff . ; didascaliae, 
Donatus' version of: xxxvi 125 ff. ; Ad., notes on: 36 46 f. 

Tetrameter, prosodiac : 34 51 ff. 

Teutonic Order : xxxvin 101 f. 

Thasos, revolutions in : xxxiv, 35, 37 f. 

Theatre, Greek, <ytit\vi] : XL 109 ff. ; Roman, as a factor in politics : xxxvm 49 ff. 

Themistocles, at Salamis: xxxm 130, 134. 

Theocritus, life and poetry of: xxxvn 135 ff. ; friends of: ib. 139 ff. ; and Ara- 
tus: 36 65 ; modern echoes of: 39 40 ; Daphnis-story in: 38 39 ; Id. 7, date 
of: XXXVII 141 ff., 150. 

Theology, Epicurean : xxxix 73 ff. ; Polyb.'s : 39 13. 

Theopompos : xxxm 140 f., 143, 149. 

Oewpla, 6ewp6s: XXXII 196 ff. 

Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, proposed supplement : 35 22 ff. 

Thetis : XL 90. 

Thraco-Phrygian language : 35 so f. 

Thrason, citharode at Delos, identified with a musician in Delphic decree : 
xxxi 121. 

Three-eight time, in logaoedic : 40 57 ff. 

Thucydides, character drawing in : 34 10 ff. ; epic usage in, directly : xxxi 70 ff. ; 
indirectly, through tragedy, Herod., or lyric : ib. 76 ff. ; irtp in : 32 135 f. ; 
rb 6t in: XXXIX 125 ff. ; brief notes: 32 79 ; 37 so f. 

0v<rLa, appropriations for : XXXII 76 ff. ; amount : ib. 80. 

fi and n, confused in writing: xxxi 184 f. 

Tibullus, birth, year of: 32 137 f . ; as a poet of nature: 31 34 ; rime in: XL 41. 

Tigillum Sororium : XXXI 187. 

Time, treatment of, in Aen. : 40 26 f. 

Time element, in the Greek drama : xxxvii 39 ff. 

Time relations, errors in : 36 33 f. 

Timokles, Delos, date of: xxxn 130 ff. 

to- (Eng.), 'apart': xxxvn 8. 

r6 5<? = ' whereas ' : xxxix 121 ff. 

Tolstoi, literary technique in The Cossacks : 39 57 f. 

'Tones,' in Siamese, graphical analysis of: 40 95 ff. 

r6vo<s, 'musical mode,' ' melody ' : XXXV 53, 56, 64. 

torquere, for cpd. : XXXI 220. 

Index of Subjects 43 

Toth, and Hermes Trismegistos : xxxv 152 f. 

Toxaris : XXXIX 45 ff. 

Tragedy, Greek, costume : 37 40 ; idle actor in : ib. ; French classic, mise en 

scene in : 36 53. 

trahere : xxxvn 10 ; for cpd. : xxxi 209, 221. 
Trajan, arch of, at Beneventum : xxxn 43 ff. ; 35 14 ff . 
Tramissene : xxxvin 92 ff. 
Transitive and intrans., in German : 32 so f. 
Tribes, at Rome (three) : XL 64 f. 
Tribrach words, in Latin verse, accent of: xxxiv 64 ff. 
trigon : xxxvn 123 ff. 
Trisagion : XXXIII 82 ff. 

Trochee, initial, followed by dactyl, in Greek lyrics : xxxix 5 ff. 
rpo06s, as a character in Euripides: XXXIII 17. 
Troy, siege of: xxxi 91. 
Turfan Mss : 39 45 f. 
turn . . . turn, in Livy : xxxm 66. 
turbare, for cpd.; XXXI 209. 
Types, English, new : xxxiv 104 f. 
lost in -mio-\ XXXIII 162. 
far Zetfs : XXXII 84. 
ueis, written uois : XXXIII 155. 
Wrtos : v. Zeus. 
ungiii, de tenero : 34 55 ff. 
Uniformity, in phonetic change : XXXII 5 ff. 
Unity, of time : xxxvn 39 ff. 
unus, in pause-elision : ib. 161, 163. 
uo, two vowels in verse?: XXXI 187. 
uo > itu, Latin : XL 99. 
Upanishad, Kena, emendation in : 32 76, 78. 
VTroxupciv, meaning of : XL 93, 98. 

ut, following a demonstrative, in Livy : xxxm 77 ff.; in wishes : xxxi 158. 
ut . . . ita (sic), in Livy : XXXIII 72. 
ut (sicuf) . . . quoqne, in Livy : ib. 74. 
ut . . . tamquam, in Livy : ib. 73. 
utinam, construction with : xxxi 158. 
utrimque . . . utrimque, in Livy : xxxm 69. 
v, pronunciation of, Latin : 40 78 ff. 
Vari, cave at, and Plato's simile : 35 22. 
Varro, indebted to Posidonius : xxxi 108 ; source of Pliny Sr. : ib. 44 ; Mss of : 

ib. 182 ff.; L.L. v, 3: 33 64. 
Vaticanum : XXXVin 116, 131 f. 
Veda, dimin. suffix -ka in : 40 28 f.; Atharva-, emendation in : 32 78 ; Rig-, 

notes and emendations : ib. 
Vei(ovis) : xxxm 150, 152. 
vel . . . vel, in Livy: ib. 57. 
velim (/), in Cic. Ep.: 32 4. 
velut . . . ita (sic), in Livy : xxxm 73- 
Velleius Paterculus, not a source for Tac. Germ.: xxxi 97. 
Venetic language : 35 32 ; 39 54. 
Venice Preserved : 40 103 f. 
venire, for cpd. : XXXI 221. 

Verb, Skt., forms in the Rdmdyana : 34 40 f . ; Latin, simplex pro composite, in 
Juv. : xxxi 202 ff.; in pause-elision : xxxvn 156. 

German, omission of auxiliary : 34 95 f. ; trans, and intrans. : 32 50 f. 

Hupa ("California), structure of, in : ib. 98 f. 
Verbal in -reo, in Polyb. : xxxvin 13 f. 
verber, verbum : XL 105 ff. 

Vergil, general estimate of : 38 34 ff.; indebted to Nicander : 33 96 ff.; to Posi- 
donius : XXXI 108 ; influence of art on : 35 69 ; influence on style of Tac.: 

44 Index of Subjects 

XXXI 99, XXXIV 10 f. ; wind-names in : 35 97 ; pause-elision in : xxxvi 

83 ff.; xxxvn 198; rime in : XL 42 ; ellipses in : xxxiv 10 f.; m'-clauses 
in : 38 40 ; Ed. 4 : ib. 32 ; 40 97 ; Georg. and the British poets : 37 25 ff. ; 
Aen., treatment of time in : 40 26 f. ; prooem. to : 34 32 f.; I, 249 : 35 96 f. ; 
198: 3886; 469 ff.: ib.; n, lySf. : ib. 36 f.; 559 ff.: 3657ff. ; 738 ff. 13837; 
IV, character of Aeneas in : 37 46 ; V, 291 ff. : 32 so ; 560 ff., 580 ff. : 38 37 f.; 
VI, 85 1 ff. : ib. 38 ; Ciris .'36 52. 

verna : XL 105 ff. 

verod: xxxi 184. 

Verse-ictus: v. Ictus. 

Verses, hidden, in Livy : xxxix 89 ff. ; in Tac. : 40 so. 

verier e, for cpd. : xxxi 209. 

vertex < vortex : XL 105. 

vicissi m < vicis : xxxvn 15 f. 

Victorius, and cod. T of Aristoph. : XXXVII 199 ff., 214 ff. 

videre, for cpd. : xxxi 204. 

Villehardouin, abstract thought in : 40 98 f. 

Virama, in runes : 39 54. 

virtu and virtus : ib. 43 ff. 

Vital statistics, periodicity of: 31 20. 

Vitruvius, and Lucr. : 35 16 ff. 

Vocabulary, French, analytical precision in : 39 53. 

Vocative, in pause-elision: xxxvn 155. 

volvere, for cpd. : xxxi 221. 

vorro, vorto, vaster, voto, Voturius : XL 105 ff. 

Vowels, Egyptian, in writing : 32 139 ; Greek, correption of, in hiatus : 35 92 ; 
Latin, repeated in Prop.: XL 42 ff., 6 1 ; English, coronal: 35 so ff. ; dura- 
tion in monosyllables : ib. 90 f. 

Wakefield, master playwright of: 35 89. 

Water deities, nymphs as : 34 6 ff. 

Water supply of ancient Rome : xxxm 30 ff. 

Winds, prayers to : xxxn 91. 

Women, education of, XlVth century treatises on : 38 33. 

Word, echoed, in Prop. : XL 51 ff., 62. 

Word-accent : v. Accent. 

Word-division, in Latin : XXXIV 97 ff. 

Word-order: v. Order. 

Worship and prayer, Epicurean : XXXIX 73 ff. 

Xenocrates, used by Plin. Sr. : XXX I 44. 

Xenophon, irtp in : 32 135 f. ; Anab., poetical words in : 33 34 ff. ; Hell. I, chro- 
nology of: xxxiv 33 ff.; topical method in : ib. 35, 37 ; II, 1, 1-4, interpr. of : 
xxxix 35 ff. 

Xerxes and Salamis: xxxm 127 ff. 

Yokuts, Indian language : 36 59 f. 

Yonec, sources of the lay of: 35 94. 

z, confused with c: xxxi 183. 

Zabulon < diabolus : XXXV 156. 

zer- (Germ.) : xxxvn 8. 

Zero-stress, in Latin : 39 21 ff. 

Zeus, ciTrT^tos, d$6rios : XXXII 84, 85, 89 ; B?}Xos, temple of: 32 96 f. ; access to 
do. : XL 85 ; Ppovr&v : xxxn 88 ; Cretan : XL 85 ; 'EXXiji/tos : xxxu 84 ; 
iKfjLOiOS : ib. 90 ; Karat/Sdr^s : XL 85 ; Atf/ccuos : XXXII 94 ; XL 85 ; O\v/j.- 
Trtos : ib. ; 6/i/3ptos : XXXII 84 ff., 89 ; IlaveXX^i'tos : ib. 84, 90 ; Wrtos : ib. 

84 ff., 89 ; as the air : 33 65 f. ; as the heaven : 32 140 ff. ; 33 65 ; as light- 
ning : ib. 66 f. ; as the sun : ib. 66 ; as the universe : ib. 67. 

Zorrilla : 37 42. 




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